[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Buddhist Literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha) › [Taishō Tripiṭaka (Chinese Buddhist canon)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho) › [續高僧傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060) › 24.10 # 續高僧傳 24.10 續高僧傳 24.10 - **Language:** Classical Chinese ### [24.10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.24.10) 釋智實。俗姓邵氏。雍州萬年人也。童稚兒叢譎詭超異。預有談論必以佛理為言先。十一出家。住大總持寺。聽敘玄奧。登共器之。隨以小緣而能通暢宏遠。自涅槃攝論俱舍毘曇。皆鏡其深義開其關鑰。兼以思力堅明才氣雄雅。武德之歲初平鄭國。三大法師慧乘道宗辯相等。西赴京師。主上時為秦王威明㝢內志奉釋門。乃請前三德并京邑。能論之士二十餘僧。在弘義宮。通霄法集。實年十三。最居下座。上命令對論。發言清卓驚絕前聞。新至諸僧無敢繼響。上及諸王異聲同嘆曰。此小師最俊烈。後必紹隆三寶矣。實眉間白毫可數寸。光映顏顙。沙門吉藏。摩其頂捋其毫曰。子有異相。當躡跡能仁。恨吾老矣。不見成德。武德七年。獫狁孔熾屢舉烽爟。前屆北地官軍相拒。有僧法雅。夙昔見知。武皇通重給其妻媵任其愆溢。僧眾惘然無敢陳者。奏請京寺驍捍千僧用充軍伍。有勅可之。雅即通聚簡練別立團隊。既迫王威寂無抗拒。實時年二十有一。深究雅懷恐興異度。事或彰陳必累大法。乃致書於雅曰。與子同生像季。共屬陵遲。悲六道之紛然。愍四生之未悟。子每遊鳳闕。恒遇龍顏。理應洒甘露於帝心。廕慈雲於含識。何乃起善星之勃見。鼓調達之惡心。令善響沒於當時。醜迹揚於後代。豈不以朝含安忍省納蒭蕘。恣此愚情述斯頑見。嗟乎可悲寔傷其類。且自多羅既斷。終不更生。折石已分義無還合。急持衣鉢早出伽藍。使清濁異流蘭艾殊別。使群臣息於譏論。梵志寂於謗聲。定水噎而更通。慧燈晦而還照。此言至矣。想見如流。雅得書逾怒。科督轉切。備辦軍器。剋日將發。實騰入其眾。大哭述斯乖逆。壞大法輪。即是魔事。預是千僧同時號叫。聽者寒心下淚。實遂擒撮法雅毆擊數拳告云。我今降魔。使邪正有據。雅以事聞帝云。此道人大麁。付法推刻。即被枷禁。初無怖色。將欲加罪。僕射蕭瑀等奏。稱精進有聞。勅乃罷令還俗。所選千人並停復寺。實雖處俗壤。而兵役得停。欣泰其心曾無憾結。貞觀元年。勅遣治書侍御史杜正倫。撿挍佛法清肅非濫。實恐法雅猶乘先計濫及清徒。乃致書於使曰。沈俗僧智實白。實懷橘之歲。陟清信之名。採李之年。染息慈之位。雖淺智褊能。然感希先達。竊見化度寺僧法雅。善因曩世受果今生。如安上之遊秦。似遠公之入晉。理應守護鵝之行持結草之心。思報皇王之恩奉酬覆載之德。乃於支提靜院。恒為宰殺之坊。精舍林中。鎮作妻孥之室。脫千僧之服。四海愴動地之悲。謗七佛之經。萬國嗟訴天之怨。自漢明感夢摩滕入洛已來。無數名人頗曾聞也。皇帝受禪撫育萬方。欲使王道惟清法海無穢。公策名奉節。許道亡身。除甘蔗之災。拔空腹之樹。使禪林欝映慧苑扶踈。茂實嘉聲振于邦國。寧可忍斯邪佞。仍捧鉢於祇桓。棄我貞廉。絕經行於靈塔。龍門深濬奉見無由。天意高懸流問何日。惟公鑒同水鏡。智察幽微。仰願拯驚翼於華箱。濟涸鱗於窮轍。輕以忓陳。但增悚懼。後法雅竟以狂狷被誅。倫以事聞。乃下勅云。智實往經論告法雅。預知麁勃。自還俗已來。又不虧戒行。宜依舊出家。因返寺房綜括前業。捃討幽致有譽京室。十一年。駕往洛州。下詔云。老君垂範。義在清虛。釋迦貽則。理存因果。求其教也汲引之迹殊塗。求其宗也弘益之風齊致。然大道之行。肇於遂古。源出無名之始。事高有形之外。邁兩儀而運行。包萬物而亭育。故能經邦致治。反樸還淳。至如佛教之興基於西域。逮於後漢方被中土。神變之理多方。報應之緣匪一。洎乎近世崇信滋深。人冀當年之福。家懼來生之禍。由是滯俗者聞玄宗而大笑。好異者望真諦而爭歸。始波涌於閭里。終風靡於朝廷。遂使殊俗之典欝為眾妙之先。諸華之教翻居一乘之後。流遁忘返于茲累代。今鼎祚克昌。既憑上德之慶。天下大定亦賴無為之功。宜有解張闡茲玄化。自今已後。齋供行立至於稱謂。道士女道士可在僧尼之前。庶敦反本之俗。暢於九有。貽諸萬葉。時京邑僧徒各陳極諫。語在別紀。實惟像運湮沈開明是屬。乃携大德法常等十人。隨駕至闕。上表曰。法常等言。法常等。年迫桑榆。始逢太平之世。貌同蒲柳。方值聖明之君。竊聞父有諍子君有諍臣。法常等。雖預出家。仍在臣子之例。有犯無隱。敢不陳之。伏見詔書。國家本系出自柱下。尊祖之風形于前典。頒告天下無德而稱。令道士等處僧之上奉以周旋。豈敢拒詔。尋老君垂範。治國治家。所佩服章亦無改異。不立觀宇不領門徒。處柱下以真全。隱龍德而養性。智者見之謂之智。愚者見之謂之愚。非魯司寇莫之能識。今之道士不遵其法。所著衣服並是黃巾之餘。本非老君之裔。行三張之穢術。棄五千之妙門。反同張禹漫行章句。從漢魏已來。常以鬼道化於浮俗。妄託老君之後。實是左道之苗。若位在僧之上誠恐真偽同流有損國化。如不陳奏。何以表臣子之情。謹錄道經及漢魏諸史佛先道後之事。如前伏願。天慈曲垂聽覽。勅遣中書侍郎岑文本。宣勅語僧等。明詔久行。不伏者與杖。諸大德等。咸思命難。飲氣吞聲。實乃勇身。先見口云。不伏此理。萬刃之下甘心受罪。遂杖之放還。抱思旋京晦迹華邑。處于渭陽之三原焉。信心之侶敬奉如雲。情計莫因。遂感氣疾。知命非久。欲與故人相別。而生不騎乘。乃令弟子四人各執床角輿至本寺。精爽不雜。召諸知友執手訣云。實以虛薄妄廁僧儔。一期既至知復何述。但恨此身虛死未曾為法。以為慨然。近夢阿私陀仙見及云。常得出家。想非徒說。少時卒於大總持寺。春秋三十有八。即貞觀十二年正月也。實自生能不入市𮠔。不執錢寶。不求利涉。三衣瓶鉢常不離身。雖當日往還。而始無輒離。志行嚴肅殊有軌度。攝誘多方。故四遠道俗逃放之僧。多依附之。親侍沙門七人。皆供承有敘。通共嘉焉。總持故塔修奉者希。實香燈供養以為己業。病轉就篤。渧水不通已經旬日。侍人非時進漿。實曰。大聖垂誡其可欺乎。吾見臨終犯戒者多矣。豈使累劫之誠而陷於一咽者哉。遂閉氣而止。又問以終事。答云。譬如彎弓放矢。隨處即落。觀于山水未有親疎之心。任時量處省事為要乃葬南郊僧墓中。斯亦達性之一方矣。終後三原信士。方三十餘里皆為立靈廟。夜別四五百人。聚臨如喪厥親。迄于百日眾方分散。 > Śramaṇa Zhishi was surnamed Shao and was a native of Wannian in Yongzhou. As a small boy among children, he was unconventional and extraordinary; whenever there was conversation, he would invariably speak of Buddhist principles first. At eleven, he left household life and resided at Da Zongchi Temple. When he listened to expositions of the profound and abstruse, people at once regarded him as a vessel \[of the Dharma\]. In accordance with \[even\] minor conditions, he was able to penetrate broadly and far-reachingly. From the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra and the Mahāyānasaṃgraha-śāstra to the Abhidharmakośa and the Abhidharma, he mirrored their profound meanings and unlocked their key mechanisms. Moreover, his mental