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佛祖歷代通載 11.10

佛祖歷代通載 11.10

Language
Classical Chinese

11.10.1

(四) 帝復以奕疏。 頒示諸僧問。 出家於國何益。 時法師法琳者。 姓陳氏。 頴川人。 祖因從宦寓襄陽。 後住長安齊法寺。 作破邪論二卷。 博引圖史及道教經籍。 大略申明佛教。 徹萬法之源。 而孔老立言。 特域中之治。 未陽遠塗。 非盡究竟之理。 凡出家者。 守志明道。 弘善興福。 啟迪昏迷利國非淺。 法師明概作決對奕謗佛僧事八條。 法師惠乘作辯正論。 十喻九箴。 破道士李仲卿十異九迷之謬。 琳等奉表奏上。 并致啟秦王。 而門下典儀李師政。 著內德論三篇。 開陳佛化之益。 仍自序而進之。 其詞曰。 若夫十力調御。 運法舟於苦海。 三乘汲引。 坦夷途於火宅。 勸善進德之廣。 七經所不逮。 戒惡防患之深。 九流莫之比。 但窮神知化。 其言宏大而可驚。 去惑絕塵厥軌清邈而難蹈。 華夷仕庶朝野文儒。 各附所安鮮味斯道。 自非研精以考真妄。 沈思而察苦空。 無以立匪石之信根。 去若亡之疑。 蓋遠則淨名妙德。 弘道勝而服勤。 近則天親龍樹。 悟理真而敦悅。 羅什道安之篤學。 究玄宗而益敬。 僧睿惠遠之歸信。 迄皓首而彌堅。 邁士安之淫書。 甚宣尼之翫易。 千金未足驚其視。 八音不能改其聽聞之博而樂愈深。 思之深而信彌篤。 皆欲罷而不能。 則其非妄也必矣。 我皇誕膺天命弘濟區宇。 覆等蒼旻載均厚地掃氛祲清八表救塗炭寧兆民。 五教惟敷九功惟敘。 總萬古之徽猷。 改百王之餘弊。 網羅庶善。 崇三寶以津梁芟夷群惡。 迸四部之稊莠。 遵付囑之遺旨。 弘紹隆之要術。 功德崇高昊天罔喻。 但縉紳之士祖述多途。 各師所學異論蠭起。 或謂三王無佛而年永。 二石有僧而政虐。 損化由於奉佛。 益國在於廢僧。 苟明偏見未申通理。 博考興王足證浮偽。 何則亡秦者胡亥。 時無佛而土崩。 興佛者漢明。 世有僧而國治。 周除佛寺。 而天元之祚未永。 隋弘釋教。 而開皇之令無虐盛衰由布政。 治亂在庶官。 歸咎佛僧實非通論。 且佛唯弘善。 不長惡於臣民。 戒本防非何損治于家國。 若人人守善家家奉戒。 則刑罰何得而廣。 禍福無由而作。 騏驥雖駿不乘無以致遠。 藥石徒豐未餌焉能愈疾。 項籍喪師。 非范增之無算。 石氏興虐。 豈浮圖之不仁。 但為違之而暴亂。 未有遵之而凶虐。 由此觀之。 亦足明矣。 復有謂正覺為妖神。 比淨居於淫祀。 訾而謗之。 無所不至。 聖朝勸善。 立伽藍以崇福。 迷民興謗。 反功德以為尤。 此深訕上。 非徒毀佛。 愚竊撫心而太息。 所以發憤而含毫者也。 忝賴皇恩預霑法雨。 切磋所惑積稔於茲。 信隨聞起。 疑因解滅。 昔甞苟訾而不信。 今則篤信而無毀。 近推諸己廣以量人。 凡百輕毀而弗欽。 皆為討論之未究。 若令探賾索隱。 功齊於澄什。 必皆深信篤敬。 志均於名僧矣。 師政學匪鉤深識不臻妙。 少有所聞微去其惑。 謹課庸短著論三篇。 辨惑第一明邪正之通蔽。 通命第二辨殃慶之倚伏。 空有第三破斷常之執見。 覈之以群言。 考之以眾善。 上顯聖朝之淨福。 下析淫祀之虛非。 徒有斯意實乏其材。 屬詞鄙陋援證膚淺。 雖竭愚勤何宣聖德。 庶同病於未愈者。 聞淺譬而深悟也。 如藩籬之卉。 或蠲疾於腹心。 藜藿之飡。 儻救餒於溝壑。 若金丹在目玉饌盈。 桉顧瞻菲薄良足陋矣。 內德論辨惑篇第一。 其略曰。 有辨聰書生。 謂忠正君子曰。 蓋聞釋迦生於天竺。 修多出自西胡。 名號無儔於周孔。 功德靡稱於典謨寔遠夷所尊若。 非中夏之師儒。 逮攝摩騰之入漢。 及康僧會之游吳。 顯舍利於南國。 起招提於東都。 自茲厥後乃尚浮圖。 沙門盛洙泗之眾。 精舍類王侯之居。

