觀無量壽經義疏 1.3
觀無量壽經義疏 1.3
- Language
- Classical Chinese
1.3.1
此經始終,文別有三,謂序、正、流通。 從初乃至「世尊何緣與提婆達為眷屬」來,是其由序。 「唯願為我說無憂」下,是其正宗。 「阿難白佛言當何名此經」下,是其流通。 化必有由,故先明序。 由序既興,正陳所說,故次明正宗。 為說既周,欲以所說傳布末代,嘆勝勸學付傳於後,故明流通。 就初序中,文別雖眾,義要唯二:一、發起序; 二、證信序。 言發起者,佛將說經先託時處,神力集眾起發所說,名為發起。 以此發起與說經為由,名發起序。 證信序者,阿難稟承欲傳末代,先對眾生言如是法我從佛聞,證成可信,名為證信。 以此證信與傳經為由,名證信序。 其義且然,文別如何? 初「如是我聞」,一向證信。 「一時佛」下,義有兩兼,取其本事發起之義,判為發起; 阿難引來證成可信,名為證信。 義既兩兼,不可偏取,人情是非備如常辨。 就初一向證信序中,三門辨釋:一、解如是我聞之言有之所由; 二、明立意; 三、釋如是我聞之言。 言所由者,何緣經首得有如是我聞之言? 以佛教故。 佛何故教? 阿難請故。 彼何緣請? 由其阿泥樓馱教故。 彼何緣教? 由見阿難心憂惱故。 阿難比丘何故憂惱? 由見如來般涅槃故。 佛將滅度,在雙林間北首而臥,是時阿難以佛將滅,心懷憂惱莫能自勝。 阿泥樓馱遂開覺阿難:「汝傳法人,何不請佛未來世事,徒悲何益? 」阿難對曰:「我今心沒憂海,知何所問? 」阿泥樓馱遂教阿難請問四事:一問佛滅度後諸比丘等以何為師; 二問佛滅後諸比丘等依何而住; 三問惡性比丘云何共住; 四問一切經首當置何字。 阿難被教心少醒悟,遂便請佛。 佛依答之,言諸比丘何為師者,當依波羅提木叉為師,若我住世無異於此。 木叉是戒,比丘所學,故說為師。 言諸比丘依何住者,當依四念處住。 何謂四念處? 謂比丘觀內身修身觀,精懃一心,除世貪愛,如是觀外身、內外身,受、心、法亦如是,是謂比丘所依住處。 故經說言「若住四念,名自境界,不為魔縛。 若住五欲,名他境界,為魔所縛。 」惡性比丘云何共居者,梵檀治之。 若心調伏,為說離有無經。 梵檀胡言,此方名為默不共語。 一切經首置何字者,當置「如是我聞」等言。 故今經首同有如是我聞之言。 第二、次明建立如是我聞之意。 佛本何緣教置此言? 為生物信。 如是之言,云何生信? 阿難自已信順佛語、導佛語如,言佛語是,令他眾生同己生信。 我聞之言,云何生信? 阿難自是不足人,若言此法是己所說,人多不信。 由言此法從佛聞故,人皆同信。 生信如是。 信有何義而為生乎? 信乃是入法初門、攝法上首,凡入佛法要先起信。 故經論中說信為手,如人有手,至珍寶所隨意採取。 若當無手,空無所獲。 信亦如是。 入佛法者有信心手,隨意採取道法之寶。 若當無信,空無所得。 故為生之。 第三門中,次釋如是我聞之言。 先解「如是」,人解多種,今正論之,解有兩義:一、約法解; 二、約人解。 言約法者,阿難噵佛言如諸法,故名為如。 如來所說皆稱前法,說理如理、說事如事,說因如因、說果如果,如是一切,故名為如。 如法之言,是當道理,目之為是,良以乖法名為非故,如法名是。 言約人者,今釋迦說,如於過去一切佛說,故名為如。 異說則非,如說者是,故曰如是。 言「我聞」者,阿難對彼未來眾生陳已飡說,故曰我聞。 聞實是耳,何故言我? 諸根之別皆我用具,就主彰名故言我聞。 問曰:法中無人,何處有主,而言就主說為我聞? 釋言:法中雖無定主,非無假名統御之義,故得稱我。 故《涅槃》云「譬如四兵合以為軍。 雖無定主,亦得稱言我軍勇健勝彼。 」此亦同然。 問曰:阿難得理聖人,以何義故同凡說我? 釋言:阿難雖復說我,不同凡夫。
From beginning to end, the text of this sūtra has three divisions: the preface, the main body, and the propagation. From the beginning down to 'For what reason, World-Honoured One, are you related to Devadatta?' is its preface. From 'I only pray that you will explain to me a place free of sorrow' onward is its main body. From 'Ānanda said to the Buddha, "What should this sūtra be named?"' onward is its propagation. Transforming [beings] must have an origin; therefore the preface is explained first. Once the preface has arisen, what is taught is properly set forth; therefore the main body is explained next. The teaching having been completely given, wishing to spread what has been taught to future generations, praising its excellence, encouraging study, and entrusting it to those who come after; therefore the propagation is explained. Within the initial preface, although the textual divisions are many, the essential meanings are only two: first, the initiating preface; second, the faith-confirming preface. As for the 'initiating': when the Buddha is about to teach a sūtra, he first relies on a time and place, and by his spiritual power gathers the assembly to initiate what is to be taught; this is called 'initiating'. Because this initiation serves as the occasion for teaching the sūtra, it is called the initiating preface. As for the 'faith-confirming preface': Ānanda, having received [the teaching] and wishing to transmit it to future generations, first says to sentient beings, 'Such a Dharma I heard from the Buddha,' confirming that it is worthy of trust; this is called 'confirming faith'. Because this confirmation of faith serves as the basis for transmitting the sūtra, it is called the faith-confirming preface. The meaning being so, how are the textual divisions [arranged]? The opening words, 'Thus have I heard', belong purely to confirming faith. From 'At one time the Buddha' onward, the meaning is twofold: taking the meaning of the original event's initiation, it is judged to be initiating; as Ānanda cites it to confirm that it is worthy of trust, it is called confirming faith. Since the meaning is twofold, it cannot be taken one-sidedly; people's views on what is right and wrong are thoroughly discussed as usual. Within the first, purely faith-confirming preface, it is explained through three gates: first, explaining the reasons why the words 'Thus have I heard' exist; second, clarifying the intention behind establishing them; third, explaining the words 'Thus have I heard'. Regarding the reasons: for what reason does the beginning of a sūtra come to have the words 'Thus have I heard'? Because of the Buddha's instruction. Why did the Buddha give this instruction? Because Ānanda requested it. On what account did he make the request? Because Aniruddha instructed him to do so. On what account did he give this instruction? Because he saw that Ānanda's mind was distressed and grieved. Why was the monk Ānanda distressed and grieved? Because he saw the Tathāgata enter parinirvāṇa. When the Buddha was about to pass into extinction, lying with his head to the north between the twin trees, at that time Ānanda, because the Buddha was about to pass into extinction, harboured distress and grief in his mind and could not contain himself. Aniruddha then enlightened Ānanda: 'You are the transmitter of the Dharma; why do you not question the Buddha about affairs of future generations? What benefit is there in grieving in vain?' Ānanda replied, 'My mind is now sunken in an ocean of grief; what should I know to ask?' Aniruddha then instructed Ānanda to inquire about four matters: first, to ask who the monks and others should take as their teacher after the Buddha's extinction; second, to ask upon what the monks and others should rely and abide after the Buddha's extinction; third, to ask how to live together with monks