power was firm and lucid, and his talent and spirit were heroic and refined. > > In the years of Wude, when the state of Zheng had just been pacified, three great dharmabhāṇakas—Huicheng, Daozong, and Bianxiang—went west to the capital. The reigning emperor, then Prince of Qin, had a martial renown that illuminated the realm and his mind was devoted to revering the Buddhist order. He thereupon invited the aforementioned three virtues along with more than twenty monks of the capital who were skilled debaters to the Hongyi Palace for an all-night Dharma assembly. Zhishi was thirteen years old and sat at the very lowest seat. His Highness ordered him to engage in the debates; his words were so clear and outstanding that they astonished and surpassed anything previously heard. None of the newly arrived monks dared to follow in response. His Highness and the various princes sighed in unison with different voices, saying, 'This little master is the most exceptional and ardent; in the future he will certainly carry on and elevate the Three Jewels!' > > Between Zhishi's brows was a white ūrṇā hair several inches long, its light illuminating his face and forehead. The śramaṇa Jizang stroked his head and smoothed the hair, saying, 'You possess an extraordinary mark and will surely follow in the footsteps of the Capable and Benevolent One (Śākyamuni). I only regret that I am old and shall not see your mature virtue.' > > In the seventh year of Wude, the Xianyun were in fierce resurgence, repeatedly raising beacon fires; having previously arrived in the northern regions, government troops resisted them. There was a monk named Faya who had long been known to the emperor. Emperor Gaozu treated him with special deference, permitted him wives and concubines, and indulged his excesses. The monastic assembly was bewildered, none daring to speak out. Faya memorialized to request that a thousand valiant and robust monks from the capital temples be drafted to fill the military ranks, and an imperial decree approved it. Faya at once gathered and selected them, establishing a separate unit. Pressed by the imperial authority, all were silent and offered no resistance. > > Zhishi was twenty-one years old at the time. Deeply discerning Faya's designs and fearing that extraordinary deviations would arise, which if brought to light would inevitably entangle the Great Dharma, he sent a letter to Faya, saying: > > 'You and I were born together in the Semblance Age, both belonging to a time of decline. We grieve for the confusion of the six destinies and pity the unawakened state of the four modes of birth. You frequently visit the Phoenix Palace and constantly behold the Dragon Countenance. In principle, you ought to sprinkle sweet dew on the imperial heart and shade the sentient beings with clouds of compassion. Why, then, give rise to the rebellious views of Sunakkhatta and stir up the evil mind of Devadatta, causing good reputation to perish in the present age and shameful conduct to be publicized to future generations? Could it not be that the court, harboring tolerance, examines and accepts simple advice, while you indulge this foolish impulse and express such stubborn views? Alas, how lamentable! It truly pains our kind! > > 'Moreover, when a tāla palm is severed, it never grows again; when broken stone is divided, there is no way for it to reunite. Quickly take your robes and bowl and leave the saṅghārāma early, so that the clear and the turbid may flow in separate streams, and the thoroughwort and the mugwort be