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# 北山錄 3.2

北山錄 3.2

- **Language:** Classical Chinese

### [3.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2.1)

劫初蒸民胥于粒食（蒸眾也。 胥相也。 地肥既盡則有自然粳米）香稻既盡。 分土作蓻（蓺治也。 人既侵奪。 乃分土田而各治之）為防疆里立大三末多王（三末多。 此乃聚落王慮有強者侵奪遂立一人為王供其輸貢令作民主）庶類欽承。 恩流率土。 重離繼體。 世祚天竺（君父繼紹作天竺之主也）至于淨飯。 凡八萬四千二百六十餘王（阿含經云。 過去有王名懿摩。 有四庶子。 一昭目。 二聯目。 三調伏象。 四尼樓聰。 並聰明神武有大威德。 第一夫人有子名生。 頑薄醜陋。 眾人所賤。 夫人慮四子奪其位。 遂譖王長黜之王即勅四子。 各速出國。 時諸力士一切人民願隨之去。 至雪山間住直樹林。 數年之內歸德若市。 遂為強國。 父思見之。 召而弗往。 父乃三歎我子有能。 以此命族為釋氏。 阿含經云。 釋林為姓。 故有釋姓。 釋即樹也）自懿師摩王之後有王名大善生。 凡七世姓瞿曇氏也（昔有國王。 父母早喪。 讓國焉弟。 捨位求道。 見一婆羅門。 姓瞿曇氏。 因從學道。 婆羅門言。 當解王衣如吾所服受瞿曇姓。 謂之小瞿曇菩薩也）自欝摩王之後有王名尼樓聰。 凡五世釋迦氏也（尼樓王生烏頭羅王。 烏頭羅王為迦維羅衛國主生瞿頭羅王。 瞿頭羅王生尸休羅王。 尸休羅王生四子。 一淨飯王。 二白飯王。 三斛飯王。 四甘露飯王。 淨飯王即佛父也）大士既百劫修相好（菩薩三大企耶劫修行至金剛喻定。 後百劫修相好。 千劫學威儀。 萬劫學化行也）而後相厥生莫如剎帝利婆羅門。 而剎帝利位重也（梵云剎帝利。 此云土田主。 則王種也）婆羅門德尊（梵語正云婆羅賀摩拏。 此云淨御。 是梵天苗裔。 唯五天有諸國所無。 為王者師故云德尊也）但劫濁澆微德不勝位。 故我不生婆羅門也。 雖微國無剎帝利（微無也）而世胄綿遠。 莫過於釋迦（自三末多王至淨飯王八萬四千二百六十餘王故）餘二姓卑寒生則不塞於人謗故大聖不生也（塞掩也。 二姓謂一鞞舍。 此云坐估俗多寶故以為名。 二戍達羅。 亦云首陀。 謂田農宦學者也）五天分野周九萬餘里。 三陲大海。 北背雪山。 有八大國十六大城七十餘小國。 時無輪王統御。 從于霸國之令（若有輪王。 小國咸服屬。 今既無輪王。 只以強者為霸者也）其猶諸夏春秋之時。 王道衰諸侯受制於桓文（周自幽王見殺之後。 平王東遷洛邑。 諸侯得以專征。 如晉文公齊桓公等）禮樂征伐非一人之由也（古者制禮作樂征伐之事。 皆須自於天子。 爾來專濫非從一人而出也）是摩竭提為大國（此云不至為此國將勇兵謀。 諸隣敵之兵皆不能至。 周五千里。 城少居人邑多編戶。 沃壤滋稼穡。 有香稻粒麤味殊。 彼俗謂之供大人米。 土地墊濕。 邑國居廛。 風淳俗質。 氣序溫和也）居海隅之中。 瓶沙王為君長（即頻婆娑羅。 此云顏色端正。 即阿闍世王父也）冠群后之列。 王舍城為法集勝會。 表萬派而朝宗也（王舍城。 梵云矩。 奢揭羅補羅城。 此云上茅城。 出最上茅也。 摩竭提國之中。 昔因遭火出居。 此遂城而舍之。 後無憂王遷居波吒釐。 此唯婆羅門千家而住也）靈鷲山為眾聖之奧府。 表群岳之相下也（俱蘇摩城。 既是山城。 近於王舍。 雖有五山此山獨勝。 高而且顯。 故表出過二乘。 多捿鷲鳥故名鷲峯）阿闍世思皇登庸（皇大也。 登升也。 庸用也。 大升用謂為君也）以弑父敗名。 雖有功德不足誦也（與提婆達多作謀弑父。 囚殺頻婆娑羅王。 又伏劍逐母韋提希等）至阿育王。 大業中昌。 威被海隅。 勢侔鐵輪。 而不即其真也（侔齊也。 即成也。 勢雖齊於銕輪而非銕輪也。 頻婆娑羅王曾孫也）初法象經中造地獄（法象依學也）峻垣重坎爍鐵流爛搏人以投。

> At the beginning of the kalpa, the multitudinous people together fed on grain (the text notes: "'Multitudinous' means the masses. 'Together' means with one another. Once the fertility of the earth was exhausted, natural non-glutinous rice appeared"). When the fragrant rice was exhausted, they divided the land and cultivated it (the text notes: "Cultivation means management. As people encroached upon and seized \[grain\], they divided the fields and managed them individually"). To safeguard the territorial boundaries, King Mahāsammata was established (the text notes: "Sammata: he was the king of the settlements; fearing that the strong would encroach and plunder, they established one man as king, paid him taxes and tribute, and made him the ruler of the people"). The various classes respectfully submitted to him, and his kindness flowed across all the land. Double brilliance succeeded the dynastic line, and his lineage ruled in Tianzhu for generations (the text notes: "Fathers and sons succeeded one another as rulers of Tianzhu"), down to Śuddhodana, numbering altogether over eighty-four thousand two hundred and sixty kings. (The Āgama Sūtra states: "In the past there was a king named Ikṣvāku. He had four sons by concubines: the first was named Zhaomu, the second Lianmu, the third Tiaofuxiang, and the fourth Nilouchong. All were intelligent, divinely martial, and possessed great prestige and virtue. The principal queen had a son named Sheng, who was foolish, petty, ugly, and despised by everyone. The queen, fearing the four sons would usurp his position, slandered them to the king and urged him to banish them permanently. The king then commanded the four sons to leave the country at once. Thereupon, the mighty men and all the people wished to follow them. They reached the Himalayas and dwelt in an śāka forest. Within a few years, people flocked to their virtue like a marketplace, and it became a powerful kingdom. The father longed to see them, but when summoned, they would not come. The father sighed three times: 'My sons are capable!' For this reason, the clan was named Śākya." The Āgama Sūtra states: "The śāka forest provided the clan name, hence there is the Śākya clan; 'śāka' is the name of a tree.") After King Ikṣvāku, there was a king named Mahā-Kalyāṇa; for seven generations they held the Gautama clan name. (The text notes: "Long ago, there was a king whose parents died early. He yielded the kingdom to his younger brother, renounced the throne, and sought the Path. He met a brāhmaṇa surnamed Gautama and followed him to study the Path. The brāhmaṇa said: 'You should take off your royal garments, dress as I do, and receive the Gautama surname.' He was called the Lesser Gautama Bodhisattva.") After King Ulkāmukha, there