(4) The Emperor again took Fu Yi's memorial, distributed it to the monks, and inquired: "What benefit does leaving household life bring to the state?" At that time, Dharma Master Falin, whose secular surname was Chen, was a native of Yingchuan. His grandfather had resided in Xiangyang due to official service, and Falin later dwelt at Qifa Monastery in Chang'an. He composed the *Treatise on Refuting the Heterodox* (Poxie lun) in two fascicles, quoting widely from charts, histories, and Daoist scriptures, in which he broadly elucidated that the Buddhist teachings reach the very source of all phenomena, whereas the words established by Confucius and Laozi were merely governance for within the realm, never revealing the distant path nor fully exhausting ultimate principle. All who leave household life preserve their resolve, clarify the Way, propagate good, generate merit, and instruct the deluded; their benefit to the state is by no means shallow. Dharma Master Minggai composed the *Decisive Refutations of Fu Yi's Defamations of the Buddha and the Saṅgha* in eight articles. Dharma Master Huicheng composed the *Treatise on Distinguishing the Correct* (Bianzheng lun) in ten parables and nine admonitions, refuting Daoist Li Zhongqing's errors in his *Ten Discrepancies and Nine Delusions*. Falin and the others submitted memorials to the throne and also addressed a letter to the Prince of Qin. Meanwhile, Li Shizheng, Gentleman of Ceremonies in the Chancellery, authored the *Treatise on Inner Virtue* (Neide lun) in three sections, setting forth the benefits of the Buddha's transforming influence, and presented it with his own preface, which read: "Now, the Driver of the Ten Powers steers the Dharma boat across the ocean of suffering; the three vehicles guide [beings] across, leveling the path out of the burning house. The breadth of its encouragement of goodness and advancement of virtue is beyond the reach of the Seven Classics; the depth of its restraint of evil and prevention of harm cannot be rivaled by the Nine Schools. Yet in exhausting the spirit and comprehending transformations, its words are so vast as to astonish; in eliminating delusions and severing defilements, its path is so pure and lofty as to be difficult to tread. Chinese and barbarian, officials and commoners, court and country, literary scholars and Confucians—each adhere to what they are comfortable with, and rare are those who savor this Way. Unless one examines with refinement to scrutinize the true and the false, and contemplates deeply to observe suffering and emptiness, one cannot establish a faith as firm as rock or dispel doubts that seem irresolvable. Long ago, Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī propagated the sublime Way and served it diligently; more recently, Vasubandhu and Nāgārjuna realized the true principle and rejoiced in it with devotion. The earnest scholarship of Kumārajīva and Dao'an investigated the profound tenets and grew ever more reverent; the devoted faith of Sengrui and Huiyuan became firmer still even until their heads turned white. It surpasses Shian's obsession with books; it exceeds Confucius's delight in the *Changes*. A thousand pieces of gold could not distract their eyes; the eight tones could not alter their hearing. The broader their learning, the deeper their joy; the deeper their reflection, the more steadfast their faith. They all sought to cease but could not; thus it is certain that [this teaching] is not false. Our Emperor was born receiving Heaven's mandate to vastly succour the realm. He covers [all] like the blue heavens and supports [all] equally like the thick earth, clearing away ominous mists, purifying the eight directions, rescuing [the people] from misery, and pacifying the millions. The Five Teachings are promulgated, the Nine Merits arranged; he synthesizes the splendid teachings of all antiquity and reforms the remaining evils of a hundred kings. Gathering all good, he venerates the Three Jewels as a ford and a bridge; weeding out all evil, he expels the tares among the fourfold assembly. He complies with the bequeathed entrustment [of the Buddha] and promotes the essential arts of flourishing and continuation. His merit and virtue are exalted; the boundless heavens offer no comparison. However, the gentry trace their traditions to diverse paths; each follows what he has studied, and conflicting arguments arise like swarming bees. Some say that under the Three Kings there was no Buddhism yet their years were long, while under the two Shi rulers there were monks yet their governance was cruel; that the decline of transformation stems from venerating the Buddha, and benefiting the state lies in abolishing the monks. This is merely asserting a partial view without setting forth the pervasive principle. A broad examination of rising rulers is fully sufficient to prove such claims baseless. Why so? The one who destroyed the Qin was Huhai; at that time there was no Buddha, yet the land collapsed. The one who promoted Buddhism was Emperor Ming of Han; in that age there were monks, yet the state was well-governed. Under the Northern Zhou, Buddhist temples were abolished, yet the reign of Tianyuan did not endure; under the Sui, the Buddha's teachings were promoted, and the decrees of the Kaihuang era were free of cruelty. Prosperity and decline depend on the dissemination of government; order and chaos lie with the officials. To cast the blame upon the Buddha and the monks is truly not an all-encompassing argument. Furthermore, the Buddha solely promotes good and does not foster evil among ministers and commoners; the precepts primarily prevent transgressions, so how could they impair the governance of house and state? If every person maintained goodness and every family upheld the precepts, how could punishments proliferate, and from where could calamities arise? Although a thoroughbred steed is swift, without riding it one cannot reach afar; though medicines are abundant, without ingesting them how can they cure illness? Xiang Yu's loss of his army was not due to Fan Zeng lacking calculation; the rise of the Shi clan's cruelty, was it due to the Buddha's lack of benevolence? It is only that by transgressing it they became violent and chaotic; none who obeyed it ever turned cruel and tyrannical. Viewed from this perspective, it is sufficiently clear. Furthermore, some refer to the Correctly Enlightened One as a demon spirit, compare the Pure Abodes to licentious shrines, and slander and revile Him in every possible way. The Holy Court encourages goodness, establishing monasteries to foster merit; yet deluded people stir up slander, perversely taking merit and virtue as faults. This is a profound mockery of the sovereign, not merely a disparagement of the Buddha. In secret, I clutch my chest and sigh deeply; this is why I was stirred with indignation and took up the brush. Unworthily reliant on imperial grace, I have previously been steeped in the Dharma rain. I have discussed and polished my perplexities, accumulating years in this endeavor. Faith arose with what I heard, and doubt was eliminated through understanding. Formerly I too rashly censured and disbelieved; now I have firm faith and do not disparage. Extrapolating from myself to gauge others, all who lightly disparage without reverence do so because their investigations have not been exhaustive. If they were made to explore the subtleties and search out the hidden, matching the achievements of Fotudeng and Kumārajīva, they would surely have deep faith and earnest reverence, their aspirations equaling those of famous monks. My learning has not probed the depths, and my discernment has not reached the sublime. Having heard a little in my youth, my delusions were slightly removed. Respectfully testing my mediocre abilities, I have written a treatise in three sections: 'Distinguishing Delusions,' the first, clarifies the access and hindrance of the heterodox and correct; 'Comprehending Destiny,' the second, distinguishes the interdependency of calamity and blessing; 'Emptiness and Existence,' the third, refutes the graspings of annihilationism and eternalism. I have verified it against diverse words and tested it against multiple virtues, above revealing the pure merit of the Holy Court, and below dissecting the empty errors of licentious cults. I merely have this intention, but truly lack the talent; my phrasing is rustic and my citations shallow. Though exhausting my humble efforts, how could I proclaim the sage's virtue? I hope that those who share this illness yet unhealed, upon hearing shallow parables, may attain profound awakening. Like plants by a hedge that might cure an illness of the internal organs, or a meal of coarse greens that might save one from starving in a ravine—yet if a golden elixir were before one's eyes or jade delicacies filled the table, looking back on such meager things, they would truly be deemed wretched. Section One of the *Treatise on Inner Virtue*: 'Distinguishing Delusions.' It briefly states: There was a scholar of discerning intellect who spoke to a loyal and upright gentleman, saying: 'I have heard that Śākya was born in Tianzhu, and the sūtras originated among the western Hu. His designations find no peer in the Duke of Zhou and Confucius; His merits and virtues are unmentioned in the Canons and Plans. He is indeed venerated by distant barbarians, but was not a teacher or scholar of the Central Realm. When Kāśyapa Mātaṅga entered the Han, and when Kang Senghui traveled to Wu, relics were manifested in the southern realm, and monasteries were erected in the Eastern Capital. Ever since then, people came to venerate the Buddha. Monks flourished in numbers exceeding the disciples of the Zhu and Si rivers; monasteries resembled the residences of princes and marquises.'"