distinguished. Let the courtiers cease their criticisms, and let the brahmacārins quiet their slanderous voices. May the waters of concentration, having been blocked, flow once more, and the lamp of wisdom, having been dimmed, shine again! These words are of the utmost import; I imagine you will follow them as water flows.' > > When Faya received the letter, his fury grew even greater, and his supervision became increasingly pressing. He prepared military equipment, setting a date for their departure. Zhishi burst into his assembly, weeping aloud, and described this perversity, stating that ruining the great wheel of the Dharma was precisely the work of Māra. All the thousand monks involved cried out at the same time; those who heard it felt their hearts turn cold and shed tears. Zhishi then seized Faya and struck him several blows with his fists, announcing, 'I now subdue Māra, so that the heterodox and the orthodox may have proof.' > > Faya reported the matter to the emperor, saying, 'This monk is exceedingly rough.' Zhishi was remanded to the judicial officials for harsh interrogation and was immediately fettered and imprisoned, yet from the beginning he showed no sign of fear. When they were about to impose punishment, Vice Director of the Left Xiao Yu and others submitted a memorial stating that he was known for his vigor. An imperial decree then ordered him dismissed \[from the monastic order\] and returned to lay life, while the chosen thousand men were all halted \[from conscription\] and returned to their temples. Although Zhishi was placed in the lay realm, military service was halted; his heart was joyful and untroubled, harboring not the slightest resentment. > > In the first year of Zhenguan, an imperial decree sent Du Zhenglun, Attendant Censor of the Department of Written Ordinances, to inspect the Buddha-Dharma and purge impurities and abuses. Fearing that Faya would still carry on his earlier schemes and that abuses would reach pure followers, Zhishi sent a letter to the commissioner, saying: > > 'Zhishi, a monk sunken in lay life, states: In the year when I carried oranges in my bosom (in my youth), I ascended to the name of pure believer; in the year when I picked plums, I took on the rank of cessation and compassion (monkhood). Though shallow in wisdom and narrow in ability, I am moved by admiration for former worthies. I have observed that monk Faya of Huadu Temple enjoyed good causes in former lives and received retribution in this present birth, like Dao’an's journey to Qin or Huiyuan's entry into Jin. In principle, he should maintain the conduct of the goose-protecting \[monk\] and hold the heart of grass-tying \[gratitude\], thinking to repay the emperor's benevolence and requite the virtue of heaven and earth. Yet in the quiet court of a caitya, he constantly makes a slaughterhouse; within the grove of the vihāra, he permanently makes quarters for a wife and children. Stripping the robes of a thousand monks, the four seas felt grief that shook the earth; slandering the sūtras of the seven Buddhas, the myriad states lamented grievances that cried to Heaven. Since Han Mingdi's dream and Moteng's arrival in Luoyang, have the countless renowned men ever heard the like? > > 'The Emperor has received the abdication and shepherds the myriad regions, desiring that the royal way be solely pure and the ocean of the Dharma free of defilement. You, Sir, inscribed your name \[in government\] and accepted your commission, pledging your life to the Way. Eliminate the calamity to the