was a king named Nilouchong; for five generations they held the Śākya clan name. (The text notes: "King Nilou begot King Ulkāmukha. King Ulkāmukha became the ruler of Kapilavastu and begot King Qutouluo. King Qutouluo begot King Shixiuluo. King Shixiuluo begot four sons: first, King Śuddhodana; second, King Śuklodana; third, King Droṇodana; and fourth, King Amṛtodana. King Śuddhodana was the father of the Buddha.") When the Great Being, having cultivated the primary and secondary marks for a hundred kalpas (the text notes: "A bodhisattva practices for three asaṃkhyeya kalpas up to the vajropama-samādhi; then for a hundred kalpas cultivates the primary and secondary marks, for a thousand kalpas studies the deportments, and for ten thousand kalpas studies conversion and practice"), observed where he should be born, none compared to the kṣatriyas and brāhmaṇas. Yet the position of the kṣatriyas was exalted (the text notes: "In Sanskrit, 'kṣatriya'; here translated as 'lord of the soil and fields', which is the royal caste"), while the virtue of the brāhmaṇas was honored (the text notes: "The correct Sanskrit is 'brāhmaṇa'; here translated as 'purely restrained'. They are the descendants of Brahmā; only the Five Indias have them, while other countries do not. Serving as teachers to kings, their virtue is thus honored"). However, in the turbidity and degeneration of the kalpa, virtue could not outweigh status; thus I was not born among the brāhmaṇas. Although insignificant lands lacked kṣatriyas (the text notes: "'Insignificant' means absent"), the lineage of none was as long-lasting as that of the Śākyas (the text notes: "Because from King Mahāsammata to King Śuddhodana there were over eighty-four thousand two hundred and sixty kings"). The remaining two castes were lowly and base; had he been born there, it would not have stopped people's slander, and therefore the Great Sage was not born among them. (The text notes: "To stop means to cover up. The two castes refer to: first, vaiśya, translated here as 'seated merchants', named thus because ordinary people among them possessed much wealth; second, śūdra, also called shuduo, meaning agriculturalists and servants.") The territory of the Five Indias encompasses over ninety thousand li, bordered on three sides by the great sea and backed in the north by the Himalayas. There are eight great kingdoms, sixteen great cities, and over seventy small kingdoms. At that time, there was no Cakravartin ruling over them, and they followed the mandates of the hegemonic states (the text notes: "Had there been a Cakravartin, the small states would all have submitted to him. Since there was no Cakravartin at that time, only the strong became hegemons"), just as during the Spring and Autumn period in the central lands of the Xia, when the royal way declined and the feudal lords were controlled by Huan and Wen (the text notes: "In the Zhou, after King You was killed, King Ping moved eastward to Luoyi, and the feudal lords were able to conduct military expeditions on their own authority, such as Duke Wen of Jin and Duke Huan of Qi"), and rites, music, and punitive expeditions did not emanate from a single person (the text notes: "In antiquity, the institution of rites, the creation of music, and punitive expeditions had to originate from the Son of Heaven. Thereafter, usurpation became rampant, and they did not proceed from a single man"). Magadha was a great kingdom (the text notes: "Translated here as 'unreached', because the generals of this country were brave and the soldiers resourceful, so the armies of neighboring rivals could not reach it. It has a circumference of five thousand li; few people live in cities, while many registered households dwell in villages. The fertile soil nurtures agriculture. There is fragrant rice with coarse grains and extraordinary flavor, called 'rice offered to great persons' by the locals. The ground is low and damp; cities and states dwell in marketplaces; the customs are pure and simple, and the weather is mild"), situated on the sea's edge. King Bimbisāra was its ruler (the text notes: "That is Bimbisāra; translated here as 'handsome of countenance'; he was the father of King Ajātaśatru"), head of the assembly of lords. Rājagṛha was the site of the sublime assembly for the gathering of the Dharma, representing the convergence of myriad streams toward the court. (The text