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# 止觀輔行傳弘決 2.59.2

止觀輔行傳弘決 2.59.2

- **Language:** Classical Chinese

### [2.59.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.1912.2.59.2)

謂唐虞已上有犬戎獫狁薰鬻，居天之北邊，隨畜牧而轉移，逐水草而遷徙，無耕田、有畜養，各有地分而無文書，有言語約束。 兒能乘羊引弓射鳥，唯習弓箭而無禮義。 君王已下皆食畜肉，少者食肥美、老者食其餘，貴少賤老。 父死妻其母，兄死妻其嫂。 自殷周已來，侵抄中國不絕如綖者。 周家被侵宗社幾盡，餘不盡者其猶綖也。 後西伯伐犬戎，逐於洛北，時時入貢，名為荒服。 自爾已後，犬戎不至。 被袒自是周室衰相，豈可效之？ 時澆如周末，邪師如被袒，正教如識者，破戒如失禮，欲境如犬戎，破損正觀如侵中國，正因不絕如似一綖，緣了漸亡義如漸盡。 「又阮籍」下，類弟子謬受之失。 於中初舉公卿效阮為類。 〈列傳〉云「阮籍，字嗣宗，陳留尉氏人也。 容貌魁傑志氣宏放，傲然獨得任性不羇，喜怒不形於色。 或閉戶讀書累日不出，或登臨山水信宿忘歸。 嗜酒能嘯忽忘形骸，時人多謂之癡。 晉魏之世，天下故多名士，而少有全者。 因不交世事，酣飲為常。 及文帝輔正，拜為東平相，乘牛而往，旬日而還。 雖性志孝而不拘禮教。 母終，正與人棋，對者求止，固留決賭。 賭訖，飲酒二升，舉聲一號，吐血數升。 裴楷往弔，但踞醉直視而已，見禮俗之士以白眼視之，由是禮俗之士嫉之若讎。 或時輒臥隣家少婦之側，或他有亡者無親而往弔，駕不由路。 窮則哭還。 宗集，不復用杯，團坐圍盆而相歠。 」如此奢誕，豈可效耶？ 「是為司馬氏滅相」者，國號晉，姓司馬氏。 高陽之子黎為夏官，及周以夏官為司馬，因以為姓。 懷愍至孝武來，一十五帝。 愍帝之時晉國亡者，由諸賢達不習兵戈、尚文奢誕，後公卿子孫效之，遂為五胡侵國，因幸江東。 故童謠云：五馬浮渡江，一馬化為龍。 因茲惠帝第三子叡等徙都建業，號為東晉，稱元帝。 至孝武時仍多酒色，由茲祚傾。 晉祚傾者，由公卿子孫謬效阮籍。 初有嫉賢之難，避世佯狂； 後無妬才之危，何須效誕？ 又如阮籍兄子咸，咸次子孚，元帝時為參軍，蓬頭飲酒，不以王務經懷。 恒為右司所按，帝容之，後拜揚州長史。 帝謂曰：「卿鎮軍府，宜節飲也。 」對曰：「陛下不以臣不才，委以軍旅之重。 臣不敢有言者，以今王莅作威風教赫然，皇澤遐被寇賊息迹，氛祲既澄日月明白，亦何可爝火不息，正應端拱嘯詠以樂當年。 」尋被蘇峻作難。 此亦不修兵甲之失故也。 習三昧者亦復如是，為難逢障於惡修觀，無難何須捨善從惡？ 依教修觀如用文武，無故入惡如效誕逸。 忘授邪法如阮狂酣，弟子妄受如公卿子。 「宇文」下，明周武信讖以類妄受。 其先炎帝神農氏，為黃帝所滅，子孫避之居于朔野，鮮卑奉以為主。 其後曰普迴，因狩得璽，普迴異之以為天授。 其俗謂天曰宇，故曰宇文。 初登之時亦信佛法，後信讖緯云黑衣當王，遂重道宗，親承符籙，玄冠黃褐、內常服用，心忌釋宗盡欲誅殄，而患信佛者多，未敢專制。 有道士張賓，詭詐罔上，私達其策，潛進李宗排斥釋氏。 讖緯如惡師，周武如弟子。 「亦由元嵩魔業」等者，周武已忌更加元嵩，故云亦由元嵩魔業。 元嵩相副，帝納其言，欲覘經過貶量佛失，召僧入內七宵行道，帝與同場七宵無過。 又勅司隸大夫甄鸞，詳佛道二教，鸞上《笑道論》三卷三十六篇，用笑三十六部。 其時又有安法師與帝情重，又著《二教論》十二篇，明道教攝在九流之內，不應獨為教主，故教唯有二。 遠法師有《抗帝論》。 後帝東巡，任道林開佛法，又因王明上表以開佛法。 其元嵩本河東人，遠祖從宦，家于蜀川。 梁末都東城，即後梁蕭察也。 察滅巋立，至天保十二年，當陳太建六年，即宇文建德三年，滅佛道二教。 宇文經于七年至天和二年，嵩上表云「唐虞之世無佛圖而國安，齊梁有寺舍而祚滅。 但利民益國即稱佛心。