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

11.10.2

既營之于[塽-(爻*爻)+((人/人)*(人/人))]塏。 又資之以膏腴。 擢修幢而曜日。 擬甲第而當衢。 王公大臣助之以金帛。 農商富族施之以田廬。 其福利之焉在。 何遵崇之有餘也。 未若銷像而絕鑴鑄。 貨泉可以無費。 毀經以禁繕寫。 筆紙不為之貴。 廢僧以從編戶。 益黍稷之餘稅。 壞塔以補不足。 廣賑恤之仁惠。 欲詣闕而効愚忠。 上書而獻斯計。 竊謂可以益國而利民矣。 吾子以為何如乎。 忠正君子曰。 是何言之過歟。 余昔篤志於儒林。 又措心于文苑。 頗同吾子之言論。 良由聞法之遲晚。 賴指南以去惑。 幸失途之未遠。 每省過而責躬。 則臨飡而忘飯。 子若博考而深計。 亦將悔迷而知返矣。 竊聞有太史令傅君者。 又甚於曩日之惑焉。 內自省於昔迷。 則十同其五矣。 請辯傅君之惑言。 以釋吾子之邪執。 傅謂佛法本出於西胡。 不應奉之於中國。 余昔同此惑焉。 今則悟其不然矣。 夫由余出自西戎。 輔秦穆而開伯業。 日磾生於北狄。 侍漢武而除危害。 臣既有之。 師亦宜爾。 何必取其同俗而捨於異方乎。 師以道大為尊。 無論於彼此。 法以善高為勝。 不計於遐邇。 若夫尚仁為美去欲稱高。 戒積惡之餘殃。 勸為善以邀福。 百家之所同。 七經無以易。 但褊淺而未深至。 齷齪而不周廣。 其恕己及物。 孰與佛之弘乎。 其覩未知本。 孰與佛之遠乎。 其勸善懲惡。 孰與佛之廣乎。 其明空析有。 孰與佛之深乎。 由此觀之。 其道妙矣。 聖人之德。 何以加焉。 豈得生於異域而賤其道。 出於遠方而棄其寶。 夫絕群之駿。 非唯中邑之產。 曠世之珍。 不必諸華之物。 漢求西域之名馬。 魏收南海之明珠。 貢犀象之牙角。 採翡翠之毛羽。 物生遠域尚於此而為珍。 道出遐方獨奈何而可棄。 若藥物出於戎夷。 禁呪起於胡越。 苟可以蠲邪而去疾。 豈以遠來而不用之哉。 夫滅三毒以證無為。 其蠲邪也大矣。 除八苦而致常樂。 其去疾也深矣。 何得拘夷夏而計親疎乎。 況百億日月之下。 三千世界之內。 則中在於彼域。 不在此方矣。 傳計詩書所未言。 以為修多不足尚。 余昔同此惑焉。 今又悟其不然矣。 夫天文曆象之祕奧。 地理山川之卓詭。 經脈孔穴之診候。 針藥符呪之方術。 詩書有所不載。 周孔未之明言。 然考之吉凶有時而徵矣。 察其行用而多効矣。 且又周孔未言之物。 蠢蠢無窮。 詩書不載之法。 茫茫何限。 信乎書不盡言。 言不盡意。 何得拘六經之局教。 而背三乘之通旨哉。 夫能事未興於上古。 聖人開務於後世。 故棟宇易橧巢之居。 文字代結繩之制。 飲血茹毛之饌。 則先用而未珍。 火化粒食之功。 雖後作而非弊。 彼用捨之先後。 非理教之通蔽。 豈得以詩書早播而得隆。 修多晚至而當替。 人有幼噉藜藿長飯粱肉。 少為布衣老遇侯服。 豈得以藜藿先獲謂勝粱肉之味。 侯服晚遇不如布衣之貴乎。 萬物有遷三寶常住。 寂然不動感而遂通。 化身示隱顯之迹。 法體絕興亡之數。 非初誕於王宮。 不長逝於雙樹。 何得論生滅于赴感。 計修促于來去乎。 傅氏譽老子而毀釋迦。 讚道書而非佛教。 余昔同此惑焉。 今又悟其不然矣。 夫釋老之為體。 一而不二矣。 同蠲有欲之累。 俱顯無為之宗。 老氏明而未融。 釋典言臻其極。 道若果是佛。 固同是而無非。 佛若果非道。 亦可非而無是。 理非矛盾之異。 人懷向背之殊。 既同眾狙之喜怒。 又似葉公之愛畏。 至如柱下道德之旨。 漆園內外之篇。 雅奧而難加。 清高而可尚。 竊甞讀之。 無間然矣。 豈以信奉釋典而苟訾之哉。 抑又論夫死生無窮之緣。 報應不朽之旨。 釋氏之所創明。 黃老未之言及。