notes: "Rājagṛha; Sanskrit Kuśāgrapura; translated here as 'City of Superior Kuśa Grass', because it produces the finest kuśa grass. In the center of Magadha, long ago due to a fire, people moved outside to live here and subsequently walled it into dwellings. Later, King Aśoka moved his residence to Pāṭaliputra; here only a thousand households of brāhmaṇas remained.") Vulture Peak was the deep storehouse of the multitude of sages, rising high above the surrounding peaks. (The text notes: "Kusumapura, being a mountain citadel, is close to Rājagṛha. Although there are five mountains, this mountain is uniquely superior, tall and prominent. Thus it symbolizes surpassing the Two Vehicles. Many vultures nest here, hence the name Vulture Peak.") Ajātaśatru, in aspiring to ascend to power (the text notes: "'Grand' means great; 'ascend' means to rise; 'power' means function; to greatly ascend to function means to become ruler"), ruined his reputation by parricide; although he possessed merits, they are not worth extolling (the text notes: "Plotting with Devadatta to commit parricide, he imprisoned and killed King Bimbisāra, and drew a sword to pursue his mother Vaidehī and others"). When it came to King Aśoka, the great enterprise flourished in the middle period; his awe-inspiring power reached the ocean's shores, and his might rivaled that of an Iron-Wheel King, though he did not fully embody it (the text notes: "'Rivalling' means equal to; 'embody' means attain. Though his might equaled that of an Iron-Wheel King, he was not an actual Iron-Wheel King. He was the great-grandson of King Bimbisāra"). In the beginning, he constructed a hell modeled upon the scriptures (the text notes: "'Modeled upon' means to emulate and learn from"), with high walls and deep moats, where molten iron scalded and ran, and people were seized and cast within.  
> — English (machine translation) (machine translation)

### [3.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2.2)

雖古有刳斮烹焚不甚此酷（昔商紂刳剔孕婦。 斮朝涉之脛置炮烙之刑。 焚炙忠良剖賢人之心。 若以比方未足為甚）慕勇濟惡。 克邁凶德（南山下有一人。 凶惡堪為獄卒。 召之父母未允。 遂殺之而來也）遇得道者以神力化之。 遽革乃過（初國中犯法罪人無輕重總入塗炭。 後有行至獄次即擒以誅戮。 時有沙門巡里乞食。 獄吏擒入。 沙門惶怖請乞禮懺七日。 俄見一人縛入斬截手足磔裂形骸。 見已深增悲悼。 成無常觀證無學果。 雖入鑊湯若在清池。 有大蓮花而為之座。 王聞騁觀深讚靈祐。 後殺獄主遂廢其獄也）大德毱多又以因果啟迪（啟開也。 迪道也。 第五祖優波毱多。 以因果而開導之也）重省增懼追思補復。 爰乃發八王之函甒。 樹八萬之靈剎（毱多自廢獄之後。 日加善誘。 廣說獻土之因如來懸記興建之功。 乃集鬼神。 勠力同心。 以八國共分收舍利。 命鬼神至期日日有隱蔽其狀如手。 宜下舍利日正中時。 羅漢伸手蔽日營建遂成矣）其王以施土之福功高位尊至於阿縱。 大天斥逐賢聖。 致令僧分二部（自大天入宮之後。 日受恩寵。 於說戒夜與僧相爭。 無憂王黨之。 乃分大眾上座二部也）佛法初破。 雖元惡大憝本不在已。 而為王者特無先鑒不得不均罪于厥躬也（自此法乖一味也。 元首也。 憝怨也。 蓋以王者不能定罪正非斯其咎也）申毒之北（毒漢書音篤。 即印度也。 或云賢亘。 唐言月也。 月有一千名。 群生淪迴不息長夜。 聖賢化之導物如月照夜。 以是立彼土名也）有健馱羅國（即北印度也。 去摩伽陀五百里。 無霜雪。 人好習藝敬外道。 無著天親生處）其王名迦膩色迦（佛滅後四百年）霸而有禮。 博而能信。 師謨脇羅漢（付法藏云。 波奢比丘曾生不臥脇不著席。 時人號脇尊者）詮鍊諸部品格同異。 撰大毘婆沙（二百卷）雖有國有君無時無僧居信而行信。 是謂不佞（口才曰佞。 為國之君居忠信而行敬信。 是謂不諂佞也。 王初不信罪福。 因獵見二牧童立窣堵波。 問之云。 佛記當有王於此收吾舍利。 大王宿殖已符遂信心深敬佛法也）緇素用之大業昭服（西國之人僧俗皆學此論也）近世戒日王斯亞矣（戒曰王即唐初時磨竭陀國王也。 亞次也）周秦世。 真源遐擁。 靈津綿阻。 主與道違。 朝不登賢。 伯陽尼父薎遭遇也（周秦之代。 孔老雖大賢皆不見用）商鞅李斯肆其酷也（皆暴酷之吏也俱不得其死）而釋氏慎厥艱故不至也（佛教未至者。 知其暴秦之艱難也。 然感化有時不可強也）且漢承秦弊馬上以取天下。 藉英雄之力乃成帝業（漢高祖仗三尺劍而取天下也）故使論功之際皆拔劍偶語。 高祖患之（漢五年會垓之後將封功。 而諸將競拔劍偶語。 高祖以雍齒。 曾射高祖有讎。 乃先封之諸將知有望乃定矣）是以叔孫通徵魯諸生。 修朝會之禮。 瞻皇帝輦輿。 百官莫不震恐。 式遏當時之弊。 以尊萬乘威儀（此乃尊天子而抑諸侯也）故太皇反拜（高祖父也）家令受賜。 自稱霸業。 貽厥孫謀。 皇王之風。 崇師降禮。 未有聞也（此前漢叔孫通等徵漢禮。 而未見尊師重道降禮自臣之事也）夫黃帝問道於廣成（軒轅問道於廣成子也）唐堯順風於具茨（堯王禮具茨先生並出南華真經）豈非至尊之事歟。 洎漢室中興。 帝莊丕顯（後漢第二主明帝名莊丕顯明也）賓于大鴻臚。 司於大宗伯（自西國摩騰等所來。 或安鴻臚寺。 或宗伯主之也）故支謙安清（支謙月氏國優婆塞。 字恭明。 漢未遊洛。 授業於支亮。 亮授於支讖。 世稱天下博知不出三支。 安清字世高。 安息國王子。 讓位出家漢桓元嘉元年至此也）德重緇倫。 而未為王侯所師友也。 雖楚王修仁聖之祠。 孝桓興華蓋之祭（皆漢諸王）亦但神佛而已矣。 未求仁祠華蓋之人也（但嚴其器也）魏因漢禮徵用奇尚。

> Although of old there were disembowellings, amputations, boilings, and burnings, none surpassed this cruelty (in ancient times, King Zhou of Shang disembowelled pregnant women, severed the shins of morning-waders, instituted the punishment of the roasting pillar, burned and roasted the loyal and good, and cut out the hearts of worthy men; yet if compared to this, they were not yet extreme). Coveting valour to foster evil, he could surpass \[all in\] vicious virtue (beneath the Southern Mountain there was a man so ferocious and evil that he was fit to be an executioner-jailer; when summoned, his parents did not consent, so he killed them and came). Meeting one who had attained the Way, who transformed him through spiritual powers, he hastily reformed his errors (at first, all criminals in the realm who violated the law, whether light or heavy, were plunged into misery; later, anyone passing near the prison was seized and