> This means that from the times of Tang and Yu onward, there were the Quanrong, Xianyun, and Xunyu, who dwelt on the northern borders of the realm. They moved following their livestock and migrated in pursuit of water and grass. Without tilled fields, they had animal husbandry; each had their own territories without written records, having \[only\] verbal agreements. Children could ride sheep and draw bows to shoot birds; they practiced only archery, lacking rites and righteousness. From the sovereign down, all ate the meat of domestic animals, the young eating the fat and choice meat and the old eating the leavings, valuing the young and despising the old. When a father died, \[the son\] took his mother as wife; when an elder brother died, \[the brother\] took his sister-in-law as wife. From the Yin and Zhou onwards, their invasions and plundering of the Central Plains were continuous, like an unbroken thread. The ancestral temple and altars of the house of Zhou were nearly wiped out by their invasions; what was not wiped out was just like a thread. Later, the Western Earl attacked the Quanrong and pursued them to the north of the Luo River; they paid tribute from time to time, which was termed 'the wild domain.' From then on, the Quanrong did not arrive. Being bared to the shoulder was inherently an omen of the decline of the Zhou house; how could one emulate it? The degenerate times are like the end of the Zhou; evil teachers are like being bared to the shoulder; the correct teaching is like the knowledgeable; breaking the precepts is like losing the rites; the realm of desire is like the Quanrong; damaging correct contemplation is like invading the Central Plains; the direct cause being unbroken is like a single thread; and the gradual extinction of the conditions and the understanding is in principle like being gradually wiped out.  
> Next, from 'Moreover, Ruan Ji' down, this analogizes the fault of disciples falsely receiving \[the teaching\]. Therein, it first adduces the high officials emulating Ruan as an analogy. The 'Biographies' state: 'Ruan Ji, courtesy name Sizong, was a native of Weishi in Chenliu. His appearance was towering and eminent, his will and spirit broad and unrestrained; aloofly self-contained, he followed his natural disposition without restraint, and pleasure and anger were never manifest in his countenance. Sometimes he closed his doors to read books for days without emerging; sometimes he scaled mountains and overlooked waters, staying overnight and forgetting to return. Addicted to wine and skilled at whistling, he abruptly forgot his physical body; people of the time often called him a fool. In the age of Jin and Wei, there were still many famous scholars in the realm, but few could preserve themselves whole. Because he did not engage in worldly affairs, he made heavy drinking his normal state. When Emperor Wen assisted in governing, he was appointed Chancellor of Dongping; he went riding an ox and returned in ten days. Although filial by nature and will, he was not constrained by ritual teachings. When his mother died, he was playing weiqi with someone; his opponent asked to stop, but he insisted on staying to decide the wager. When the game ended, he drank two sheng of wine, let out a single loud wail, and vomited several sheng of blood. When Pei Kai went to offer condolences, \[Ruan Ji\] merely sat insolently drunk, staring straight ahead; when seeing men of ritual conventions, he looked at them with the whites of his eyes; because of this, men of ritual conventions hated him like an enemy. Sometimes he would lie down right beside a young married woman next door; or when someone else had a death and he was not related, he would go to mourn, driving \[his carriage\] without following roads, and turning back weeping only when the way was blocked. At clan gatherings, they no longer used cups, but sat in a circle around a basin and drank together.' How could one emulate such luxury and wildness?  
> As for 'This was an omen of the destruction of the Sima clan,' the dynastic name was Jin, and the surname was Sima. Li, son of Gaoyang, served as Minister of Summer; by the Zhou, the Minister of Summer was made Sima, and they took this as their surname. From \[Emperors\] Huai and Min down to Xiaowu, there were fifteen emperors. The fall of the Jin state in the time of Emperor Min was because the worthy and eminent did not practice military weapons and prized refinement, luxury, and wildness; later, the sons and grandsons of high officials emulated them, and consequently the five barbarian tribes invaded the country, whereupon \[the court\] took refuge east of the Yangtze River. Thus a children's ballad went: 'Five horses float across the river; one horse transforms into a dragon.' Because of this, Emperor Hui's third son, Rui, and others moved the capital to Jianye, designated as the Eastern Jin, and he was called Emperor Yuan. By the time of Emperor Xiaowu, there was still much wine and sensuality, and on this account the dynastic fortune collapsed. The collapse of the Jin dynastic fortune was due to the sons and grandsons of high officials mistakenly emulating Ruan Ji. At first, there was the hardship of \[rulers\] envying the worthy, so he avoided the world by feigning madness; later, there was no danger of jealousy towards talent, so why should one emulate his wildness? Furthermore, like Ruan