"[Monasteries] have already been established upon high, dry ground and further endowed with fertile fields. Tall banner poles are raised aloft to gleam against the sun; [monasteries] emulate noble mansions, directly facing the thoroughfares. Princes, dukes, and great ministers assist them with gold and silk; wealthy agricultural and mercantile families donate fields and houses to them. Where does the blessed benefit of this lie? Why is there such excessive honor and reverence? It would be better to melt down the statues and cease their casting, so that coins and currency need not be wasted; to burn the sūtras and prohibit copying, so that brush and paper would not be made dear; to defrock the monks and return them to the household registers, thereby increasing the surplus revenue from millet; to demolish the stupas to supply what is lacking, thereby broadening the benevolent relief [for the poor]. Wishing to present myself at the palace to offer my humble loyalty, I submit this memorial to present this plan. I humbly submit that this can benefit the state and profit the people. What do you, sir, think of it?"
The loyal and upright gentleman said, "What an excessive statement this is! In the past, I was deeply devoted to the ranks of Confucian scholars and applied my mind to the garden of letters; my views were much the same as yours, purely because I was late in hearing the Dharma. Relying on a compass [to direct me], I dispelled my delusion, and fortunately I had not strayed far from the path. Whenever I reflect upon my faults and blame myself, I even forget to eat when facing a meal. If you examine things widely and deliberate deeply, you too will regret your confusion and know how to turn back.
I have heard that there is the Grand Astrologer, Gentleman Fu, whose delusions are even more severe than mine were in former days. Looking inward and reflecting on my past confusion, five out of ten [of my errors] were identical with his. Please allow me to refute Gentleman Fu's misguided statements in order to dispel your perverse attachment.
Fu says that the Buddha's teaching originally came from the Western Hu and should not be revered in the Central Kingdom. Formerly, I shared this delusion, but now I realize it is not so. Youyu came from the Western Rong, yet he assisted Duke Mu of Qin in establishing his hegemony; Jin Midi was born among the Northern Di, yet he attended Emperor Wu of Han and eliminated perils and harm. If this is true of ministers, it should also be so of teachers! Why must one accept only those of the same customs and reject those from foreign regions? A teacher is revered for the greatness of his Way, irrespective of here or there; a teaching is supreme for the loftiness of its goodness, regardless of near or far.
As for prizing benevolence as fine and regarding the elimination of desire as lofty, warning against the lingering misfortunes of accumulated evil and encouraging good deeds to seek fortune—this is shared by the hundred schools and cannot be altered by the Seven Classics. Yet [their views] are narrow and shallow, not having reached the profoundest depth; they are petty and not comprehensive or broad. In showing empathy for oneself and extending it to creatures, how do they compare with the Buddha's vastness? In observing what is not yet known and reaching the source, how do they compare with the Buddha's farsightedness? In encouraging good and chastising evil, how do they compare with the Buddha's breadth? In illuminating emptiness and analyzing existence, how do they compare with the Buddha's depth? Viewed from this perspective, his Way is wondrous indeed! How could the virtue of any sage surpass it? How could one despise his Way merely because he was born in a foreign land, or discard his treasure merely because it came from a distant region?
Swift steeds that surpass the herd are not produced only in the central provinces; treasures rare in any age are not necessarily the products of the various Hua lands. The Han sought renowned horses from the Western Regions; the Wei collected lustrous pearls from the South Seas; ivory and horns from rhinoceroses and elephants were offered as tribute, and feathers were plucked from kingfishers. If material things born in distant lands are still valued here as treasures, why should the Way alone be discarded merely because it came from a distant realm? If medicinal herbs come from the Rong and Yi, or incantations originate among the Hu and Yue, provided they can dispel evil and remove sickness, would one fail to use them simply because they came from afar?
Now, eradicating the three poisons to realize the unconditioned—how great is this dispelling of evil! Removing the eight sufferings to attain eternal bliss—how profound is this elimination of sickness! How could one be confined by the distinction between barbarian and Hua, or calculate near and distant relations? What is more, under the hundreds of millions of suns and moons and within the trichiliocosm, the 'center' lies in that realm, not in this region!
Fu reasons that because the sūtras are not mentioned in the Odes and the Documents, the sūtras are not worthy of esteem. In the past, I shared this delusion, but now I have again realized that it is not so. The secret subtleties of celestial phenomena and calendar science, the extraordinary wonders of geography and mountains and rivers, the diagnoses and signs of the channels and acupuncture points, the methods and arts of needles, herbs, talismans, and spells—these are not recorded in the Odes and the Documents, nor were they clearly spoken of by the Duke of Zhou and Confucius. Yet when tested against good and bad fortune, they are verified at times; when examined in practical application, they are often effective. Furthermore, the swarming, endless things unspoken by the Duke of Zhou and Confucius, and the boundless, limitless phenomena unrecorded in the Odes and the Documents—how could there be an end to them? Truly, writings do not exhaust words, and words do not exhaust meanings. How could one be confined to the limited teachings of the Six Classics while turning one's back on the all-pervading purport of the Triyāna?
Capacities and practices were not fully developed in high antiquity; the sages opened up undertakings in later generations. Thus, pillared buildings replaced dwelling in nests and trees, and writing replaced the system of knotted cords. Feasting on blood and swallowing feathers were used first, yet were not prized; the efficacy of cooking by fire and eating grain, though invented later, was by no means defective. Their priority of adoption or rejection is not a matter of the breadth or limitation of reason and instruction. How could one hold that the Odes and Documents should flourish because they were propagated early, while the sūtras should be discarded because they arrived late? There are men who in youth ate coarse greens and in adulthood dined on fine grain and meat; who in youth wore plain clothes and in old age obtained the robes of a marquis. How could one claim that because coarse greens were obtained first they surpass the flavor of fine grain and meat, or that the robes of a marquis obtained late are not as noble as plain cloth?
The myriad things undergo change, but the Three Jewels are eternally abiding. Quiescent and unmoving, they respond to conditions and thereupon penetrate everywhere. The transformation body manifests the traces of concealing and revealing; the Dharma body transcends the numbers of rise and decline. He was not born for the first time in the royal palace, nor did he pass away forever under the twin trees. How could one discuss birth and cessation on the basis of his responding to conditions, or reckon length and brevity on the basis of his coming and going?
Gentleman Fu praises Laozi and slanders Śākyamuni; he lauds Daoist books and condemns the Buddhist teachings. Formerly, I shared this delusion, but now I have again realized that it is not so. The substance of Buddhism and Daoism is one and not two. Both eliminate the burden of having desires, and both reveal the principle of the unconditioned. Laozi clarified it, yet not fully; the Buddhist scriptures express it to the utmost limit. If the Dao were truly the Buddha, they would be fundamentally identical and neither would be wrong. If the Buddha were truly not the Dao, one could also negate one without affirming the other. The principle is not a contradiction of opposites, but men harbor differences of inclination and opposition; they are like the monkeys showing joy and anger, or like Duke She with his affection and dread [of dragons]. As for the purport of the Daode[jing] from the archivist beneath the pillar, and the inner and outer chapters from the garden of lacquer trees, they are elegant and profound, difficult to surpass, pure and lofty, worthy of esteem. I have humbly read them and found no fault in them. How could I blindly disparage them simply because I believe in and uphold the Buddhist scriptures?
Furthermore, let us consider the principle of the endless causes of birth and death, and of imperishable karmic retribution: this was first clearly illuminated by the Buddha, whereas Huang-Lao never spoke of it."