executed. At that time, a śramaṇa went round the neighbourhood begging for food; the prison guard seized and took him in. Terrified, the śramaṇa begged to worship and repent for seven days. Suddenly he saw a man brought in bound, his hands and feet severed, his body torn to pieces. Having seen this, he felt profound sorrow and grief, cultivated the contemplation of impermanence, and attained the fruit of an arhat \[aśaikṣa\]. Although cast into a boiling cauldron, he was as if in a clear pool, with a great lotus blossom as his seat. Hearing of this, the king rushed to observe it, profoundly praising the divine assistance. He later killed the prison warden and thereupon abolished the prison). The Venerable Gupta further enlightened and guided him through cause and effect (Gupta refers to "opening"; Guiding refers to "leading on the Way"; the Fifth Patriarch Upagupta opened and guided him by means of cause and effect). Reflecting deeply, his dread increased; looking back in contemplation, he sought to make amends. Thereupon he opened the urns of the eight kings and erected eighty thousand wondrous stūpas (after the prison was abolished, Gupta daily increased his skillful guidance, extensively expounding the karmic cause of offering earth and the Tathāgata's former prophecy of the merit of erecting stūpas; he then assembled spirits and gods, uniting their strength and mind, using the relics collected by the eight kingdoms together; he commanded the spirits and gods that when the appointed day arrived, the sun would be eclipsed in the shape of a hand; at midday, when it was fitting to deposit the relics, the arhat stretched forth his hand to block the sun, and the construction was thus completed). Because of the merit of offering earth, this king was exalted in stature and lofty in rank, yet he went so far as to indulge \[evil\]. Mahādeva expelled the worthy and holy, thereby causing the Saṅgha to divide into two schools (after Mahādeva entered the palace, he daily received favour and patronisation; on the night of the prātimokṣa recitation he disputed with the monks, and King Aśoka sided with him; thus it divided into the two schools of the Mahāsāṃghika and Sthavira). When the Buddha's Dharma was first fractured, although the primary culprit and great scourge did not originate with the king himself, nevertheless, as a ruler he was peculiarly devoid of foresight, and thus he cannot escape sharing the guilt in his own person (from this point on, the Dharma diverged from its single flavour. "Primary" means the head; "scourge" means resentment. It was because the sovereign could not determine guilt and correct wrongs that this fault occurred). To the north of Shendu (Du has the sound of "du" in the Han texts; that is to say, India; or called Xian-gen, which in the Tang language means "moon"; the moon has one thousand names; living beings drift and cycle endlessly in the long night, and the holy and worthy transform and guide creatures just as the moon illuminates the night; for this reason that land was named) lies the kingdom of Gandhāra (that is, North India; five hundred li from Magadha; without frost or snow; its people love practicing arts and honour non-Buddhists; it is the birthplace of Asanga and Vasubandhu). Its king was named Kaniṣka (four hundred years after the Buddha's nirvāṇa). Hegemonic yet possessing propriety, broadly knowledgeable yet capable of faith, he took the Arhat Pārśva as his model and master (The Record of the Transmission of the Dharma Treasury says: The bhikṣu Pārśva throughout his life never lay down, his ribs never touching the mat; contemporaries called him Venerable Pārśva). He compiled and refined the agreements and differences in the principles and doctrines of the various schools, and composed the Mahāvibhāṣā (in two hundred fascicles). Although states have kings and every age has monks, to abide in faith and practice faith—this is called not being fawning (glibness of speech is called "fawning"; for the ruler of a state to dwell in loyalty and faith and practice reverent faith is called not being flattery and fawning. The king at first did not believe in guilt and merit; while hunting he saw two cowherd boys building a stūpa; when he questioned them, they said: "The Buddha prophesied that here a king would enshrine my relics"; the great king's past planting of roots having matched this, he thereupon gave rise to