[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Buddhist Literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha) › [Taishō Tripiṭaka (Chinese Buddhist canon)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho) › [續高僧傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060) › 15.34 # 續高僧傳 15.34 續高僧傳 15.34 - **Language:** Classical Chinese ### [15.34](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.15.34) 論曰。自佛教東傳。年代惟遠。條暢銓府開喻精靈。可略言矣。昔者漢明入夢。滕蘭赴雒。通悟道俗抑引邪正。故使時俗一期翕然改觀。非夫辯慧何以明哉。然則教本通揚。宗歸義舉。談吐誠易。識敏攸難。不輕被錯授之儔。淨名垂失機之責。並為沈淪典誥以解齊緣。藥病相翻斯迷斯覺。況復教流千載情纏五濁。控詞談理能無糺紛。得在傳揚失於熏習。晉有道安獨興論旨。准的前聖商攉義方。廣疎注述首開衢路。遠持追蹤於遂古。願叡振藻而傳芳。故著序云。安和上鑿荒塗以開轍。標玄旨於性空削格義於既往。啟神理於來世。至如道生孤拔。擅奇思於當年。道林遠識。標新理而改旦。自斯厥後祖習餘風。雖云較異蓋可知矣。梁高端拱御曆。膺奉護持。天監初年捨邪歸正。遊心佛理陶思幽微。於重雲殿千僧講眾。月建義筵法化通洽。制五時論轉四方等。注解涅槃情用未愜。重申大品發明奧義。當斯時也天下無事家國會昌。風化所覃被于荒服。鍾山帝里寶剎相臨。都邑名寺七百餘所。諮質文理往往而繁。時有三大法師雲旻藏者。方駕當途復稱僧傑。挹酌成論齊騖先驅。考定昔人非無臧否。何以然耶。至如講解傳授經教本宗。摘文揣義。情猶有失。何得背本追末意言引用。每日敷化但竪玄章不覩論文經于皓首。如斯處位未曰紹隆。若夫立文本宗。誠遊義苑。指月之況不爽先模。隨文五失又開弘誡。然則教為理依。理隨教顯。附教通理弘之在人。准此承遵。居然多惑。寧乖此喻安得相符。是使梁氏三師互指為謬。審文紕亂。可有致言。義在情求。情安倚伏其中。縱達論宗肅成風素。榮冠道俗行業相兼者。則開善智藏。抑其人乎。餘則慧解是長。儀範多雜。非無十數翹楚遵修細行。然定學攝心未聞於俗。故略言也。太宗簡文。在昔東府委心妙法。遍覽玄章志歸般若。刺心血而書十部。又撰法集聯璧各二百餘卷。然以晚從窘縶。故使釋侶無聞。中宗孝元。體悟幽鍵更崇深信。法華成論常自敷揚。沙門道侃。德隆時彥。業冠通賢。綴述新奇。帝偏鄭重奉為僧正。盛開學府廣召義僧。還遵舊轍。戶牖為異。宣明已下。福事雖弘。至於教理頗翳徽緒。陳氏五政。世屬虔劉。京邑僧寺誅焚略盡。及初臨統普備修治。接棟連甍復基梁日。弘福慧門世稱難紀。名德勝行故是可傳。雖獲五三蓋失多矣。恨闕餘傳。與時俱喪。對此可悲。至如琰𮍟騰光於五湖。榮朗飛蓋於三楚。二瓊以匡救而傳世。兩等以護法而相嗣。盛德弘矣。逮于北鄴最稱光大。移都茲始基構極繁。而兼創道場殄絕魔網。故使英俊林蒸業正雲會。每法筵一建聽侶千餘。慧光道憑躡跡通軌。法融慧遠顧視爭衡。然而開剖章途解散詞義。並推光統以為言先。豈非唱高和寡獨振今古。即當鋒之領袖。乃萬葉之師模。然光初學律宗晚通理教。郁郁兼美能振其芳。觀其成樹骨梗分布毛目。意存行猷護法為本。所以華嚴地論咸位綱模。被及當今成誦無墜。蓋有由矣。且夫佛教道東。世稱弘播。論其榮茂勿盛梁齊。故武帝撫期師承護法。戒定慧品莫匪陶甄。受持十善無缺六時。永絕辛羶長齋卒歲。言行相檢誠可尊嚴自有帝王罕能相擬。于時釋侶顧視思齊。篤學翹誠多陳濟器。齊宣受禪權用不思。或出或處。非小節之所量。乍智乍愚。信大人之壯觀。至於宗敬佛理師承戒護。每布髮於地。令上統踐之。又能率土之內。禁斷酒肉放捨鷹犬。畋漁屠殺普國不行。年三月六勸民齋戒。公私葷菜悉滅除之。又置昭玄十統肅清正法。使夫二百萬眾綏緝無塵法。上一人誠有功矣。周武定業秦川大開釋府。沙門道安復稱弘量。降禮宸極展敬華夷。導龍樹之江河。嚮彌天之輿蓋。地維武服。道寄文弘。開蒙博施之功。是其經略。但以運屬道消。中年毀廢。雖陳顯論莫表深衷。蜯病成珠竟于身世。末有亡名。復接斯咎。坎壈貧病陷遭戎俗。孝宣即位政異前朝。經像漸開齋福稍起。而厥化草創義學猶微。隋高荷負在躬。專弘佛教。開皇伊始。廣樹仁祠。有僧行處皆為立寺。召諸學徒普會京輦。其中高第自為等級。故二十五眾峙列帝城。隨慕學方任其披化。每日登殿坐列七僧。轉讀眾經及開理義。帝目覽萬機。而耳餐正法。于時釋門重稱高敞。雖減梁齊。亦後之寄。沙門慧遠。齊餘開士隋運高僧。首達帝城即陳講議。服勤請益七百餘人。道化天下三分其二。自餘明勝聯騼等驅。僧粲以論士馳名。慧藏以知微取號。僧休洞精於大論。法經妙體於教源。餘則玼瑣群英抵訶龍象者復叵知矣。其中尤最。沙門曇延。復是高傑。至如坐鎮御床口敷聲教。致令萬乘頂足。其德弘矣。煬帝嗣籙重飛聲實。道莊顧言於內外。法論禮御於始終。相願光揚於兩都。奘脫振藻於周魯。厚德懷仁又難加也。自爰初晉邸即位。道場慧日法雲廣陳釋侶。玉清金洞備引李宗。一藝有稱三徵別館。法輪長轉慧炬恒明。風靡之化曇延復遠。當時諸部雖復具揚。而涅槃攝論最為繁富。世近易照無勞廣顯。及皇唐御曆道務是崇義學之明方為弘遠。伊人之風豈易披述。輒託攸聞故略其致。然暠壁抗聲於金陵。基景標宗於玉壘。常辯弘揚於三輔。深懿馳譽於兩河。并晉則二達開模。齊魯則密才程略閏會剖符。日下敬其名教。徽空位席。嵩澤仰其義門。本紀時或漏之。其德不無。光敘統明眾師注述。通以章鈔為工。課文引義仰順前軌。徒盛改張差無弘誘。或接綴前篇。或糅雜時見。或虛控胸臆。詞理相非。或旁竊他文。意義蹇塞。皆勒成命氏。騰譽一時。言行之間河漢遼阻。本寔邪求妄承傳教。審夫意本焉可強乎。且自經誥所被。元在受持。大集顯法行之文。涅槃明知時之說。今則婆娑章句流演澆浮。翻種諸有未為靜業。超生之教豈意然耶。貴如說行斯誠旨也。故今當坐講客寫送文義。其隙復廣。何以明耶。且如聖行諸漏。由來杜言。惟識離念競陳橫想。受學毘曇行惡戒者。奉為聰慧。聽習楞伽樂飲噉者。用為通極。夸罩蒙俗陵轢往賢。眄視天漢率輕禁網。謂邪慧為真解。以亂識為圓智。不深悛悟枉喪餘齡。故使說法天禽被于念處。盤特庸敻具列賢愚。辯俊異之前生。顯頑嚚之後報。冷然釋相可不誡歟。原夫論義之設。其本四焉。或擊揚以明其道。幽旨由斯得開。或影響以扇其風。慧業由斯弘樹。或抱疑以諮明決。斯要正是當機或矜伐以冒時賢。安詞以拔愚箭。託緣乃四通在無嫌。必事相陵還符畜狩。故世中論士鮮會清柔。初事含容終成陷黷。名聞誰賞境界非凡。徒盛拒輪畢歸磨臆。故有王斌論。並明琛蛇勢。會空屋子。宗統語工。聽其論道。惟聞殺死之言。觀其容色。但見紛披之相。及後業之作也。或生充蛇報。或舌爛喉中。或僧獄接其來生。或猛火焚其往咎。彥琮山樓之驗。又可誡哉。是知道寄人弘。非人未可言道。豈言義府並若斯耶。故智藏遺塵慧光後嗣。宗仰徽烈豈有玷耶。沙門靈裕。行解相高內外通贍。亦當時之難偶也。然而立性剛毅峭急不倫。侍人流汗非可師範。世或譏論以此為先。斯亦不比德而觀也。語俗而談滔滔風流。愛心綿密未覿其短多容瑕累。見心機動禍福相隣。若不先知何成懲艾。致使裕公虛沾此及。若能返求諸己。斯言自亡。故宣尼流無備之詞。居士設未輕之論。誠有由矣。世有慧休。即承裕緒。學雜心而懼陵小犯。受師禮而親執瓶衣。遭難而更立淨厨。臨危而深誨禁約。人法斯具慧解通微。章疏所行誦為珠璧。猶恨不係於先業。餘則故略言也。 > The appraisal states: Since the eastward transmission of Buddhism, a long expanse of time has elapsed. The ways in which its storehouses of doctrines have flourished and enlightened people’s spirits can be spoken of in brief. Long ago, Han Mingdi had his dream, and Shemoteng and Zhu Falan arrived in Luoyang. They awakened both monastics and laity, repressing the heterodox and promoting the orthodox, thereby causing the customs of that era to undergo an immediate and sweeping transformation. Without their eloquence and wisdom, how could this have been achieved? However, while the