of bad character; fourth, to ask what words should be placed at the beginning of all sūtras. Having been instructed, Ānanda's mind awakened somewhat, and he then questioned the Buddha. The Buddha answered him accordingly. As for what the monks should take as their teacher: they should rely on the prātimokṣa as their teacher; if I were abiding in the world, it would be no different from this. Mokṣa is the precepts, that which monks study; therefore it is said to be the teacher. As for what the monks should rely upon and abide in: they should rely upon the four applications of mindfulness and abide there. What are called the four applications of mindfulness? Namely, a monk contemplates the internal body and cultivates contemplation of the body, diligently and single-mindedly removing worldly greed and craving; in this way he contemplates the external body and the internal-and-external body; feelings, mind, and dharmas are also like this. These are called the places where monks rely and abide. Therefore a sūtra says: 'If one abides in the four applications of mindfulness, this is called one's own domain, and one is not bound by Māra. If one abides in the five desires, this is called the domain of others, and one is bound by Māra.' As for how to live together with monks of bad character: punish them with brahmadanda. If their minds are tamed, preach the sūtra on leaving existence and non-existence to them. 'Brahmadanda' is a foreign word; in this land it is called remaining silent and not speaking with them. As for what words should be placed at the beginning of all sūtras: one should place words such as 'Thus have I heard'. Therefore, the beginning of this present sūtra likewise has the words 'Thus have I heard'. Second, next clarifying the intention behind establishing 'Thus have I heard': For what reason did the Buddha originally instruct that these words be placed [there]? In order to generate faith in beings. How do the words 'Thus' generate faith? Ānanda himself had faith in and conformed to the Buddha's words, declaring the Buddha's words to be 'as [things are]' and saying the Buddha's words are 'right', causing other sentient beings to generate faith together with him. How do the words 'have I heard' generate faith? Ānanda himself was an incomplete person; if he said that this Dharma was taught by himself, many people would not believe it. Because he said that this Dharma was heard from the Buddha, all people together believe it. In this way it generates faith. What significance does faith have that it should be generated? Faith is the initial gate for entering the Dharma, the foremost head for gathering the Dharma; whenever one enters the Buddha's Dharma, one must first give rise to faith. Therefore the sūtras and treatises say that faith is like a hand: just as a person with hands who arrives at a place of precious jewels can gather them as he pleases, whereas if he has no hands he comes away empty and gains nothing, faith is also like this. One who enters the Buddha's Dharma has the hand of faith and gathers the jewels of the noble Dharma as he pleases. If one has no faith, one comes away empty and gains nothing. Therefore it is generated. In the third gate, next explaining the words 'Thus have I heard': First, explaining 'Thus' (rushi): people explain it in many ways. Discussing it correctly now, the explanation has two meanings: first, explaining it in terms of dharmas; second, explaining it in terms of persons. Regarding 'in terms of dharmas': Ānanda declared the Buddha's words to be as (ru) all dharmas; hence it is called 'as' (ru). What the Tathāgata taught all corresponds to the preceding dharmas: when teaching principle, it is as principle; when teaching phenomena, it is as phenomena; when teaching causes, it is as causes; when teaching effects, it is as effects; everything is like this, and hence it is called 'as' (ru). Words that accord with dharmas are fitting to principle; this is termed 'right' (shi). For truly, diverging from dharmas is called wrong; according with dharmas is called 'right' (shi). Regarding 'in terms of persons': what Śākyamuni now teaches is just as (ru) all Buddhas of the past have taught; hence it is called 'as' (ru). Divergent teachings are wrong, but teachings that are 'as' [the past Buddhas'] are right (shi); therefore it is said to be 'thus' (rushi). Regarding 'have I heard': Ānanda, facing those future sentient beings, sets forth what he himself received and was taught; therefore he says 'have I heard'. Hearing is truly the ear; why say 'I'? The various distinct sense faculties are all instruments used by the self; naming it after the master, he therefore says 'have I heard'. Question: In dharmas there is no person; where is there a master, such that you say he speaks of 'have I heard' after the master? Explanation: Although in dharmas there is no fixed master, it is not without the nominal sense of governance and control; therefore one can say 'I'. Thus the Nirvāṇa[-sūtra] says: 'For example, the four divisions of an army unite to make an army. Although there is no fixed master, one can also say, "Our army is valiant and surpasses the other."' This is also like that. Question: Ānanda is a noble one who has attained the principle; for what reason does he speak of 'I' in common with ordinary people? Explanation: Although Ānanda indeed speaks of 'I', it is not the same as ordinary people.