faith and deeply revered the Buddha's Dharma). Clergy and laity made use of it, and the great undertaking was gloriously acclaimed (the people of the Western Lands, both monks and laity, all study this treatise). In recent times, King Harṣa is next to him (King Harṣa was the king of Magadha at the beginning of the Tang dynasty; "subordinate" means next). In the Zhou and Qin eras, the source of truth was distantly obstructed, and the spiritual ford was long barred. The sovereigns were at odds with the Way, and the court did not promote the worthy; Boyang and Nifu met with no recognition (in the Zhou and Qin eras, although Confucius and Laozi were great worthies, neither was employed). Shang Yang and Li Si gave free rein to their cruelty (they were both violent and cruel ministers, and neither met a natural death). And the lineage of the Śākya was prudent regarding such tribulations, and therefore did not arrive (that Buddhism did not arrive was because it knew the tribulations of the tyrannical Qin; however, transformation through resonance has its proper time and cannot be forced). Furthermore, the Han inherited the decay of the Qin, winning all under heaven on horseback; relying on the power of heroes, the imperial enterprise was accomplished (Emperor Gaozu of Han grasped a three-foot sword to win all under heaven). Thus, when discussing merits, \[the generals\] all drew their swords and whispered in pairs; Gaozu was troubled by this (in the fifth year of Han, after the battle of Gaixia, when he was about to enfeoff for merits, the generals vied with each other, drawing their swords and whispering in pairs; Gaozu, because Yong Chi had once shot at him and was an enemy, enfeoffed him first; when the generals knew there was hope, they settled down). For this reason, Shusun Tong summoned the scholars of Lu to establish the rituals for the imperial audience. Looking up to the emperor's carriage, not one of the hundred officials failed to tremble in awe; this checked the abuses of that time, thereby elevating the majesty of the Lord of Ten Thousand Chariots (this was to venerate the Son of Heaven and restrain the feudal lords). Thus the Grand Emperor bowed in return (he was Gaozu's father), and the House Steward received gifts; claiming it to be a hegemonic enterprise, he bequeathed his designs to his descendants. In the ways of emperors and kings, honoring a teacher and abasing propriety \[before him\] was something not yet heard of (previously, when Shusun Tong and others instituted Han rituals, they had not yet seen the matter of respecting a teacher, valuing the Way, and humbling propriety to act as a subject). Now, the Yellow Emperor asked after the Way from Guangcheng (Xuanyuan asked after the Way from Guangchengzi), and Yao of Tang followed the wind to Juci (King Yao paid homage to the Master of Juci; both appear in the Nanhuai Zhenjing); were these not matters of the most exalted? When it came to the restoration of the Han house, Emperor Zhuang shone brightly (the second ruler of the Later Han, Emperor Ming, was named Zhuang; "brightly" means clearly). \[Envoys\] were received at the Court of State Ceremonial and handled by the Minister of Ceremonies (when Kaśyapa Mātanga and others arrived from the Western Lands, they were lodged at the Court of State Ceremonial or overseen by the Minister of Ceremonies). Hence Zhi Qian and An Qing (Zhi Qian was an upāsaka of the Yuezhi kingdom, courtesy name Gongming; at the end of the Han he traveled to Luoyang and received instruction from Zhi Liang; Liang had received it from Lokakṣema; contemporaries said that comprehensive learning under heaven did not exceed the three Zhis; An Qing's courtesy name was Shigao; he was a prince of Parthia who renounced the throne to leave the household, arriving here in the first year of Yuanjia under Emperor Huan of Han)—though their virtue was esteemed among the black-robed clergy, they were not treated as teachers and friends by kings and nobles. Although the King of Chu cultivated a shrine to the Benevolent Sage, and Emperor Xiaohuan instituted the sacrifice under the Floriate Canopy (both were Han princes and kings), they merely treated the Buddha as a deity; they did not seek out the persons of the Benevolent Shrine and the Floriate Canopy (they only adorned the ritual vessels). The Wei followed the Han rites, summoning and employing the eccentric and eminent.  