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

11.10.3

不知今之道書何因類於佛典。 論三世以勸刑。 出九流之軌躅。 若目覩而言之。 則同佛而等其照。 若耳聞而放之。 則師佛而遵其說。 同照則同不當非。 相師則師不可毀。 譽道而非佛。 何謬之甚哉。 傅云。 佛是妖魅之氣寺為淫邪之祀。 此其未思之甚也。 妖唯作㜸。 豈弘十善之化。 魅必憑邪。 寧興八正之道。 妖猶畏狗。 魅亦懼猫。 何以降帝釋之高心。 摧天魔之神力。 又如圖澄羅什之侶。 道安惠遠之儔。 高德高名。 非醉非狂。 豈容捨愛辭榮求魑魅之邪道。 勤身苦節事魍魎之妖神。 又自昔東漢至我大唐。 代代而禁妖言處處而斷淫祀。 豈容捨其財力放其士民。 營魑魅之堂塔。 入魍魎之徒眾。 又有宰輔冠蓋人倫羽儀王導庾亮之徒。 戴逵許詢之輩。 置情天人之際。 抗迹煙霞之表。 並稟教而歸依。 皆厝心以崇信。 豈容尊妖奉魅以自屈乎。 良由覩妙知真使之然耳。 又傅氏之先。 毅字武仲。 高才碩學世號通人。 辯顯宗之祥夢。 證金人之冥感。 釋道東被毅有功焉。 竊揆傅令之才識。 未可齊於武仲也。 何為毀佛謗法。 與其先之反乎。 吳尚書令闞澤對吳主孫權曰。 孔老二家比方佛法優劣遠矣。 何以言之。 孔老設教。 法天以制用。 不敢違天。 諸佛說法。 天奉而行。 不敢違佛。 以此言之。 實非比對。 愚謂闞子斯論知優劣之一隅矣。 凡百君子可不思其言乎。 夫大士高僧。 觀於理也深矣。 明主賢臣。 謀於國也忠矣。 而歷代寶之以為大訓何哉。 知其窮理盡性道莫之加故也。 傅氏觀不深於名僧。 思未精於前哲。 獨師心而背法。 輕絕福而興咎。 何其為國謀而不忠乎。 為身慮而不遠乎。 大覺窮神而知化。 深觀過患而豫防。 惟可齡之易盡嗟五福而難常。 命川流而電逝。 業地久而天長。 三塗極迍而杳杳。 四流無際而茫茫。 憑法舟而利濟。 藉信翮以翱翔。 宜轉咎而為福。 何罔念而作狂也。 傅云趙時梁時皆有僧反。 況今天下僧尼二十萬眾。 此又不思之言也。 若以昔有反僧而廢今之法眾。 豈得以古有叛臣而棄今之名士。 隣有逆兒而逐己之順子。 昔有亂民而不養今之黎庶乎。 夫普天之下出家之眾。 非雲集於一邑。 實星分於九土。 攝之以州縣。 限之以關河。 無徵發之威權。 有憲章之禁約。 縱令三五兇險一二闡提。 既無緣於烏合。 亦何憂於蟻聚。 且又沙門入道。 豈懷亡命之謀。 女子出家。 寧求帶甲之用。 何乃混計僧尼之數。 當同梟鏡之黨架虛以亂真。 蔽善而稱惡。 君子有三畏。 豈當如是乎。 夫青衿有罪。 非關尼父之失。 皂服為非。 豈是釋尊之咎。 僧干朝憲。 尼犯俗刑。 譬誦律而穿窬。 如讀禮而驕倨。 但以人稟頑嚚之性而不遷於善。 非是經開逆亂之源而令染於惡。 人不皆賢。 法實惟善。 何因怒惡而反善。 咎人而棄法。 若夫口談夷惠而身行桀蹠。 耳聽桀蹠而口廢詩禮。 然則人有可誅之罪。 法無可廢之過。 但應禁非以弘法。 不可以人而賤道。 竊篤信于妙法。 不苟黨於沙門。 至於耘稊稗以殖嘉苗。 肅奸危以清大教。 所深願矣。 所深願矣。 傅云。 道人土梟皆是貪逆之惡種。 此又不思之言也。 夫以捨俗修道。 故稱道人。 學道離貪逆。 若云貪菩提道逆生死流。 則僖子興言未及斯旨。 觀沙門之律行也。 行人所不能行。 止人所不能止。 具諸釋典可得而究。 蠕動之物猶不加害。 況為梟鏡之事乎。 嫁娶之禮尚捨不為。 況為禽獸之心乎。 何乃引離欲之上人。 匹聚塵之下物。 援有道之賢俊。 比無知之庶類。 毀大慈之善眾。 媲不祥之惡鳥。 謂道人為逆種。 以梵行比獸心。 害善一何甚乎。 反正頓如此乎。 余昔每引孝經之不毀傷。 以譏沙門之法去鬚髮謂其反先王之道。