1.3.2
云何不同? 如龍樹釋說我有三:一、見心說我,謂諸凡夫見使未忘,我見心中稱說有我。 二、慢心說我,謂諸學人見使雖除,慢使猶在,我慢心中稱說有我。 三、隨世流布宣說有我,謂無學人見慢已除,隨世流布宣說其我。 然今阿難結集法時,身居無學,見慢已除,隨世流布宣說其我,故不同凡。 問曰:無我道理精勝,阿難今者何不就勝宣說無我,乃隨世俗宣說我乎? 化我眾生,法須如是。 若不說我,何由可得標別彼此使人識知? 是故乃至諸佛化人亦自說我。 「一時」已下,義雖兩兼,對前一向證信序故,自下偏就發起以釋。 就中隨處開分為二,文別有五。 言處二者,一異處起化序。 佛在耆闍,玄起後時王宮之化。 二佛從耆闍崛山沒下身往攝化序。 此與《勝鬘》大況相似。 諸經之中此例非一。 文別五者,初言「一時」,明起化時。 第二明「佛」,標其化主。 三「在王舍」下,明起化處。 四「與大」下,辨列徒眾。 五「爾時王舍大城」已下,明起化事。 初一時者,有人異解,備如常破。 今正論之。 為化之晨目之為時。 於佛一代化時眾多,簡別餘時是故言一。 與《涅槃》中我於一時在迦尸國、我於一時在王舍城、我於一時在恒河岸、我於一時在尸首林,其言相似,勿得異釋。 佛如前解。 第三處中在王舍城,就寬通舉。 此城古昔多在王住,名王舍城。 耆闍崛山,隨處別指,此翻名為靈鷲山也。 多有仙靈居住此山,並有鷲鳥居在此,山名靈鷲山。 又亦翻名為鷲頭山,以諸鷲鳥居此山頂,名鷲頭山。 又此山頂像似鷲頭,名鷲頭山。 遊化處中目之為在,法身平等實無栖託,示化有方故云在耳。 以何義故偏在此處? 此義如彼《法華論》釋,為顯勝法故在斯耳。 以諸城中王舍最勝,五山之中耆闍最好,故寄表法。 第四眾中先列聲聞後彰菩薩,諸經多爾。 何故而然? 解有三義:一、近遠分別。 以諸聲聞常隨如來,故明佛後,隨近先列; 菩薩不爾,是故後論。 何故聲聞偏近如來? 解有兩義:一、謂諸聲聞智解微劣未閑道法,雖得聖果,進止威儀常須佛教,故多近佛,是故如來乃至雙林常為制戒,如《涅槃》中制諸聲聞不食肉等; 菩薩人深閑道法,不假佛教,故不近佛。 二、以聲聞現蒙佛度,越凡成聖荷恩深重,故常隨佛圍侍供養; 菩薩隨感遊化不定,故不近佛。 此是第一近遠分別。 二、形相分別。 聲聞之人威儀嚴整,世共尊敬,故列在前; 菩薩隨化形儀不定,故彰在後。 如經中說「文殊一夏三處安居,迦葉呵罰」即其事也。 三、就德分別。 如龍樹說教有二種:一祕密教。 菩薩德尊,理宜在先; 聲聞德劣,法須在後。 二、顯示教。 聲聞辟支同佛漏盡,故列在先; 菩薩之人隨化現凡,不斷諸漏。 若聞菩薩在羅漢上,人多驚怪,故列在後。 今依顯示,先列聲聞後彰菩薩。 聲聞眾中、初言「與」者、以身兼彼,稱之為與。 「大比丘」者,標列其眾。 大,外國名曰摩訶,此翻有三:一名為多,如多人聚名曰大眾; 二名為勝,勝過餘道; 三名為大,廣備高德。 「比丘」,胡語,此方義翻備含五義:一名怖魔。 將出家時令魔戰怯,故曰怖魔。 比丘出家,何豫魔事而生恐怖? 魔性姡弊,懼他勝己,故生怖畏。 又畏比丘化他同出,空其境界,是故恐怖。 如《涅槃》說。 此之一義,就初彰名。 二名乞士。 既出家已,無所貯畜,乞求自活,故名乞士。 三名淨名。 正命乞求,離邪命法,故曰淨命。 此二就其中間立稱。 四名淨持戒。 精進持戒,無有毀犯。 五名破惡。 以持戒故,破離諸惡。 此後兩義,據終為目。 非一稱「眾」。 言「千二百五十人」,俱列其數也。 此千二百五十比丘,諸經多列。 何故而然?
How are they not the same? As Nāgārjuna explains, there are three types of stating "I": First, stating "I" with a view-tainted mind, meaning ordinary people whose view-afflictions have not yet been abandoned, and who proclaim an "I" within a mind possessed of the view of self. Second, stating "I" with a proud mind, meaning trainees who, although they have eliminated view-afflictions, still retain the affliction of conceit, and proclaim an "I" within a mind of self-conceit. Third, stating "I" in conformity with worldly convention, meaning those beyond training whose views and conceits have already been eliminated, and who proclaim an "I" in conformity with worldly convention. Now, when Ānanda compiled the Dharma, he was established in the state beyond training, with views and conceit already eliminated, and proclaimed an "I" in conformity with worldly convention; therefore he was not like an ordinary person. Question: The principle of selflessness is refined and supreme; why does Ānanda not now base himself on what is supreme and proclaim selflessness, rather than conforming to the worldly to proclaim an "I"? [Answer:] To transform sentient beings who cling to a self, the teaching must be like this. If one did not say "I," how could one distinguish one from another and enable people to recognize them? For this reason, even the Buddhas, when transforming people, also speak of "I" themselves. From "at one time" onwards, although the meaning has a dual aspect, in contrast to the preceding strictly verifying-faith preface, from here down it is explained strictly in terms of the initiating preface. Within this, according to place, it is divided into two, with five distinct textual units. Speaking of the two places: first, the preface of initiating transformation from a different place: while the Buddha was at Gṛdhrakūṭa, he initiated in advance his later transformation in the royal palace. Second, the preface of the Buddha disappearing from Mount Gṛdhrakūṭa and descending in person to gather and transform [them]. This is broadly similar to the Śrīmālādevī-sūtra. Such instances are not unique among the sūtras. As for the five distinct textual units: first, stating "at one time" clarifies the time when the transformation was initiated. Second, clarifying "the Buddha" indicates the lord of the transformation. Third, from "in Rājagṛha" clarifies the place where the transformation was initiated. Fourth, from "together with a great" distinguishes and lists the assembly of followers. Fifth, from "at that time, in the great city of Rājagṛha" downwards clarifies the events initiating the transformation. Regarding the first, "at one time," there are divergent interpretations by others, all of which are refuted as usual. Now we discuss it correctly: the period of transformation is designated as "time." Among the Buddha's numerous times of transformation in a single lifetime, in order to differentiate it from other times, it therefore says "one." It is similar to the words in the Nirvāṇa[-sūtra], "At one time I was in Kāśi," "At one time I was in Rājagṛha," "At one time I was on the banks of the Ganges," and "At one time I was in the charnel ground"; one should not interpret it differently. "Buddha" is as explained before. In the third [unit], regarding the place, "in the city of Rājagṛha" is stated in a broad and general sense. In ancient times, kings frequently dwelt in this city, hence it is named the City of the Royal Residence (Rājagṛha). "Mount Gṛdhrakūṭa" points specifically to the particular place; here translated, it means Divine Vulture Mountain. Many immortals and spirits dwell on this mountain, and vulture birds also live on it, so the mountain is called Divine Vulture Mountain. It is also translated as Vulture Peak Mountain, because vultures dwell on the peak of this mountain, hence the name Vulture Peak Mountain. Moreover, the peak of this mountain resembles a vulture's head, hence the name Vulture Peak Mountain. Staying in the place of wandering and transforming is designated as "residing"; the Dharma body is impartial and truly has no fixed abode, but to show transformation appropriately in a specific place, it simply says "residing." For what reason was he in this specific place? This meaning is as explained in the Saddharmapuṇḍarīkopadeśa: it was to reveal the supreme Dharma that he resided here. Because among all cities Rājagṛha is the most supreme, and among the five mountains Gṛdhrakūṭa is the finest, it was used to signify the Dharma. In the fourth [unit], regarding the assembly, first the śrāvakas are listed and then the bodhisattvas are displayed; most sūtras are like this. Why is that? There are three meanings in explanation: First, distinguishing between near and far. Because all śrāvakas constantly follow the Tathāgata, they are clarified after the Buddha, listed first according to proximity; bodhisattvas are not like this, which is why they are discussed later. Why are śrāvakas especially