> — English (machine translation) (machine translation)

### [3.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2.3)

但以勤王鼎峙之憂。 何仁祠之於我克暇耶（魏曹操。 字孟德。 為漢相。 以漢室微弱。 挾天子令諸侯。 而謀分霸。 不暇崇顯吾教也）然雖不能弘贊其風。 而亦終不蔽其道也（亦有康僧顗曇諦等三藏至而飜譯也）三國初。 吳人未甚信。 天竺沙門康僧會始造於吳締搆行道。 孫權（字仲謀都金陵）以為誣矯異俗。 攝會讓曰（攝迫也。 讓責也。 逼沙門而責之也）佛有何靈爾獨改形。 會曰。 佛身雖滅。 遺骨舍利應現無方。 外國先王建八萬四千塔。 表遺化也。 權謂紿已（紿音迨欺言也）俾期舍利嚴憲緩罰至三七日。 會徒將死。 舍利乃降。 鎗然盤中上燭虹霓。 吳之君臣相顧乃悅曰。 至哉奇瑞也。 始立建初寺。 呼其地為佛陀里也。 是歲赤烏四年。 去永平凡一百七十餘年矣（永平十年甲子至吳赤烏四年辛酉。 得一百七十八年矣）吳洛一千吳人知法將無晚歟。 孫皓狂虐不道國將病矣。 初廢毀淫祠延及寺宇。 群臣議曰。 佛之威力不並餘神。 僧會感靈。 太皇創寺。 今若輕廢。 恐貽後悔。 皓意未謂之然。 使張昱至寺詰會。 會才辯奇拔。 昱不能加。 乃復于皓。 皓大集公卿洎庶寮徵會以車馬。 既至。 皓強詞昧理取會不及已（皓問會曰。 佛教所明善惡報應何者是乎。 會曰。 夫明主孝慈訓世。 則赤烏翔老人星現。 仁德及物。 則醴泉湧嘉苗出。 善既有徵。 惡亦可驗。 為惡於隱鬼得而誅之。 為惡於顯人得而誅之。 王曰。 若然周孔已明。 會云佛教廣也）而會酬抗盡典謨之體。 推引叶忠良之議。 皓然知其不可屈。 乃革容而敬焉。 故治國者惟聖賢與君子。 如皓之器識末哉。 安得不為亡國之主乎。 向非會以道義誘掖。 蓋肆惡不知紀極蕭牆之釁朱殷紫闥。 豈獲厚辱於晉乎（皓字宗元和之子。 權之孫也。 初封烏程侯。 張布等立之後威虐無度。 為征南將軍杜預等收之。 皓面縛降晉入洛封歸命侯。 即大康元年）會以赤烏始而來至。 天紀末皓降不臘而終（赤烏四年辛酉。 到吳至天紀四年庚子皓降得三十九年也。 至冬會卒於吳）始與國隆終與國殲（殲滅也）邦人之慕皓曷愈乎慕會也（曷何也愈勝也）土德既微。 鼎遷于晉（魏以土德而應曆數也）惠皇失馭。 天下崩裂（惠皇武帝子。 名衷。 字正度。 立而無智。 朝政不治。 至永康年後。 所在分立為一十六國）前趙起於離石（劉元海。 新興匈奴冒頓之後。 漢高祖以宗女妻之。 冒頓約為兄弟。 遂姓劉焉。 元海猿臂善射。 成都王顙表之為寧朔將軍。 尤國城二旬眾已五萬。 遂僭即帝位。 命子聰寇洛陽。 劉曜後遷長安。 為石勒所殺。 共四主二十六年）後趙興於葛陂（石勒上黨羯人也。 起襄國擒王浚降劉琨。 遂即帝位。 六主四十四年）石勒石虎兵強且眾。 抗暴為德。 其斬刈如草木焉。 沙門遇害者甚眾。 佛圖澄吊之曰。 彼人之何罪而性命不保算。 因勒將郭黑略顯其神異。 資其戎計。 必獲申於勒也。 他日略戰捷遇勒。 賜顏色果。 以澄事啟之。 勒喜而召問。 澄知勒不達玄理。 對言。 至道雖遠亦可近驗。 廼以鉢盛水燒香祝之。 須臾生青蓮華。 勒重其神聖。 稽首下風。 虛心納諫。 仁惻塗炭。 念慮不思（石勒初與王陽支雄為群盜。 多行殺戮。 又石虎字季龍。 即勒之從子。 武勇抗所士女少有遺類）。 胡夏之人應被誅夷者十九而生矣。 真可謂探人命於虎口者也。 是知脩短在聖而不在司命。 司命能司之何能脩短之（以聖人作法而延救之。 非司命之所能也）澄聽鈴聲。 兼觀油掌。 寄聰明於耳目。 而實虛照在心。 所言無不符驗矣（圖澄每知虎之將敗。 假以油塗掌而現光。 又郭景略因以視之。 假以鈴聲。 及念於般若波羅蜜也。 而告之然。 深察在心。 假外事令生信。

> "Yet, with the distress of toiling for the royal house and the tripartite division of the realm, how could I have any leisure for the Shrine of Benevolence?" (Cao Cao, styled Mengde, of the Wei, served as chancellor of the Han. Because the Han house was weak and feeble, he held the Son of Heaven hostage to command the feudal lords and plotted to divide hegemony; he had no leisure to exalt and manifest our teaching.) Yet although he was unable to propagate and promote its influence, in the end he did not obscure its way either. (There were also Tripiṭaka masters such as Kang Sengkai and Dharmasatya who arrived and made translations.) At the beginning of the Three Kingdoms, the people of Wu did not yet believe deeply. The Tianzhu śramaṇa Kang Senghui first came to Wu, establishing a foundation and practicing the Way. Sun Quan (styled Zhongmou, who had his capital at Jinling) considered it fraudulent and deviant custom. Summoning Senghui, he rebuked him, saying, (She means to compel; rang means to reprimand. He coerced the śramaṇa and reprimanded him.) "What divine efficacy does the Buddha have, that you alone alter your appearance?" Senghui said, "Although the Buddha's body has perished, his relic-śarīra manifest without limit. The former kings of foreign lands built eighty-four thousand stupas to display his bequeathed transformation." Quan thought he was deceiving him (dai is pronounced dai, meaning deceitful words) and set a term for the relics under threat of severe law and deferred punishment, up to three times seven days. Senghui's disciples were facing death when the relics finally descended: clinking within the dish, their light shone upward to the rainbow. The ruler and ministers of Wu looked at each other and rejoiced, saying, "Supreme indeed is this extraordinary auspicious omen!" They then first established the Jianchu Monastery and named the area Fota Lane. This year was the fourth year of the Chiwu era, altogether more than one hundred and seventy years since the Yongping era. (From the tenth year of the Yongping era, a jiazi