I do not know why the Daoist scriptures of today resemble Buddhist scriptures, discussing the three realms of existence to encourage punishment and stepping beyond the tracks of the Nine Streams. If they spoke of it having seen it with their own eyes, then they are identical to the Buddha and equal to his illumination; if they heard it with their ears and imitated it, then they took the Buddha as their master and followed his words. If their illumination is identical, then being the same, it ought not to be censured; if one took him as master, then the master must not be reviled. To praise the Dao while censuring the Buddha—how great an absurdity that is! Fu [Yi] says: 'The Buddha is the vapor of malevolent specters, and monasteries are shrines for illicit demons.' This shows how deeply unreflective he is. Specters produce only calamity; how could they propagate the transformation of the ten virtuous deeds? Demons necessarily rely on heterodoxy; would they ever promote the path of the eightfold noble truths? Specters still fear dogs, and demons also dread cats; how could they subdue the lofty pride of Śakra Devendra or crush the supernatural powers of the heavenly Māra? Moreover, consider men such as Fotudeng and Kumārajīva, or peers like Dao'an and Huiyuan—of lofty virtue and high renown, neither drunken nor deranged: how could they be permitted to abandon attachments, renounce worldly honors, and seek the heterodox ways of mountain goblins, or afflict their bodies with rigorous asceticism to serve the malign spirits of water demons? Furthermore, from the Later Han down to our Great Tang, generation after generation has proscribed heterodox talk, and everywhere illicit worship has been terminated. How could the court allow the expenditure of wealth and the release of scholar-officials and subjects to build halls and stūpas for goblins, or enter the followings of demonic spirits? In addition, there were chancellors, officials, models of human propriety, and ornaments of the state like Wang Dao and Yu Liang, or peers like Dai Kui and Xu Xun, who set their minds in the realm of gods and men and elevated their steps beyond the mist and clouds. All received the teachings and took refuge; all set their minds to venerate and believe. How could they deign to bow themselves in veneration of specters and demons? It was truly because they beheld the sublime and recognized the truth that it was so. Moreover, the ancestor of this Mr. Fu, [Fu] Yi, courtesy name Wuzhong, was a man of lofty talent and profound erudition, acclaimed throughout his generation as an all-embracing scholar. He discerned the auspicious dream of Emperor Xianzong [Ming of Han] and corroborated the subtle inspiration of the golden man. In the eastern transmission of Śākya's teaching, Yi played a meritorious part. In my humble estimation, the talent and discernment of Director Fu cannot rival Wuzhong. Why, then, does he revile the Buddha and defame the Dharma, doing the opposite of his ancestor? Kan Ze, Prefect of the Masters of Writing under Wu, replied to Sun Quan, the Lord of Wu: 'When the two schools of Confucius and Laozi are compared with the Buddha's Dharma, the difference in superiority and inferiority is vast. Why is this? Confucius and Laozi established their teachings by taking Heaven as their model to institute regulations; they dared not disobey Heaven. When the Buddhas preach the Dharma, Heaven reveres and practices it, daring not disobey the Buddha. Speaking from this perspective, they are truly beyond comparison.' In my humble view, Master Kan's discourse grasped one corner of this superiority and inferiority. Can the gentlemen of the realm fail to reflect upon his words? Great beings and eminent monks have observed the inner principles deeply; enlightened sovereigns and worthy ministers have planned for the state with loyalty. Why, then, have successive dynasties treasured it as a great moral guide? It is because they knew that in exhausting principle and fully realizing one's nature, no path can surpass it. Fu's contemplation is not deeper than that of famed monks, nor is his thought more refined than that of past sages. Solely following his own whims, he turns his back on the Dharma; lightly cutting off merit, he brings about misfortune. How disloyal is his planning for the state! How short-sighted is his concern for his own person! The Great Awakened One plumbed the spiritual depths and understood transformation, deeply observing faults and suffering, taking precautions in advance. Considering that one's lifespan is easily exhausted, he lamented that the five blessings are hard to preserve for long. Life flows like a river and passes like lightning; karma endures as long as heaven and earth. The three evil destinies are fraught with hardship and gloom; the four currents are boundless and vast. One relies on the boat of the Dharma to cross safely; one depends on the wings of faith to soar high. One ought to turn misfortune into fortune; why lack reflection and act madly? Fu says: 'During the Zhao and Liang periods, there were monks who rebelled; all the more so now, when the empire has two hundred thousand monks and nuns.' These, again, are unthinking words. If past rebellions among monks justify abolishing the assemblies of the Dharma today, could ancient treacherous ministers justify abandoning the renowned scholars of today? Could a neighbor's rebellious son justify banishing one's own dutiful child? Could rebellious people in the past justify not nurturing the common folk today? The assembly of renunciants throughout the entire world is not gathered in a single town, but is scattered like stars across the nine regions. They are governed by prefectures and counties, and bounded by passes and rivers. They hold no authority to muster troops, and they are constrained by statutes and codes. Even if there are three or five dangerous villains, or one or two icchantikas, since there is no opportunity for them to flock together in mobs, why worry about an ant-like throng? Furthermore, when śramaṇas enter the Path, do they harbor the schemes of outlaws? When women leave the household, would they seek to bear arms? Why lump together the tally of monks and nuns, equating them with bands of owls and mirror-beasts, inventing falsehoods to confound the truth, obscuring good and exalting evil? A gentleman has three things he reveres—ought he to act like this? When scholars in blue collars commit crimes, it is not the fault of Father Ni [Confucius]; when those in black robes do wrong, how could it be the blame of Śākya the World-Honoured One? Monks violating dynastic statutes and nuns offending secular penalties are like reading the codes while committing burglary, or reading the rites while behaving haughtily. It is merely that individuals are endowed with stubborn and corrupt natures and fail to reform toward the good; it is not that the scriptures open up the sources of rebellion and cause them to be tainted by evil. People are not all virtuous, but the Dharma is truly good. Why, out of anger at evil, turn against the good, or blame individuals and abandon the Dharma? It is like discussing Boyi and Liuxia Hui with one's mouth while acting like Jie and Robber Zhi with one's body, or hearing of Jie and Robber Zhi with one's ears and discarding the Book of Odes and Book of Rites with one's mouth. Thus, people may bear capital guilt, but the Dharma has no fault for which it should be discarded. One should merely proscribe wrongdoing to propagate the Dharma; one must not degrade the Path because of people. In my humble view, while having deep faith in the sublime Dharma, I do not blindly align with śramaṇas. As for weeding out tares and darnel to cultivate fine sprouts, and purging treachery and peril to purify the Great Teaching, this is truly my profound wish; this is truly my profound wish. Fu says: 'Monks and horned owls are all the evil seed of greed and rebellion.' These, again, are unthinking words. One who renounces the secular world to cultivate the Path is called a man of the Path. Studying the Path means abandoning greed and rebellion. If one were to say they are greedy for the path of bodhi and rebel against the stream of saṃsāra, Master Xi's words fell short of this meaning. Observe the vinaya conduct of the śramaṇa: they practice what ordinary men cannot practice, and refrain from what ordinary men cannot refrain from. This is fully recorded in the Buddhist scriptures and can be investigated. They do not harm even wriggling creatures; how much less would they commit the deeds of owls and mirror-beasts? They renounce even the rites of marriage and do not engage in them; how much less would they harbor the minds of beasts? Why take superior beings who have renounced desires and pair them with base creatures that gather dust? Why take worthy talents possessed of the Path and compare them with ignorant animal species? Why revile the benevolent assembly of great compassion and liken them to ominous and evil birds? To call men of the Path a rebellious seed and compare pure conduct to the mind of beasts—how severe is this injury to goodness! How abrupt is this inversion of right and wrong! Formerly, I too would often cite the Classic of Filial Piety's injunction against harming one's body to deride the śramaṇa's practice of shaving hair and beard, calling it a violation of the way of the former kings.