fundamental purpose of the teachings is broad propagation, their essential focus rests on the exposition of doctrines. To engage in oral discourse is indeed easy, but sharp understanding and discernment are difficult. Thus, Sadāparibhūta was met with the slander of improper conferral, and Vimalakīrti laid down the reproach of missing the apt capacity. Both acted for those who were submerged in doctrinal texts, helping them awaken according to their appropriate conditions. Medicine and disease counter one another; thus delusion gives way to awakening. How much more so as the teachings have flowed down for a thousand years, while human sentiments remain entangled in the five defilements? When formulating arguments and discussing principles, how could there not be confusion? Success lies in propagation, but failure stems from improper conditioning. During the Jin dynasty, Dao’an alone advanced doctrinal treatises; taking previous sages as his standard, he deliberated on doctrinal methods. He extensively composed commentaries and annotations, being the first to open a broad pathway. In following the traces of high antiquity, he was succeeded by Huiyuan and Huirui, who unfolded literary elegance and transmitted his fragrance. Thus a preface remarks: 'The Upādhyāya Dao’an broke through barren paths to forge a track, displayed the profound tenets of the emptiness of intrinsic nature, excised the past reliance on matching concepts, and revealed the spiritual principle for future generations.' As for Daosheng, he stood uniquely lofty, monopolizing remarkable insights in his time; while Daolin possessed far-reaching discernment, marking out new principles that ushered in a fresh dawn. From then on, their successors followed in their residual tradition; though variations are said to exist, their main outlines can well be known. The founder of the Liang dynasty sat peacefully on the imperial throne, respectfully undertaking the protection of the Dharma. In the early Tianjian era, he abandoned the heterodox and returned to the orthodox, letting his mind wander in Buddhist principles and refining his thoughts on their subtlest mysteries. In the Chongyun Hall, before an assembly of a thousand monks, he held monthly doctrinal lectures, allowing the transformative Dharma to spread everywhere. He composed the Treatise on the Five Periods, turned the wheels of the four Vaipulya sūtras, and when his annotations to the Nirvāṇa Sūtra left his mind unsatisfied, he once again expounded the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra to reveal its profound import. At that time, the realm was free of troubles, and the state flourished. His moral influence reached even the outlying regions. At Mount Zhong and the imperial capital, precious monasteries stood facing one another; in the capital and outer cities, there were over seven hundred renowned monasteries. Consultations and inquiries regarding textual doctrine were frequent and plentiful. At that time, there were the three great dharmabhāṇakas, Zhizang, Sengmin, and Fayun; holding equal rank in the dominant current, they were hailed as preeminent monks. Drawing from the Tattvasiddhi-śāstra, they galloped together as forerunners, evaluating previous masters not without praise and censure. Why was this so? When lecturing on and transmitting the fundamental source of the scriptural teachings, even if one selects passages and gauges meanings, missteps may still occur in one’s understanding. How could one abandon the root and chase the branches, arbitrarily quoting based on personal caprice? If every day during instructional assemblies one merely sets forth mysterious treatises, never looking at the actual texts of the treatises even until one's hair turns white, occupying such a seat cannot be called continuing