year, to the fourth year of the Chiwu era of the Wu, a xinyou year, it was one hundred and seventy-eight years.) The distance between Wu and Luoyang was a thousand \[li\]; was not the Wu people's knowledge of the Dharma somewhat late? Sun Hao was wildly cruel and unprincipled; the state was about to fall into ruin. At first, he abolished and destroyed illicit shrines, extending this to Buddhist monasteries. His ministers deliberated, saying, "The Buddha's mighty power is not comparable to other gods. Senghui moved the divine realm, and the Great Emperor founded the monastery. If you now lightly abolish it, we fear it will bequeath regrets." Hao's mind did not consider it so, and he sent Zhang Yu to the monastery to interrogate Senghui. Senghui's talent and eloquence were extraordinary; Yu could not get the better of him and reported back to Hao. Hao assembled the dukes, ministers, and lesser officials in great numbers, summoning Senghui with carriage and horses. After he arrived, Hao used forced arguments and ignored reason, seeking to prove that Senghui was inferior to himself. (Hao asked Senghui, saying, "What are the karmic retributions of good and evil explained in the Buddhist teachings?" Senghui said, "When an enlightened ruler instructs the world with filial piety and compassion, the red crow soars and the Old Man Star appears. When his benevolent virtue reaches all things, sweet springs well forth and auspicious grains sprout. As good has its signs, evil can also be verified. For doing evil in secret, ghosts are empowered to punish them; for doing evil in the open, men are empowered to punish them." The king said, "If so, the Duke of Zhou and Confucius have already made this clear." Senghui said, "The Buddhist teachings are vast.") But Senghui's responses were entirely in accord with the style of the Classics and Canons, and his citations harmonized with the counsels of loyal and good men. Hao clearly knew he could not be subdued, so he altered his countenance and treated him with reverence. Therefore, those who govern a state should only be sages, worthies, and gentlemen; as for Hao's capacity and discernment, how petty it was! How could he not become the ruler of a fallen state? Were it not for Senghui's guiding him with morality and righteousness, his wanton evil knowing no bounds, the strife within the household would have stained the purple gates crimson with blood—how could he merely have suffered profound humiliation under the Jin? (Hao, styled Zongyuan, was the son of He and the grandson of Quan. He was originally enfeoffed as the Marquis of Wucheng. After Zhang Bu and others enthroned him, his majesty and cruelty were boundless. He was captured by General Who Subdues the South Du Yu and others. Hao surrendered to the Jin with his hands bound behind his back, entered Luoyang, and was enfeoffed as the Marquis Who Returns to Allegiance; this was the first year of the Taikang era.) Senghui came at the beginning of the Chiwu era; at the end of the Tianji era, when Hao surrendered, he passed away before the winter sacrifice. (From the fourth year of the Chiwu era, a xinyou year, when he arrived in Wu, to the fourth year of the Tianji era, a gengzi year, when Hao surrendered, it was thirty-nine years. In the winter, Senghui passed away in Wu.) He began with the rise of the state and ended with its annihilation. (Jian means extinction.) How could the countrymen's admiration of Hao surpass their admiration of Senghui? (He means 'how'; yu means 'to surpass'.) When the virtue of Earth waned, the cauldrons moved to the Jin. (The Wei had responded to the dynastic cycle through the virtue of Earth.) Emperor Hui lost control of