sugarcane clan; uproot the hollow-bellied tree! Let the grove of dhyāna be lush and bright, and the park of wisdom branch out wide, so that luxuriant fruits and fine renown resound throughout the realm! How could one tolerate this evil and flattering man still carrying a bowl in the Jetavana, while discarding our uprightness and integrity, severing circumambulation around the sacred stupas? The Dragon Gate is deep and vast; I have no means to be granted an audience. The heavenly will hangs high; on what day will inquiries descend? May you, Sir, whose discernment is like a water-mirror and whose wisdom scrutinizes subtle obscurities, deign to save the frightened wings from the floral snare, and rescue the dried-up fish in the rut! In making this slight breach to state my case, I only add to my trepidation.' > > Later, Faya was ultimately executed for wild arrogance. When Zhenglun reported the matter to the throne, an imperial decree was issued, saying, 'In the past, Zhishi rebuked and denounced Faya, foreseeing his rough rebellion. Since returning to lay life, he has not violated his monastic discipline. He should return to household-leaving as before.' He thus returned to his temple quarters, integrated his former studies, and investigated profound depths, winning praise in the capital. > > In the eleventh year, when the imperial carriage traveled to Luozhou, an edict was issued saying: 'Lord Lao handed down models whose significance lies in purity and emptiness; Śākya bequeathed principles whose truth rests in cause and effect. If we examine their teachings, the traces of their guidance take different paths; if we examine their purpose, the customs of their broad benefits are identical. However, the movement of the Great Way began in high antiquity, its source emerging at the beginning of the nameless, its operations transcending the realm of physical form. Moving beyond the two modes of Yin and Yang, it encompasses and nurtures the myriad things. Therefore it can govern the state, bring about good order, and return to simplicity and purity. As for the rise of Buddhism, it was founded in the Western Regions; only reaching the Later Han did it cover the central lands. The principles of its divine transformations are manifold, and the conditions of its retributions are more than one. Down to recent times, reverence and faith grew ever deeper: people hoped for blessings in the current year, and families feared calamities in the next life. Because of this, those steeped in worldliness laughed out loud upon hearing the Mysterious School, while those fond of novelty vied to turn toward the True Meaning. At first it surged like waves through neighborhoods; in the end it swept over the imperial court like the wind. Thus the scriptures of foreign customs have flourished ahead of the myriad mysteries, while the teachings of the Central Lands have contrary to expectations fallen behind the One Vehicle. Wandering adrift and forgetting to return, this has continued for successive generations. Now that the imperial destiny flourishes, relying already on the blessing of supreme virtue, the great pacification of the world also depends on the merit of non-action. It is appropriate to make adjustments and propagate this mysterious transformation. From this time forward, in vegetarian feasts and offerings, walking and standing, and down to appellations, Daoist priests and female Daoist priests may precede monks and nuns, so that customs returning to the root may be reinforced, spread across the nine provinces, and