the lineage. If one establishes texts based on the fundamental tradition, one truly wanders in the garden of doctrine; the metaphor of pointing to the moon will not violate the ancient models, and the five faults of adhering strictly to the letter will also serve as a broad warning. The teaching serves as the basis for the principle; the principle becomes manifest through the teaching. Relying on the teaching to understand the principle, its propagation depends upon the person. If one complies with and observes this, there will naturally be much doubt; how could straying from this metaphor allow one to be in accord? This caused the three masters of the Liang to point out each other’s errors. If the text is scrutinized and found tangled, there is indeed cause for remark; yet when meaning is pursued through emotion, how can emotion remain stably balanced? If among them there was someone who mastered the treatise’s school, maintained austere discipline and upright character, and surpassed both the monastic and secular worlds with both moral conduct and doctrinal enterprise, would it not be Zhizang of Kaishan? As for the rest, their wisdom and understanding were their strengths, but their comportment was mixed. Not that there were lacking a dozen leaders who observed minute rules of conduct; however, their practice of dhyāna to harness the mind was never heard of in the secular realm, so I speak of it only briefly. Taizong, Emperor Jianwen, when formerly in the Eastern Palace, devoted his mind to the wondrous Dharma, extensively examining profound texts, with his aspiration directed toward prajñā. Piercing his heart, he used his own blood to copy ten sets of scriptures, and furthermore compiled the Fajiji and the Lianbi, each in more than two hundred fascicles. However, because he was constrained and imprisoned in his later years, the monastics received no further renown through him. Zhongzong, Emperor Xiaoyuan, realized the subtle key and venerated deep faith all the more; he often personally expounded the Lotus Sūtra and the Tattvasiddhi-śāstra. The śramaṇa Daokan possessed virtue surpassing the talents of his day, and his achievements stood above all wise men; he composed novel and remarkable works. The emperor favored him with great esteem, appointing him Sangha Rector. He opened great academies and summoned doctrinal monks on a wide scale. Yet they still followed the old ruts, differing only in their individual perspectives. From Emperor Xuan and Emperor Ming onward, though meritorious works were widely promoted, doctrinal principles became rather obscured in their glorious line. During the five reigns of the Chen dynasty, the era suffered devastating warfare; the monasteries of the capital were nearly all destroyed or burnt. When the first Chen ruler came to the throne, restorations were carried out comprehensively, with contiguous eaves and connected ridges restoring the foundations of the Liang era. The gates of promoting merit and cultivating wisdom were said to be beyond record, and the illustrious virtues and supreme deeds of that time are indeed worthy of transmission. Though a handful of them have been recorded, far more have been lost; I lament that their biographies are missing, having perished along with the times, which is truly a sad affair. As for Bao’yan and Fashan, their radiance spread over the Five Lakes; Fadao and Falang let their carriages fly across the Three Chu. The two Qiong masters transmitted their names to later generations by rescuing and aiding others, and the two Deng masters succeeded one another in defending the Dharma; their abundant virtues were immense indeed. Down to the Northern Qi capital of Ye, Buddhism reached its most luminous and grand stage. When the capital was newly moved there, foundational building