close to the Tathāgata? There are two meanings in explanation: First, because the śrāvakas' wisdom and understanding are slight and inferior, and they are not yet thoroughly conversant with the Dharma of the Path, although they have attained the noble fruit, their deportment in moving and pausing constantly requires the Buddha's instruction; therefore they mostly stay close to the Buddha. For this reason, even up to the Twin Trees the Tathāgata constantly laid down precepts for them, as in the Nirvāṇa[-sūtra] where he prohibited the śrāvakas from eating meat, and so forth; whereas bodhisattvas are deeply conversant with the Dharma of the Path and do not rely on the Buddha's instruction, so they do not stay close to the Buddha. Second, because the śrāvakas are currently delivered by the Buddha, crossing beyond the ordinary to become noble ones and bearing deep gratitude, they constantly follow the Buddha to attend upon and make offerings to him; whereas bodhisattvas wander and transform in response to conditions without fixed abode, so they do not stay close to the Buddha. This is the first: distinguishing between near and far. Second, distinguishing by outer appearance. The śrāvakas' deportment is strict and orderly, revered by the world together, hence they are listed first; the bodhisattvas' appearance and conduct are not fixed as they respond to transformation, hence they are displayed after. As the sūtra says: "Mañjuśrī spent one summer retreat in three places, and Kāśyapa reprimanded and punished him"—this is just such an affair. Third, distinguishing in terms of virtue. As Nāgārjuna said, teachings are of two kinds: First, the esoteric teaching. The bodhisattvas' virtue is venerable, so in principle they should come first; the śrāvakas' virtue is inferior, so by rule they must come after. Second, the explicit teaching. The śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas are identical to the Buddha in the exhaustion of outflows, hence they are listed first; bodhisattvas manifest as ordinary beings in accordance with transformation and do not sever all outflows. If people heard that bodhisattvas were placed above arhats, many would be astonished and perplexed, hence they are listed after. Now, following the explicit teaching, the śrāvakas are listed first and the bodhisattvas are displayed after. In the śrāvaka assembly, first stating "with" (yu) means accompanying them in person, which is called "with." "Great bhikṣus" designates and lists their assembly. "Great" in foreign languages is mahā; this translation has three meanings: first, "numerous," as a gathering of many people is called a "great assembly"; second, "superior," excelling other paths; third, "great," being broadly endowed with lofty virtues. "Bhikṣu" is the foreign language; the semantic translation in this land fully contains five meanings: first, "terrifier of Māra": when on the verge of leaving home, he causes Māra to tremble in fear, hence called "terrifier of Māra." When a bhikṣu leaves home, why does it concern Māra's affairs so as to give rise to terror? Māra's nature is jealous and deceitful, fearing that others will surpass him, and therefore gives rise to fear. Moreover, he fears that the bhikṣu will transform others to leave home together with him and empty his realm; therefore he is terrified. As the Nirvāṇa[-sūtra] says. This single meaning is designated in terms of the initial stage. Second, he is called "mendicant." Having already left home, he stores nothing up and begs for food to sustain his life; therefore he is called a "mendicant." Third, he is called "one of pure livelihood." Begging with right livelihood and staying free from wrong livelihood, he is therefore called "pure livelihood." These two names are established in terms of the intermediate stage. Fourth, he is called "purely observing precepts." He vigorously observes precepts without any transgression. Fifth, he is called "destroyer of evil." Because he observes the precepts, he destroys and departs from all evils. These last two meanings are designated on the basis of the final stage. An assembly that is not singular is called a "multitude" (saṅgha). Saying "one thousand two hundred and fifty people" together lists their number. These one thousand two hundred and fifty bhikṣus are listed in most sūtras. Why is that?
1.3.3
佛初得道,先度迦葉兄弟三人并其徒眾合有一千,次第來至彼舍城中,度舍利弗及大目連并其徒眾二百五十,合為一千二百五十。 此等諸聖蒙佛先度,捨邪歸正荷佛恩重,常隨供養,故多列之。 下列菩薩。 言「菩薩」者,標其眾別。 外國正名菩提薩埵,翻者略之,直云菩薩。 此方翻之名道眾生,菩提名道、薩埵名眾生,良以此人內心求道而有道行,以道成人,名道眾生。 若爾,聲聞緣覺之人斯皆求道,同有道行並以道成,何故獨此偏名菩薩? 釋言:賢聖名有通別。 通則義齊,故《涅槃》云「乃至須陀亦名菩薩,求索盡智、無生智故。 亦名為佛,正覺共道不共道故。 乃至諸佛亦名須陀,修習無漏逆生死故。 」為分賢聖,是故獨此名為菩薩。 等分賢聖,何故獨此偏名菩薩? 解有三義:一、就願心望果分別。 唯此眾生期大菩提,餘悉不求,是故獨此名道眾生。 故《地論》言「上決定者願大菩提故,獨言菩薩故。 」義當斯耳。 二、就解心望理分別。 凡夫住有、二乘著無,有無乖中,不會中道,是故不得名道眾生。 菩薩不爾,妙捨有無、契會中道,是故其人名道眾生。 三、就行分別。 入佛法中凡有三門:一教、二義、三者是行。 教淺、義深,行為最勝。 聲聞軟根從教為名。 聲者是教,飡聲悟解,故號聲聞。 緣覺次勝,從義立目。 緣者是義,從緣悟解,故號緣覺。 菩薩最勝,就行立稱。 行謂自利利他之道,以能成就自利利他俱利之道,名道眾生。 故《地持》云「聲聞緣覺但能自度,菩薩不爾,自度度他,名為道勝。 」以道勝故,名道眾生。 三「萬二千」,辨其數也。 文殊上首列其名字,亦得名為簡勝異劣。 「文殊師利」,此云妙德。 自下第五、明起化事。 於中有二:一、明頻婆為子幽禁,如來遣人為之說法。 二、「時阿闍世問守門」下,明韋提希為子禁閉,如來自身往彼攝化。 以何義故前宜遣人後身自往? 釋言:前者頻婆沙羅宜願聞法,遣人傳授,為化義足,故身不往。 韋提夫人求生淨國,淨土之化非佛不開,故須身赴。 何故舉此惡逆之事而為起發? 為彰此界極惡可厭,令人棄背。 親王之子猶相危害,何況他人。 即欲使人同悕淨土。 故下韋提對佛說言「唯願為我說無憂處,我當往生。 不樂閻浮濁惡之世」,即其事也。 就初段中,文別有四:第一、明其頻婆沙羅為子幽禁。 二、「國大夫人名韋提」下,明其夫人密奉王食以濟王身。 三、「嗽口畢」下,聖為說法以潤王心。 四、「如是時間逕三七日」下,明王因食兼由聞法,多日不死。 初中「爾時王舍大城有太子名阿闍世」,舉禁父人。 言爾時者,當佛在於王舍城時。 王舍大城,出其處所。 有一太子,指斥其人。 名阿闍世,辨其名諱。 此方翻之名未生怨,未生之日,相師占之:「此兒生已,定當害父。 」因以立字名未生怨。 「隨順調達惡友之教」者,明禁父緣,事如經說。 提婆達多是佛堂弟、阿難親兄,出家之後修得五通,託阿闍世而為檀越。 又於一時往至佛所求索徒眾:「世尊年邁,眾宜付我。 我當教示。 」佛時呵曰:「舍利弗、目連神通大智,吾尚不以徒眾付之,況汝癡人食唾者乎! 」調達聞之遂生瞋怒。 往世王所,說彼世王初生之日被傷因緣,勸其害父自身為王,我殺瞿曇自己為佛。 新王新佛共匡世間,不亦樂乎。 世王因是生心害父。 故今說言隨順調達惡友之教也。 自下明禁父。 「收執父」等,禁閉其身。 「制諸群臣一不得往」,遮不見人。 頻婆娑羅往昔有何因,遭此危害? 如《涅槃》說「頻婆沙羅往昔為王,於毘富山遊行獵鹿,空無所獲。 值遇一仙,王便作念:『正坐此人。 』驅逐令去,遂勅殺之。 仙人臨終便發惡願:『願我來世,還如今日,心口害汝。 』彼仙今日阿闍世是。 勅害者頻婆王是。 」是故今時還為世王之所危害。