Ji's nephew Xian, whose second son was Fu, serving as an adjutant during the time of Emperor Yuan: with disheveled hair he drank wine, not letting royal affairs cross his mind. He was constantly impeached by the Right Officer, but the Emperor tolerated him, later appointing him Chief Clerk of Yangzhou. The Emperor said to him: 'You are guarding the army headquarters; you ought to moderate your drinking.' He replied: 'Your Majesty did not consider your servant incompetent and entrusted him with the heavy responsibility of the military. The reason your servant dares not speak is that now that Your Majesty oversees and displays awe-inspiring authority, the transformational teachings are brilliant, the imperial favor reaches far, bandits and rebels have ceased their tracks, the baleful vapors have cleared, and the sun and moon are bright; how could the torchlight not be extinguished? One should properly fold one's hands, whistle and chant, to delight in these years.' Soon after, Su Jun caused a rebellion. This too was the fault of not training in military armor. Those who practice samādhi are also like this: only when facing difficulty and encountering obstacles does one cultivate contemplation amidst evil; when there is no difficulty, why must one abandon the good and follow the evil? Cultivating contemplation according to the teaching is like employing the civil and the military; entering evil without cause is like emulating wildness and indolence. Forgetting \[caution\] and conferring false teachings is like Ruan's drunken madness; disciples falsely receiving them is like the sons of high officials.  
> Next, from 'Yuwen' down, this clarifies Emperor Wu of the Zhou believing in prophecies, as an analogy for falsely receiving \[the teaching\]. His ancestor was the Flame Emperor Shennong, who was destroyed by the Yellow Emperor; his descendants avoided \[the conflict\] and dwelt in the northern wilderness, and the Xianbei honored them as masters. A later descendant was called Puhui, who found a seal while hunting; Puhui marveled at it and considered it a gift from Heaven. In their customs, heaven is called yu, hence they were called Yuwen. When he first ascended the throne, he also believed in the Buddhadharma; later, he believed in prophecy texts saying that one in black garments would be king, whereupon he venerated the Daoist tradition, personally receiving talismans and registers, wearing a dark cap and yellow coarse robes and always wearing them internally; in his mind he was suspicious of the Śākya tradition and wished to annihilate it completely, but was troubled that believers in Buddhism were many and did not dare act despotically. There was a Daoist, Zhang Bin, who deceitfully deceived the sovereign, secretly forwarding his strategy to covertly promote the Li tradition and expel the Śākyan lineage. Prophecies are like an evil teacher; Emperor Wu of the Zhou is like a disciple.  
> As for 'It was also due to the demonic deeds of Yuansong' and so on, Emperor Wu of the Zhou was already suspicious, and on top of this came Yuansong; therefore it says, 'It was also due to the demonic deeds of Yuansong.' Yuansong aided him, and the Emperor accepted his words; wishing to spy out faults and weigh the errors of Buddhism, he summoned the monks into the inner palace to practice the Path for seven nights, and the Emperor shared the arena with them; for seven nights there were no faults. He also ordered the Metropolitan Censor Zhen Luan to examine the two teachings of Buddhism and Daoism; Luan submitted the Xiaodao lun in three fascicles and thirty-six sections, using them to ridicule the thirty-six divisions. At that time there was also Dharma Master An, who was on intimate terms with the Emperor, and also composed the Erjiao lun in twelve sections, clarifying that the Daoist teaching was subsumed within the nine schools of thought and should not solely be a founder of a teaching, so there were only two teachings. Dharma Master Yuan wrote the Kangdi lun. Later, the Emperor toured the east, and Ren Daolin explained the Buddhadharma; also, because Wang Ming submitted a memorial, the Buddhadharma was clarified. That Yuansong was originally a native of Hedong; his distant ancestors were officials and settled in the river regions of Shu. At the end of the Liang, the capital was in Dongcheng, which was Xiao Cha of the Later Liang. Cha was destroyed and Kui was established; reaching the twelfth year of Tianbao, corresponding to the sixth year of Taijian of the Chen, which is the third year of Jiande of the Yuwen, the two teachings of Buddhism and Daoism were abolished. After seven years under the Yuwen, in the second year of Tianhe, \[Yuan\]song submitted a memorial saying: 'In the age of Tang and Yu there were no stupas yet the state was secure; in Qi and Liang there were monasteries yet their dynastic fortunes were extinguished. Only benefiting the people and profiting the state fulfills the Buddha's intention.'  
> — English (machine translation) (machine translation)

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## Translations (1)

- [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.1912~en-mt.2.59.2) — English, machine translation

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Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.1912.2.59.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.1912.2.59.2) · Pramāṇa