was extremely active, while monasteries were founded and the snares of Māra were destroyed. Thus, eminent talents flourished like a dense forest, and those of upright conduct gathered like clouds. Whenever a Dharma assembly was held, the audience numbered over a thousand. Huiguang and Daoping followed in each other’s footsteps and opened the proper track; Farong and Huiyuan vied with one another in standing. Yet in analyzing chapter structures and explicating the phrasing and meanings, all deferred to the rector Huiguang as their supreme guide. Was this not a case of singing high and finding few to harmonize, uniquely inspiring past and present? He was indeed the leader of his contemporaries, a model teacher for ten thousand generations. Huiguang initially studied the Vinaya and only later mastered the doctrinal teachings; rich in both accomplishments, he was able to display their fragrance. Observing how he built the structural core and distributed details, his intent was centered on moral conduct, taking the defense of the Dharma as fundamental. Therefore, the Avataṃsaka Sūtra and the Daśabhūmika-śāstra both served as guiding models; their transmission has reached down to the present day, continuously recited without falling into disuse. There is indeed a reason for this. Moreover, regarding the eastward transmission of the Buddhist teachings, the world praises their extensive propagation; in terms of prosperity, none exceeded the Liang and Qi dynasties. Thus Emperor Wu of Liang seized the opportune era, revering teachers and defending the Dharma; in the categories of precepts, samādhi, and wisdom, there was none he did not cultivate. He received and maintained the ten good deeds without failing across the six times of day, permanently cut off pungent roots and meat, and maintained continuous fasting until the end of his years. Examining his words against his deeds, he was truly worthy of reverence and majesty; among monarchs, few could rival him. At that time, the monastic community looked upon him and aspired to emulate him; earnestly devoted and single-minded, many became vessels of deliverance. When Emperor Wenxuan of the Northern Qi received the abdication, his expedient actions were unfathomable: sometimes withdrawing, sometimes appearing, he was not to be measured by petty standards; appearing wise at one moment and foolish the next, he truly presented a magnificent spectacle of a great man. As for venerating Buddhist principles and receiving the guidance of the precepts, he would spread his hair upon the ground and have the Supreme Rector Huiguang step upon it. Furthermore, within the entire realm, he prohibited wine and meat, released hunting falcons and dogs, and completely halted hunting, fishing, and slaughter throughout the state. During the three months and six fasting days of each year, he encouraged the populace to observe the fasts and precepts, completely eliminating all pungent vegetables in both public and private spheres. He also instituted the ten rectors of the Zhaoxuan office to purify the true Dharma, causing the two million monastics to be peaceful and untainted; the supreme monk Faxiang indeed possessed great merit. When Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou established his realm in the Qin region, he opened monastic offices on a grand scale. The śramaṇa Dao’an was again praised for his magnanimous capacity; he lowered his etiquette before the throne while receiving respect from both Chinese and barbarians. He guided the river of Nāgārjuna’s teachings and turned toward the canopy of Dao’an, whose virtue covered the whole land. In a martial land, the Dharma relied on his literary culture to spread; the merit of enlightening the ignorant and broadly bestowing aid was his strategic undertaking. However, because