English (machine translation) (machine translation)

11.10.4

失忠孝之義。 今則悟其不然矣。 若夫事君親而盡節雖殺身而稱仁。 虧忠孝而偷存。 徒全膚而非義。 論美見危而致命。 禮防臨難而苟免。 何得一概而訶毀傷雷同而顧膚髮。 割股納肝傷則甚矣。 剔鬚落髮損乃微焉。 立忠不顧其命。 論者莫知咎。 求道不愛其毛。 何獨以為過。 湯恤烝民。 尚焚軀以祈澤。 墨敦兼愛欲磨足而至頂況夫上為君父深求相利。 須髮之毀何足顧哉。 夫聖人之教。 有殊途而同歸君子之道。 或反經而合義。 則泰伯其人也。 廢在家之就養。 託採藥而不歸。 棄中國之服章。 依剪髮以為飾。 反經悖禮莫甚於斯。 然而仲尼稱之曰。 泰伯可謂至德矣。 其故何也。 雖迹背君親。 而心忠於家國。 形虧百越。 布德全乎三讓。 故泰伯棄衣冠之制。 而無損於至德。 則沙門捨縉紳之容。 亦何傷乎妙道。 雖易服改貌。 違臣子之常儀。 而信道歸心。 願君親之多福。 苦其身意。 修出家之眾善。 遺其君父。 延歷劫之深慶。 其為忠孝不亦多乎。 浪謂沙門為不忠。 未之信矣。 傅又云。 西域胡人因埿而生。 是以便事埿瓦。 此又未思之言也。 夫崇立靈像摸寫尊形。 所用多塗。 非獨埿瓦。 或彫或鑄。 則以鐵木金銅。 圖之繡之。 亦在丹青縑素。 復謂西域士女遍從此物而生乎。 且又中國之廟以木為主。 則謂制禮君子皆從木而育邪。 親不可忘。 故為之宗廟。 佛不可忘。 故立其形像。 以表罔極之心。 用申如在之敬。 欽聖仰德何失之有哉。 夫以善為過者。 故亦以惡為功矣。 傅又云。 帝王無佛則國治年長。 有佛則政虐祚短。 此又未思之言也。 則謂能仁設教。 皆闡淫虐之風。 菩薩立言。 專弘桀紂之事。 以實論之。 殊不然矣。 夫殷喪大寶。 災興妲己之言。 周失諸侯禍由褒姒之笑。 三代之亡。 皆此物也。 三乘之教。 豈斯尚乎。 佛之為道慈悲喜捨。 齊物而等怨親。 與安樂而救危苦。 古之所以得其民者。 佛既弘之矣民之所以逃其上者。 經甚戒之矣。 羲軒舜禹之德。 在六度而苞籠。 羿浞癸辛之咎。 總十惡以防禁。 向使桀遵少欲之教。 紂順大慈之道。 伊呂無以用其謀。 湯武焉得行其計。 可使鳴條免去國之禍。 牧野息倒戈之亂。 夏后從洛汭之歌。 楚子違乾溪之難。 然則釋氏之化。 為益非小。 延福祚於無窮。 遏危亡於未兆。 傅謂有之為損。 無之為益。 是何言與。 是何言與。 佛何讐而誣之至此。 佛何負而疾之若讐乎。 傅又云。 未有佛法之前。 人皆淳和世無篡逆。 此又未思之言也。 夫九黎亂德。 豈非無佛之年。 三苗逆命。 非當有法之後。 夏殷之季何有淳和。 春秋之時寧無篡逆。 寇賊奸宄。 作士命於皐陶。 玁狁孔熾。 蕩伐勞於吉甫。 而傅謂佛興篡逆。 盜法佛猶戒之。 豈長篡逆之亂乎。 一言之競佛亦防之。 何敗淳和之道乎。 惟佛之為教也。 勸臣以忠。 勸子以孝。 勸國以治。 勸家以和。 弘善示天堂之樂。 懲非顯地獄之苦。 不唯一字以為褒。 豈止五刑而作戒。 乃謂傷和而長亂。 不亦誣謗之甚哉。 亦何傷於佛日乎。 但自淪於苦海矣。 輕而不避。 良可悲夫。 於是書生心伏而色愧。 避席而謝曰。 僕以習俗生常違道自佚。 忽於所未究。 翫其所先述。 背正法而異論。 受邪言以同失。 今聞佛智之玄邃。 乃知釋教之忠質。 豁然神悟而理攄。 足以蕩迷而祛疾。 雖從邪於昔歲。 請歸正於茲日。 謹誦來戒以為口實矣。