When the Buddha first attained the Way, he first delivered the three Kāśyapa brothers together with their disciples, one thousand in all. Gradually coming to that city of Rājagṛha, he delivered Śāriputra and Mahāmaudgalyāyana together with their disciples, two hundred and fifty, making a total of one thousand two hundred and fifty. These noble ones, having received deliverance first from the Buddha, abandoned the heterodox and returned to the orthodox, bearing deep gratitude for the Buddha's kindness, and constantly followed him to make offerings; therefore, they are often listed. Below, the bodhisattvas are listed. As for the term "bodhisattva," it designates the distinction among the assemblies. In the foreign language, the correct term is bodhisattva; translators abridge it, simply saying pusa (bodhisattva). In this land, it is translated as "Way sentient being." Bodhi means the Way, and sattva means sentient being. This is truly because this person internally seeks the Way and possesses the practice of the Way, becoming complete through the Way; hence they are called "Way sentient being." If so, the śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas also all seek the Way, equally possess the practice of the Way, and are likewise complete through the Way; why is this [title] uniquely and exclusively applied to the bodhisattva? It is explained: The names of the worthy and noble have both general and specific applications. In the general sense, the meanings are identical. Thus the Nirvāṇa[-sūtra] says: "Even a srotāpanna is also called a bodhisattva, because they seek the knowledge of exhaustion and the knowledge of non-arising. They are also called a buddha, because they share the correct awakening of the common path and the uncommon path. Even the buddhas are also called srotāpannas, because they cultivate the outflow-free and go against [the stream of] saṃsāra." To distinguish the worthy and the noble, therefore only these are called bodhisattvas. If they are equally divided among the worthy and noble, why is this [title] uniquely and exclusively applied to the bodhisattva? There are three explanations: First, distinguished in terms of the aspirational mind looking toward the fruit. Only these sentient beings resolve upon great bodhi, while the rest do not seek it; therefore, only these are called "Way sentient beings." Thus the Dilun says: "Because those of superior determination aspire to great bodhi, they alone are called bodhisattvas." The meaning corresponds to this. Second, distinguished in terms of the understanding mind looking toward the principle. Ordinary persons abide in existence, while the two vehicles cling to nonexistence; existence and nonexistence deviate from the middle and do not accord with the Middle Way; therefore, they cannot be called "Way sentient beings." Bodhisattvas are not so: they wondrously abandon existence and nonexistence and tally with the Middle Way; therefore, such a person is called a "Way sentient being." Third, distinguished in terms of practice. Entering the Buddha's Dharma has generally three gateways: first is teaching, second is meaning, and third is practice. The teaching is shallow, the meaning is deep, and practice is supreme. Śrāvakas, having soft faculties, take their name from the teaching. "Sound" (śrava) is the teaching; tasting the sound, they awaken and understand; hence they are named śrāvakas (voice-hearers). Pratyekabuddhas are next in excellence, establishing their title from meaning. Conditions (pratyaya) are the meaning; from conditions they awaken and understand; hence they are named condition-enlightened (pratyekabuddhas). Bodhisattvas are the most supreme, establishing their designation from practice. "Practice" refers to the Way of benefiting oneself and benefiting others; because they can accomplish the Way of both benefiting oneself and benefiting others—of benefiting both—they are called "Way sentient beings." Thus the Dichi [jing] says: "Śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas can only deliver themselves; bodhisattvas are not so: delivering themselves and delivering others, this is called superiority of the Way." Because their Way is superior, they are called "Way sentient beings." As for the third [item], "thirty-two thousand," it distinguishes their number. Mañjuśrī is at the head, having his name listed; this can also be called selecting the superior to distinguish them from the inferior. "Mañjuśrī" is translated here as "Wondrous Virtue." From here down is the fifth: explaining the incident that initiated the teaching. In this there are two parts: First, explaining Bimbisāra's confinement by his son, and the Tathāgata dispatching someone to preach the Dharma for him. Second, from "At that time, Ajātaśatru asked the gatekeepers" downward, explaining Vaidehī's imprisonment by her son, and the Tathāgata going there in person to gather and transform her. For what reason was it fitting to dispatch someone first, and go in person afterward? It is explained: Previously, King Bimbisāra appropriately wished to hear the Dharma; dispatching someone to transmit it was sufficient for the purpose of teaching; hence he did not go in person. Lady Vaidehī sought rebirth in the pure land; the teaching of the pure land cannot be opened except by the Buddha; therefore, he had to go in person. Why was such an evil and rebellious matter raised to serve as the initiation? To reveal that this realm is utterly evil and repulsive, causing people to abandon and turn away from it. When even a king's own son causes him harm, how much more so with others! This was precisely to make people together long for the pure land. Thus below, Vaidehī says to the Buddha: "I only pray that you will explain for me a place free of sorrow; I will go there to be reborn. I do not take delight in this defiled and evil world of Jambudvīpa." This is precisely the matter. In the first section, there are four textual divisions: First, explaining that King Bimbisāra was confined by his son. Second, from "The state's chief consort, named Vaidehī" downward, explaining that the consort secretly offered food to the king to sustain the king's body. Third, from "Having finished rinsing his mouth" downward, [explaining that] the noble one preached the Dharma for him to moisten the king's mind. Fourth, from "In this manner, a period of three times seven days passed" downward, explaining that the king, due to the food and also through hearing the Dharma, did not die for many days. In the first part, "At that time in the great city of Rājagṛha, there was a crown prince named Ajātaśatru" identifies the person who imprisoned his father. Saying "at that time" refers to the time when the Buddha was in the city of Rājagṛha. "In the great city of Rājagṛha" indicates the location. "There was a crown prince" points out the person. "Named Ajātaśatru" distinguishes his name. In this land it is translated as "Unborn Enmity." Before he was born, a diviner prognosticated about him: "After