the times met with the decline of the Dharma, he was suppressed in his middle years; though he presented manifest treatises, he could not express his innermost heart. Like an oyster whose sickness produces a pearl, this lasted to the end of his life. Later, the Anonymous One met with the same misfortune; destitute, poor, and sickly, he fell into the barbarian customs. When Emperor Xiaoxuan ascended the throne, his governance differed from the previous reign; scriptures and images gradually reemerged, and fasting and meritorious deeds revived little by little. Yet because this transformation was just beginning, doctrinal studies were still feeble. Emperor Gaozu of the Sui personally shouldered the responsibility and devoted himself to propagating Buddhism. From the beginning of the Kaihuang era, he broadly erected temples of benevolence; wherever monks practiced, he established a monastery. He summoned students and assembled them across the capital, dividing the top candidates into distinct ranks. Thus, twenty-five assemblies stood in the imperial city; depending on their desired direction of study, they were allowed to unfold their transformations. Every day, upon mounting the throne, seven monks were seated in a row to chant scriptures and expound doctrinal principles. While the emperor’s eyes oversaw the myriad affairs of state, his ears partook of the true Dharma. At that time, the gate of Śākya was once again acclaimed as lofty and broad; though slightly inferior to the Liang and Qi, it was nevertheless a hope for later ages. The śramaṇa Huiyuan was a leftover bodhisattva of the Qi and an eminent monk during the Sui destiny; as soon as he arrived in the imperial capital, he set forth lectures and discussions. Over seven hundred people served him diligently and requested his instruction; his moral transformation covered two-thirds of the realm. Among the other bright and superior masters, they galloped together side by side: Sengcan made his name as a debater, Huizang acquired fame for discerning the subtle, Sengxiu thoroughly mastered the Mahāprajñāpāramitōpadeśa, and Fajing miraculously realized the source of the teachings. As for the lesser talents who dared to dispute and rebuff these great masters, their numbers are beyond knowing. Foremost among them was the śramaṇa Tanyan, who was also an eminent hero; when he sat upon the imperial dais and orally expounded the voiced teachings, he moved the sovereign of ten thousand chariots to bow at his feet. His virtue was immense indeed! When Emperor Yang succeeded to the throne, his fame and substance soared anew. Daozhuang offered counsel within and without; Falun was treated with ceremonial respect from beginning to end; Xiangyuan radiated brilliance in both capitals; and Xuanzang and Baozhen displayed literary excellence in Zhou and Lu. Their profound virtue and benevolence were indeed difficult to surpass. From the time the emperor was Prince of Jin until his accession to the throne, the Hiri and Fayun monasteries were broadly established for monastics, while the Yuqing and Jindong abbeys fully accommodated the Daoist followers of Li. If anyone had a single renowned skill, he would be summoned thrice to special lodges; the Dharma wheel turned continuously, and the torch of wisdom burned constantly. In the sweeping spread of his influence, Tanyan had passed away. At that time, although various collections were expounded in full, the Nirvāṇa Sūtra and the Mahāyānasaṃgraha were the most copious and abundant. Since these eras are close to ours, they are easy to observe, and there is no need to display them at length. Down to our August Tang dynasty’s imperial reign, the affairs of the Dao have been venerated, and the brilliance of doctrinal studies has become far-reaching. How could