bequeathed to ten thousand generations.' > > At that time, the monastic community of the capital each submitted extreme remonstrances, the words of which are recorded in a separate account. Zhishi, reflecting that the Semblance Phase was sinking and the time of illumination was upon them, took ten great virtues including Fachang and followed the imperial carriage to the palace, submitting a memorial saying: > > 'Fachang and the others state: Fachang and the rest are at an age nearing sunset, only now encountering an era of great peace; our forms resemble reeds and willows, just meeting a sage and enlightened ruler. We have heard that a father has remonstrating sons and a ruler has remonstrating ministers. Although Fachang and the others have entered monastic life, we still remain among the ranks of subjects and sons. When there is an offense, we should not conceal it; how dare we not state it? > > 'We respectfully observe the edict stating that the state's ancestral lineage derives from \[Laozi\] under the pillar, and the custom of honoring ancestors was displayed in earlier texts; when proclaimed to the realm, there is no virtue to match it. Ordering Daoist priests to be placed above monks to be revered and accommodated—how could we dare refuse the edict? Yet upon examining the models handed down by Lord Lao, they concern governing the state and governing the family, and the garments he wore were never altered. He established no abbeys and directed no disciples. Residing under the pillar, he preserved wholeness of truth; concealing the dragon's virtue, he nurtured nature. The wise saw it and called it wisdom; the foolish saw it and called it foolishness. None but the Minister of Crime of Lu (Confucius) could recognize him. > > 'Today's Daoists do not follow his Dharma. The clothing they wear is entirely the remnant of the Yellow Turbans; they are originally not the descendants of Lord Lao. Practicing the defiled arts of the three Zhangs, they discard the wondrous gate of the five thousand words; contrary to expectation, like Zhang Yu, they recklessly interpret chapters and sentences. Since the Han and Wei, they have constantly transformed the floating populace through demonic ways, falsely claiming to be the posterity of Lord Lao, whereas in truth they are the shoots of heterodox ways. If their position is placed above monks, we truly fear that truth and falsehood will flow together, causing harm to the transformation of the state. If we do not memorialize this, how can we express the sentiments of subjects and sons? We have respectfully compiled Daoist scriptures and the various histories of the Han and Wei concerning instances where the Buddha came before the Dao, as listed before. We prostrate ourselves and pray that the heavenly compassion may condescend to inspect them.' > > An imperial decree sent Cen Wenben, Vice Director of the Secretariat, to proclaim an order to the monks: 'The enlightened edict has long been in effect. Those who do not submit shall be beaten with rods.' The great virtues, all considering the peril to their lives, swallowed their breath and choked back their voices. Zhishi then stepped forward boldly, appearing first, and said, 'I do not submit to this principle. Under ten thousand blades, I will willingly accept punishment.' He was thereupon beaten with rods and released to return. > > Harboring deep sorrow, he returned to the capital, concealed his traces in the metropolis, and resided in Sanyuan north of the Wei River. Devout companions revered him like