this child is born, he will surely harm his father." Therefore, a name was established for him, calling him "Unborn Enmity." As for "following the instruction of the evil friend Devadatta," it explains the cause for imprisoning his father, the matter being as related in the sūtra. Devadatta was the Buddha's paternal cousin and Ānanda's own elder brother. After going forth, he cultivated and attained the five supernormal knowledges, relying on Ajātaśatru as his dānapati. Furthermore, at one time he went to the Buddha's place to seek his followers: "The World-Honoured One is advanced in years; the assembly should be entrusted to me. I shall instruct them." The Buddha then reproved him, saying: "Śāriputra and Maudgalyāyana possess supernormal powers and great wisdom; I do not even entrust the followers to them, how much less to you, a foolish person who eats spittle!" Hearing this, Devadatta became enraged. He went to King Ajātaśatru's place, spoke of the circumstances of King Ajātaśatru's being harmed on the day he was first born, and urged him to harm his father and make himself king, [saying,] "I will kill Gautama and make myself the Buddha. A new king and a new Buddha governing the world together—would that not be delightful?" Because of this, King Ajātaśatru conceived the intention to harm his father. Therefore it is now said: "following the instruction of the evil friend Devadatta." From here down explains the imprisonment of the father. "Arrested his father," etc., means confining his person. "Forbade all the ministers from going, not permitting a single one," means barring them so he would see no one. What past cause did Bimbisāra have to suffer this harm? As the Nirvāṇa[-sūtra] says: "Formerly, Bimbisāra was a king; he wandered about on Mount Vipula hunting deer, but caught nothing. Encountering a rishi, the king then thought: 'It is precisely because of this person!' He drove him away, and then ordered him killed. At the point of death, the rishi made an evil vow: 'May I in a future life, just as today, harm you in mind and speech!' That rishi is today's Ajātaśatru. The one who ordered the killing is King Bimbisāra." Therefore, in the present time, he was harmed by King Ajātaśatru.
1.3.4
自下第二、明其夫人密奉王食以濟王身。 於中先明夫人奉食,後王食之。 前中初言「國大夫人名韋提希」,標列其人。 此是世王親生之母。 「恭敬大王」,明心敬也。 由敬奉食,所以舉之。 「澡浴淨」等,身奉食也。 王食可知。 自下第三、明聖為說以潤王心。 於中初、明頻婆啟請。 「時目連」下,聖赴為說。 請中初言「嗽口畢已」,牒前起後。 「合掌遙禮」,身業請佛,欲使如來垂哀授法,故身禮也。 「而作言」下,口請目連。 言「大目連是吾親友」,欲令汝赴。 「願興慈悲授我八戒」,求哀汝授。 聖為說中,初、明目連應前口請為授八戒。 「如鷹隼飛疾至王所」,對前吾親,身業赴也。 「日日如是授王八戒」,對前求戒,口言授也。 何者八戒? 不殺、不盜、不婬、不妄語、不飲酒、不歌舞唱伎及往觀聽、不著香薰衣及餘嚴身具、不上高廣床、不得過中食,是其八也。 此乃是九,何得言八? 若依《毘曇》,不著香薰衣、不上高床,此二同是莊嚴處起合以為一,是故言八。 若依《成實》及《大智論》,前八是戒,後一是齊。 齊戒合說,名八戒齊。 八戒齊義,廣如別章。 此應具論。 此八是其在家之人持出家法,故令授之。 下明如來赴其身請遣人為說。 何不自往,義如前釋。 何故偏遣富樓那為說? 以富樓那諸弟子中說法最上,巧開人心,故偏遣之。 下第四、明頻婆沙羅因食聞法多日不死。 相顯可知。 自下第二、明其夫人為子幽閉佛往攝化。 於中有四:一、明夫人為子幽禁; 二、「時韋提希被幽閉」下,因禁請佛; 三、「未舉頭」下,佛與弟子因請赴就; 四、「時韋提希見世尊」下,因見傷歎。 初中有三:一、明世王欲害其母; 二、「時有臣」下,臣勸不聽; 三、「勅內宦」下,餘嗔禁母。 初中三句:一、阿闍世問守門者,王今在耶; 二、守門者以事具答; 三、王聞瞋怒即欲害母。 於中初言「聞此語已」,明嗔所由。 「怒其母」等,口言呵罵其母。 名父為賊、名母為伴,後訶沙門以為惡人,言顯可知。 「即執劍」下,身欲加害。 此初段竟。 第二、臣勸不聽之中,文曲有四:一、臣勸不聽; 二、王見驚怖; 三、耆婆重勸; 四、王聞放母。 就初段中,先列勸人。 「為王禮」下,明其勸相。 「時二大臣說此語」下,勸已捨去。 勸人可知。 就勸相中,作禮身勸、白等口勸。 於中初、先彰昔異今。 初劫已來無量惡王,無人害母。 「王今」已下,明今異昔。 今若害母,汙剎利種。 「臣不忍」下,明己嫌惡。 「臣不忍聞」,心不忍也。 殺母眼見,何得言聞? 謂不忍聞世人傳說。 「不宜住此」,身不住也。 上來勸竟,下明捨去。 「說此語竟」,結前起後。 「以手按劍却行而退」,正明捨去。 臣已背王,恐王危害,以劍自防,故須按之却行退矣。 上來臣勸。 自下第二、王見驚怖。 世王驚懼,內心怖也。 由見二臣按劍而退,恐為異計,所以驚怖。 「告耆婆」等,口言問也。 恐彼背己親向父王,故今問之不為我也。 「耆婆白」下,是第三段耆婆重勸。 「慎莫害母」,是勸辭也。 「王聞此」下,是第四段因勸放母。 「聞此語」者,聞前耆婆重勸之辭。 「懺悔求救」,悔前愆也。 謂悔向前欲害之愆,求彼二臣令不殺己,故曰求救。 「即便捨劍止不害母」,息後過也,息彼殺事。 上來四段,合為第二臣勸不聽。 「勅語」已下,是第三段,明阿闍世餘瞋禁母。 餘瞋未止,并恐其母更奉王食,故勅閉之。 從阿闍世問守門者至此,第一、明韋提希為子被幽閉。 自下第二、因禁請佛。 謂請如來,令遣弟子與己相見。 於中有三:一、將請先禮; 二、「作是言」下,發言正請; 三,「作是語已悲泣」已下,請已重禮。 前中初言「被幽閉已」,牒前起後。 「愁憂憔悴」,明心惱也。
From here below, the second [part] explains that his consort secretly offered food to the king to sustain his body. Herein, it first explains that the consort offered food, and afterwards the king ate it. In the former part, it first says: 'The chief consort of the kingdom, named Vaidehī'—this introduces and identifies the person. She was King Ajātaśatru's birth mother. 'Respectfully revered the great king' explains her mental reverence. Because she offered food out of reverence, it is mentioned. 'Bathed, cleansed', and so forth, indicates that her body offered the food. The king's eating of it can be understood. From here below, the third [part] explains the noble one preaching for [the king] to moisturize his mind. Herein, first it explains Bimbisāra's supplication. From 'At that time Maudgalyāyana' below, the noble one arrives to preach for him. In the supplication, it first says: 'Having finished rinsing his mouth'—this sums up what precedes to introduce what follows. 'Joined his palms and paid homage from afar' is making a supplication to the Buddha through physical action: wishing to have the Tathāgata grant his compassion and bestow the Dharma, he therefore paid physical homage. From 'and spoke these words' below, he orally petitioned Maudgalyāyana. Saying: 'Great Maudgalyāyana is my close friend' means wishing that you will come. 'May you arouse compassion and bestow the eight precepts upon me' begs for your compassion in bestowing them. In [the section on] the noble one preaching for him, first it explains Maudgalyāyana responding to the preceding oral supplication by conferring the eight precepts on him. 'Flew like a falcon swiftly to the king's place', matching the preceding 'my close friend', is arriving by physical action. 