the style of these men be easily described? Merely relying on what I have heard, I briefly recount their essence. Thus Senggao and Huibi raised their voices in Jinling; Sengji and Huijing established their tenets at Yulei; Changbian propagated the teachings across the Three Auxiliaries; Shenyi made his fame heard between the Two Rivers. In Bing and Jin, the two Da masters established models; in Qi and Lu, the insightful talents set forth strategies. In the region of Runhui, they unfolded administrative tallies, and the capital venerated their moral teachings; in the seats of Huikong, the regions of Song and Ze looked up to their doctrinal gate. Though the primary chronicles occasionally omit them, their virtue was not absent. Reviewing the lineages, it is clear that the annotations of various masters universally regarded chapter summaries and lecture notes as fine craftsmanship; checking texts and adducing meanings, they looked up to and followed previous tracks. Yet though changes and revisions abounded, they lacked broad guidance: some merely patched together previous texts, some blended in contemporary opinions, some emptily asserted their personal ideas, with their words and principles contradicting one another; while some surreptitiously plagiarized other works, their meanings becoming obstructed. All of them gave titles to their works and gained momentary fame; but between their words and their actions, there was a vast distance like the Milky Way. Fundamentally seeking out of heterodoxy, they falsely assumed the transmission of the teachings; how could one forcibly alter the true source of meaning? Furthermore, the scriptural texts originally aimed at receiving and upholding. The Mahāsaṃnipāta Sūtra reveals passages on the practice of the Dharma, and the Nirvāṇa Sūtra clarifies the teaching of knowing the proper time. Nowadays, people dally in phrases and sentences, circulating frivolous vanity; in turning around to sow the seeds of various states of existence, they do not cultivate pure karma. How could the teaching of transcending birth have intended this? Valuing practice in accordance with the spoken word—this is indeed the true旨! Therefore, in our times, when lecturers sit while scribes copy and distribute the doctrinal meanings, the shortcomings have grown even broader. How can this be shown? As for the holy practices that abandon all outflows, speech has traditionally been ceased; yet based merely on consciousness and apart from mindfulness, people vie to set forth arbitrary notions. Those who study the Abhidharma while practicing evil precepts are honored as clever and wise; those who listen to and study the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra while delighting in drinking and feasting are treated as having reached the ultimate. Arrogantly deceiving the ignorant vulgar, they trample upon the sages of the past; gazing up at the Milky Way, they rashly treat the restrictive network of precepts lightly. They regard heterodox cleverness as true understanding, and chaotic consciousness as complete wisdom; failing to repent deeply, they waste the rest of their lives in vain. Thus the celestial bird who preached the Dharma was included under the stations of mindfulness, while the foolish Cūḍapanthaka was fully listed among the wise and fools. The cleverness of previous lives is distinct, while the later retribution for obstinacy and insolence is revealed; seeing these manifestations so clearly, can one not take warning? When doctrinal debate was originally instituted, its foundations were four: either to stimulate and proclaim in order to illuminate the Way, whereby obscure tenets might be revealed; or to resonate like wind blowing in order to fan the flame, whereby the enterprise of wisdom might be widely established; or