clouds. Having no means to realize his sentiments and aspirations, he contracted a qi ailment. Knowing his life would not be long, he wished to take leave of old friends, but throughout his life he had never ridden a horse or carriage. He thus ordered four disciples each to take a corner of his bed and carry him to his original temple. His mental vigor remained unconfused. He summoned his acquaintances, grasped their hands, and bid farewell, saying, 'Being shallow and worthless, I falsely ranked among the monastic assembly. Now that this one lifetime has reached its end, what more is there to say? I only regret that this body dies in vain without having served the Dharma, which fills me with sorrow. Recently I dreamed that the immortal Asita appeared and said to me, "You shall constantly leave household life." I trust these were not idle words.' > > A short while later, he passed away at Da Zongchi Temple at the age of thirty-eight, in the first month of the twelfth year of Zhenguan. During his life, Zhishi was able to avoid entering markets and marketplaces; he did not hold coins or jewels, and did not seek gain or travel. The three robes, bottle, and bowl never left his person; even when going back and forth within a single day, he never parted from them. His conduct was strict and austere, singularly principled. He gathered and guided people in many ways; hence from far and wide, both clergy and laity, and monks who had fled or gone astray, mostly came to rely on him. Seven śramaṇas personally attended him, all serving in proper order, and all praised him together. > > Few made repairs and offerings to the ancient pagoda of Zongchi; Zhishi made incense and lamp offerings his own personal task. As his illness grew increasingly grave, not a drop of water passed his lips for over ten days. When an attendant offered him broth outside the proper time, Zhishi said, 'The Great Sage bequeathed admonitions; how could they be deceived? I have seen many who violate precepts at the point of death. How could I allow the sincerity of repeated kalpas to be ruined by a single swallow?' He thereupon held his breath and stopped. When asked about his funeral arrangements, he replied, 'It is like bending a bow and releasing an arrow; it falls wherever it may. Viewing mountains and waters, I have no mind of partiality; letting the time decide and weighing the place, keeping matters simple is what is essential.' He was thus buried in the monks' cemetery in the southern suburbs. This, too, was a sign of his reaching his true nature. > > After his demise, the faithful of Sanyuan, across an area of over thirty li, all established spirit shrines for him. Every night four or five hundred people would gather and lament as if mourning their own parents, dispersing only after a hundred days. > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) - [Previous: 24.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.24.9) - [Next: 24.11](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.24.11) - [Up: 24](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.24) ## Translations (1) - [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060~en-mt.24.10) — English, machine translation ## Linked texts (2) - [集古今佛道論衡](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2104.3.17) — Classical Chinese - [唐護法沙門法琳別傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2051.2.6) — Classical Chinese --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.24.10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2060.24.10) · Pramāṇa