'Daily conferring the eight precepts upon the king in this manner', matching the preceding request for precepts, is conferring them through spoken words. What are the eight precepts? Not killing, not stealing, not engaging in sexual misconduct, not lying, not drinking alcohol, not singing, dancing, or acting, nor going to see or hear them, not wearing perfume-scented clothes or other bodily adornments, not using high and wide beds, and not eating past midday: these are the eight. These are actually nine; how can they be called eight? If according to the Abhidharma, not wearing perfume-scented clothes and not using high beds both arise from ornamentation and are combined into one; therefore they are called eight. If according to the *Tattvasiddhi* and the *Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa*, the first eight are the precepts (śīla) and the last one is the fast (upavāsa). When the fast and precepts are mentioned together, it is called the eight-precept fast. The meaning of the eight-precept fast is explained at length as in a separate chapter; it should be fully discussed there. These eight are the renunciation rules kept by householders; hence [Maudgalyāyana] was made to confer them. Below it explains that the Tathāgata responded to his physical supplication by dispatching a person to preach for him. Why he did not go in person is explained as above. Why did he specifically dispatch Pūrṇa to preach? Because among all disciples Pūrṇa was supreme in preaching the Dharma and skillful in opening people's minds, he specifically dispatched him. Below, the fourth [part] explains that Bimbisāra did not die for many days because of the food and hearing the Dharma. The details are evident and can be understood. From here below, the second [part] explains that because his consort was imprisoned by her son, the Buddha went to gather and convert her. Herein there are four: first, explaining that the consort was imprisoned by her son; second, from 'At that time Vaidehī was imprisoned' below, supplicating the Buddha because of her imprisonment; third, from 'Before she had raised her head' below, the Buddha and disciples arriving because of the supplication; fourth, from 'At that time Vaidehī saw the World-Honoured One' below, lamenting in distress upon seeing [him]. In the first [section] there are three: first, explaining that King Ajātaśatru wished to harm his mother; second, from 'At that time there were ministers' below, the ministers advising him and his refusal to listen; third, from 'He ordered the palace eunuchs' below, the mother being imprisoned out of lingering anger. In the first there are three sentences: first, Ajātaśatru asked the gatekeeper whether the king was still alive; second, the gatekeeper answered in full detail with the facts; third, upon hearing it, the king became furious and immediately wished to harm his mother. Therein, it first says: 'Having heard these words', which explains the cause of the anger. 'Angered at his mother' and so forth indicates rebuking his mother with spoken words. He called his father a bandit and his mother an accomplice, and afterwards rebuked the śramaṇas as wicked people; the words are evident and can be understood. From 'Immediately seized a sword' below, he intended bodily harm. This concludes the first segment. In the second [segment], where the ministers advise him and he does not listen, the phrasing has four parts: first, the ministers advise him and he does not listen; second, the king is startled and terrified upon seeing this; third, Jīvaka advises him again; fourth, upon hearing this, the king releases his mother. In the first segment, it first lists the people who offered advice. From 'Paid homage to the king' below, it explains the manner of their advice. From 'At that time the two great ministers, having spoken these words' below, they abandoned him and withdrew after advising. The persons advising can be understood. In the manner of advising, paying homage was physical advice, and speaking and so forth was oral advice. Therein, first it reveals that the past differed from the present: from the beginning of the eon onward there have been countless evil kings, but none who harmed their mothers. From 'Now the king' below, it explains that the present differs from the past: if he were now to harm his mother, it would stain the kṣatriya lineage. From 'We ministers cannot bear' below, it explains their own aversion. 'We ministers cannot bear to hear' is being unable to bear it in their minds. Killing a mother is seen with one's eyes; how can it be called hearing? It means they could not bear to hear people in the world report it. 'It is not fitting to remain here' means their bodies would not stay. Above, the advice concludes; below explains their departure. 'Having spoken these words' concludes what precedes to introduce what follows. 'Hand on sword, stepped backward and retreated' directly explains their departure. Having turned against the king, the ministers feared the king would harm them and used their swords for self-defence; therefore, they held them and stepped backward to retreat. The above is the ministers' advice. From here below, second: the king is startled and terrified upon seeing this. King Ajātaśatru was startled and fearful, terrified within his mind. Because he saw the two ministers retreat with their hands on their swords, he feared they had a different plan, and therefore was startled and terrified. 'Said to Jīvaka' and so forth is asking with spoken words. Fearing that they had turned against him and become close to his father the king, he therefore now asked whether they were against him. From 'Jīvaka said' below is the third segment: Jīvaka's renewed advice. 'Beware of harming your mother' is the word of advice. From 'The king, hearing this' below is the fourth segment: releasing his mother due to the advice. 'Hearing these words' means hearing the preceding words of renewed advice from Jīvaka. 'Repented and sought rescue' means repenting his previous fault. That is, repenting the previous fault of wishing to harm her, he begged those two ministers not to kill him; hence it says 'sought rescue'. 'Immediately cast aside his sword and stopped without harming his mother' ceased the subsequent fault; it halted the act of killing. The above four segments are combined into the second part: the ministers advising and his refusal to listen. From 'He ordered' below is the third segment, explaining Ajātaśatru imprisoning his mother out of lingering anger. His lingering anger had not yet ceased, and fearing that his mother might again offer food to the king, he therefore ordered her locked away. From Ajātaśatru asking the gatekeeper up to this point is the first [part], explaining Vaidehī being imprisoned by her son. From here below, second: supplicating the Buddha because of the imprisonment. That is, supplicating the Tathāgata to dispatch disciples to meet with her. Herein there are three: first, paying homage prior to supplicating; second, from 'spoke these words' below, uttering words of direct supplication; third, from 'Having spoken these words, weeping sorrowfully' below, paying homage again after supplicating. In the former, it first says: 'Having been imprisoned', which sums up what precedes to introduce what follows. 'Sorrowful and haggard' explains the vexation of her mind.