to harbor doubts and seek clear decisions, which is precisely answering the apt capacity; or to boast and intimidate contemporary worthies, relying on words to pluck out the arrows of folly. Relying on such conditions, all four are accessible without censure; but if one’s sole aim is mutual aggression, it is no different from beasts. Therefore, debaters in the world are rarely gentle and pure: starting with tolerance, they end in entrapment and defilement. Who appreciates their fame, when their mental realm is not beyond the ordinary? In vain do they resist the wheels of carts, only to end up being crushed. Thus there were the debates of Wang Bin, the serpent-like agility of Mingshen, the empty talk of Huikong, and the skillful speech of Zongtong. Listening to them discuss the Way, one heard only words of killing and death; observing their countenances, one saw only disheveled frenzy. When their future karma manifested, some were reborn as serpents in retribution, some had their tongues rot inside their throats, some were received into the monastic hell in their next lives, and some had their past transgressions consumed by fierce fire. The omen seen by Yancong at the mountain pavilion—can one not take warning from it? Thus we know that the Way depends on man for its propagation; without the right person, one cannot speak of the Way. How could all storehouses of doctrine be like this? Therefore, Zhizang’s legacy and Huiguang’s successors—can their revered and illustrious deeds ever be tarnished? The śramaṇa Lingyu had conduct and understanding that were equally elevated, thoroughly conversant in both inner and outer learning; he was indeed an unequaled figure of his day. However, his nature was unyielding and extraordinarily impatient; his attendants would break into sweats, so he could not serve as a universal model. People of the world sometimes criticize him, placing this fault foremost; this is failing to evaluate him by comparing virtues. Speaking in worldly terms, when one’s style is overflowing, if one’s affection is meticulous, one may not perceive another’s shortcomings, and will tolerate many blemishes. Seeing the stirrings of mental impulses, misfortune and fortune neighbor each other; if one does not know beforehand, how can one effect correction? This caused Master Lingyu to suffer this criticism in vain. If one could reflect upon oneself, such words would naturally vanish. Therefore, Confucius uttered the saying about not demanding perfection from one man, and the Upāsaka Vimalakīrti set forth the discourse on not underestimating beginners. There was truly a reason for this. In the world there was Huixiu, who inherited Lingyu’s lineage; studying the Saṃyuktābhidharmahṛdaya-śāstra, he dreaded transgressing even minor infractions. Receiving the teacher’s rites, he personally held the pitcher and robes; encountering adversity, he established a pure kitchen; facing peril, he gave profound warnings regarding the prohibitions. Both person and Dharma were fully present in him, his wisdom and understanding penetrating the subtle; the commentaries he produced were recited like pearls and jade. My only regret is that he was not included in the earlier section; as for the rest, I speak of them only briefly. > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) - [Previous: 15.33](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.15.33) - [Next: 15.35](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.15.35) - [Up: 15](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.15) ## Translations (1) - [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060~en-mt.15.34) — English, machine translation --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.15.34](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.15.34) · Pramāṇa