[... that the Buddhist robes and shaved head] lose the righteousness of loyalty and filial piety. Now, however, I have realized that this is not so. As for serving one's sovereign and parents: if one exhausts one's integrity, even giving up one's life is called humaneness; while compromising loyalty and filial piety to cling shamefully to survival merely preserves the skin, which is unrighteous. The treatises praise facing danger and sacrificing one's life; the rites guard against evading duty in times of peril. How can one sweeping statement condemn injuring [the body] and indiscriminately fuss over hair and skin? Slicing flesh from the thigh or presenting one's liver involves severe injury, yet shaving the beard and hair is but a slight loss. One who establishes loyalty has no regard for his life, and critics find no fault; why, then, should one who seeks the Way and does not cherish his hair alone be considered wrong? Tang pitied the common people and even offered his body to be burned to pray for rain; Mozi promoted universal love and was willing to rub himself smooth from heel to crown. How much more so when one deeply seeks mutual benefit for sovereign and father above: how would the loss of beard and hair be worth a second thought? The teachings of the sages have different paths that converge on the same goal; the Way of the gentleman may contravene the standard norm yet accord with righteousness—Taibo was such a man! He gave up tending to his parents at home and feigned gathering herbs never to return; he cast off the dress of the Central Plains and cut his hair for adornment. Nothing could have contravened the standard norm or violated the rites more than this. Yet Zhongni praised him, saying: 'Taibo may indeed be called of utmost virtue!' What was the reason for this? Although his actions turned his back on sovereign and parents, his heart was loyal to his house and state. Though his appearance was altered among the Baiyue, he spread his virtue and fulfilled the three renunciations. Therefore, Taibo cast off the system of robes and caps without diminishing his utmost virtue; so how could a śramaṇa relinquishing the attire of the gentry harm the wondrous Way? Although they change their clothing and alter their appearance, contravening the ordinary customs of ministers and sons, they entrust their hearts to the Way in faithful devotion and wish abundant blessings for sovereign and parents. They mortify their bodies and minds, cultivating the manifold good deeds of pravrajyā; by dedicating these to their sovereign and father, they prolong profound blessings through successive kalpas. Is this not abundant loyalty and filial piety? To rashly call śramaṇas disloyal is truly incredible! Fu further claimed that the barbarians of the Western Regions were born from mud and therefore serve clay and brick [images]. These too are thoughtless words! When venerating spiritual images and depicting revered forms, the materials used are many, not just clay and brick: some are carved and some are cast, using iron, wood, gold, and bronze; they are also painted and embroidered, using pigments and silk. Would he claim again that the men and women of the Western Regions were born entirely from such things? Moreover, ancestral shrines in China take wooden tablets as the primary object—would he say that the gentlemen who established the rites were all reared from wood? Parents cannot be forgotten, so ancestral shrines are built for them; the Buddha cannot be forgotten, so his images are erected to manifest boundless devotion and express the reverence of 'as if present.' In venerating the sage and esteeming virtue, what fault is there? Those who regard good as an offense naturally consider evil a merit! Fu also claimed that when sovereigns had no Buddha, the country was well governed and their reigns were long, but when there was a Buddha, governance was tyrannical and reigns were brief. These are likewise thoughtless words! Would one then say that Sākyamuni established his teachings to propagate licentiousness and tyranny, and that the bodhisattvas laid down words exclusively to promote the deeds of Jie and Zhou? To speak truth, it is entirely otherwise! The House of Yin lost the great treasure [of the state] because disaster arose from Daji's words; the House of Zhou lost the feudal lords because calamity stemmed from Baosi's smile. The falls of the Three Dynasties all derived from such matters. Would the teachings of the triyāna ever esteem these? The Buddha's Way is loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity; it equalizes all things and views enemies and kin alike, bestowing peace and joy and rescuing from peril and suffering. That by which the ancients won over their people, the Buddha has already propagated; that which caused the people to flee from their rulers, the scriptures have strictly prohibited. The virtues of Fuxi, Xuanyuan, Shun, and Yu are all encompassed within the six pāramitās; the faults of Yi, Zhuo, Gui, and Xin are all prevented by the ten non-virtuous actions. If Jie had formerly followed the teaching of few desires and Zhou had complied with the Way of great compassion, Yi Yin and Lü Shang would have had no use for their stratagems, and Tang and Wu would not have carried out their plans! Mingtiao could have been spared the disaster of losing the realm, and Muye could have calmed the chaos of soldiers turning their halberds around; the Lord of Xia would have heeded the songs of the bend of the Luo, and the Viscount of Chu would have avoided the calamity at Ganxi. Thus, the transformation wrought by the Buddha's teachings is of no small benefit: it extends fortune and prosperity without end and checks peril and destruction before they manifest. When Fu claims that having it is harmful and lacking it is beneficial, what kind of words are these? What kind of words are these? What enmity does he bear the Buddha to slander him so, and what debt has the Buddha failed to pay him that he hates him like an enemy? Fu further claimed that before the Buddhist Dharma existed, all people were pure and harmonious, and the world knew no usurpations or rebellions. These too are thoughtless words! Was the rebellion against virtue by the Nine Li not in an era without the Buddha? Was the disobedience of the Sanmiao after the Dharma already existed? In the twilight of the Xia and Yin dynasties, where was purity and harmony? In the Spring and Autumn period, was there really no usurpation or rebellion? When robbers, bandits, traitors, and subversives arose, the post of judge was appointed under Gaoyao; when the Xianyun flared up fiercely, the toil of launching campaigns fell to Jifu. Yet Fu claims that Buddhism gives rise to usurpation and rebellion! Even the theft of the Dharma is prohibited by the Buddha; how could he encourage the turmoil of usurpation and rebellion? A single contentious word is also guarded against by the Buddha; how could he ruin the way of purity and harmony? The Buddha's teaching urges ministers to be loyal, sons to be filial, states to be well ordered, and families to be harmonious. It promotes goodness by showing the joys of heaven, and disciplines wrong by revealing the torments of hell. He does not use merely a single character for praise, nor does he stop at the five punishments to establish precepts. To say that it harms harmony and fosters disorder—is this not the height of slander? And what harm does it do to the sun of the Buddha? Such a one merely sinks himself into the ocean of suffering. Slighting it without avoiding it—how truly lamentable! Thereupon the scholar was subdued in mind and looked ashamed; he vacated his mat and apologized, saying: 'Because I was accustomed to worldly conventions, I constantly transgressed the Way and gave myself over to laxity. I neglected what I had not investigated and took pleasure in what had been handed down before; turning my back on the correct Dharma, I entertained deviant theories, accepting perverse words and sharing in the error. Now that I have heard the profound depths of the Buddha's wisdom, I know the loyalty and substance of the Buddhist teaching. Suddenly enlightened in spirit, the truth is laid open, sufficient to sweep away confusion and dispel the malady. Though I followed deviance in past years, I beg to return to rectitude this day. I shall respectfully recite these admonitions to keep them always on my lips.'

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