1.3.5
「向耆闍」等,身業禮也,禮即身請。 第三、發言正請之中,「世尊昔時恒遣阿難來慰問我」,舉昔類今,望佛必遣。 「今我愁」等,求今同昔。 「我今愁憂」,彰己有苦。 「世尊威重無由得見」,不敢望佛。 「願遣」已下,請遣弟子與己相見。 韋提何故求見目連及與阿難? 良以目連是家門師,阿難佛侍、先恒往來,故偏求見。 又復夫人居住深宮,偏求見一宜相不便,故並求見。 求見何為? 韋提內心厭此惡界求生淨土,欲令二人泣傳意請佛,所以求見。 第三段中「作是語已悲泣雨淚」,望佛哀憐。 「遙向佛禮」,求遂所請。 前已禮竟,今復重禮,表己慇懃。 自下第三、佛與弟子隨請赴就。 於中初言「未舉頭頃」,明赴時也。 機會難差,故彼韋提未舉頭頃,聖即赴之。 「爾時」已下,明聖赴就。 「爾時世尊在耆闍山」,彰聖所在。 「知韋提希心之所念」,內心知也。 「勅大目連及以阿難」,口言勅也。 「佛耆闍沒於王宮出」,身自赴也。 為赴韋提深敬之意,故勅弟子乘空而去,如來自身此沒彼現。 又復韋提禁閉深宮,地行難赴,故現此變。 韋提希向前求見弟子,如來何故自身亦去? 淨土之化非佛不開,傳說難盡,故須身往。 自下第四、明韋提希因見傷歎。 於中初見、後對傷歎。 就前見中,「時韋提希禮已舉頭」,明見時也。 「見世尊」等,正明所見。 佛及弟子並是大夫,世儀須避,宮閤之化無宜輒處,故與弟子在空而現。 下明傷歎。 「韋提見佛」,牒前所覩。 「自絕瓔珞舉身投地」,身業懊惱。 「白世尊」下,口業怨傷。 「我宿何罪生此惡子」,傷己宿愆。 「世尊何緣與提婆達共為眷屬」,問佛往因。 又復前句自傷惡子,後句怨佛有惡徒眾,由提婆達教阿闍世興造惡逆,故為此怨。
'Facing Gṛdhrakūṭa' and so forth is paying homage through physical action; homage is itself a physical supplication. In the third [part], uttering words of direct supplication: 'In the past the World-Honoured One constantly sent Ānanda to console me' brings up the past to analogize the present, expecting that the Buddha will surely send someone. 'Now that I am sorrowful' and so forth seeks the present to be like the past. 'Now that I am sorrowful' manifests that she herself has suffering. 'The World-Honoured One's majesty is solemn, and there is no way for me to see him' means not presuming to hope to see the Buddha. From 'May you dispatch' below, she requests that he dispatch disciples to meet with her. Why did Vaidehī specifically ask to see Maudgalyāyana and Ānanda? Because Maudgalyāyana was her family preceptor, and Ānanda was the Buddha's attendant who had previously come and gone constantly; hence she specifically asked to see them. Furthermore, the consort resided deep in the palace, and asking to see only one would be unseemly in appearance; thus she asked to see both. Why did she ask to see them? Deep in her mind Vaidehī was revulsed by this evil world and sought birth in the pure land, and she wished to have the two weep and convey her intention to supplicate the Buddha; therefore she asked to see them. In the third segment, 'Having spoken these words, she wept sorrowfully with tears like rain', hoping for the Buddha's pity. 'Paying homage to the Buddha from afar' sought to fulfill her request. Having already paid homage before, she now paid homage again to demonstrate her sincerity. From here below, the third [section]: the Buddha and disciples arrived in accordance with the supplication. Therein, it first says: 'Before she had raised her head', which explains the time of arrival. The appropriate opportunity cannot be missed; thus before Vaidehī had raised her head, the noble ones arrived. From 'At that time' below, it explains the arrival of the noble ones. 'At that time the World-Honoured One was on Mount Gṛdhrakūṭa' indicates where the noble one was located. 'Knew what was in Vaidehī's mind' indicates his knowing it within his mind. 'Ordered the great Maudgalyāyana and Ānanda' indicates his ordering them with spoken words. 'The Buddha vanished from Gṛdhrakūṭa and emerged in the royal palace' indicates his arriving in person. To respond to Vaidehī's deep reverence, he ordered his disciples to go through the air, while the Tathāgata himself vanished here and appeared there. Furthermore, Vaidehī was locked deep within the palace and travelling by foot would be difficult to arrive; hence he manifested this transformation. Since Vaidehī had previously requested to see the disciples, why did the Tathāgata also go in person? The teaching of the pure land cannot be revealed except by the Buddha, and conveying it through reports cannot be exhaustive; therefore, he had to go in person. From here below, the fourth [section] explains that Vaidehī lamented in distress upon seeing [him]. Herein, first is seeing, and afterwards lamenting in distress before him. In the former seeing, 'At that time Vaidehī, having paid homage, raised her head' explains the time of seeing. 'Saw the World-Honoured One' and so forth directly explains what was seen. The Buddha and his disciples were all great men whom worldly propriety required women to avoid, and the preaching in the women's quarters was not something one should rashly occupy; therefore, they manifested in the air with the disciples. Below explains her lament in distress. 'Vaidehī saw the Buddha' sums up what was previously seen. 'Tore off her necklaces and threw her whole body to the ground' expresses the vexation of her physical action. From 'She said to the World-Honoured One' below expresses the resentment and sorrow of her verbal action. 'What sin did I commit in the past that I bore this evil son?' laments her own past faults. 'For what reason is the World-Honoured One kin with Devadatta?' asks about the Buddha's past causes. Furthermore, the former phrase laments her own evil son, and the latter phrase resents the Buddha having an evil disciple; because Devadatta taught Ajātaśatru to commit evil and rebellious acts, she made this complaint.
Translations (1)
- English (machine translation) — English, machine translation
Linked texts (1)
- 維摩義記 — Classical Chinese