the reins, and all under Heaven fractured and collapsed. (Emperor Hui was the son of Emperor Wu, named Zhong, styled Zhengdu. When enthroned, he was witless, and the court government was not ordered. After the Yongkang era, sixteen kingdoms were established separately in various places.) Former Zhao arose from Lishi. (Liu Yuanhai was a descendant of Modu of the Xiongnu of Xinxing. Gaozu of the Han gave him a daughter of the imperial clan in marriage, and Modu pledged brotherhood with him, whereupon they took the surname Liu. Yuanhai had ape-like arms and was good at archery. The King of Chengdu, Sang, memorialized him as General Who Pacifies the North. Within two ten-day periods at Youguo City, his multitude had reached fifty thousand; he then usurped the imperial title and ordered his son Cong to invade Luoyang. Liu Yao later moved to Chang'an and was killed by Shi Le. In all, there were four rulers over twenty-six years.) Later Zhao flourished at Gebei. (Shi Le was a Jie man from Shangdang. Rising at Xiangguo, he captured Wang Jun and subjugated Liu Kun, then assumed the imperial title. There were six rulers over forty-four years.) The troops of Shi Le and Shi Hu were strong and numerous; defying tyranny, they regarded \[it\] as virtue, cutting down people as if they were grass and trees. The śramaṇas who met with harm were very numerous. Fotudeng lamented this, saying, "What crime have those people committed that their lives cannot be preserved?" He therefore used Le's general Guo Heilüe to display his supernatural wonders and assist his military strategies, ensuring that he would gain an audience with Le. On another day, after Lüe had won a battle, he met Le, who granted him a pleased countenance; he thereupon presented Deng's affairs to him. Le was delighted and summoned him for questioning. Deng knew that Le did not comprehend profound principles, so he replied, "Although the Supreme Way is far, it can be verified near at hand." He then filled a bowl with water, burned incense, and prayed over it. In an instant, a blue lotus flower grew. Le respected his spiritual sanctity, bowed low in deference, humbly accepted his remonstrances, felt benevolence and pity for those in distress, and ceased pondering \[cruelty\]. (At first, Shi Le was an outlaw with Wang Yang and Zhi Xiong, committing much slaughter. Also, Shi Hu, styled Jilong, was Le's nephew; he was martial and courageous, yet few men or women were left alive where he fought.) Of the Hu and Chinese who were destined to be slaughtered, nine out of ten were spared. Truly, he may be described as snatching human lives from the tiger's jaws! From this, we know that the length of life depends on the sages, not on the Arbiter of Fate. The Arbiter of Fate can only oversee it; how could he lengthen or shorten it? (Because the sages employ methods to prolong and save them, it is not something the Arbiter of Fate can do.) Deng listened to the sound of bells and also gazed at his oiled palm; he entrusted his perception to ears and eyes, while in truth, the vacant illumination resided in his mind. None of his words failed to come true. (Whenever Tudeng knew that Hu was about to be defeated, he would smear oil on his palm to reveal light; and Guo Jinglüe would look into it accordingly. He also made use of the sound of bells, and of mindful recitation of the Prajñāpāramitā, to inform him of things. Deep discernment resided in his mind, while he made use of external matters to inspire faith.)  
> — English (machine translation) (machine translation)

### [3.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2.4)

所告必符矣）石勒死虎襲偽號。 將謹慢俗。 聖敬日躋（謹嚴也。 虎既繼位。 欲嚴謹於慢侮之俗。 因自加勤敬於圖澄也）下書曰。 和尚國之大寶。 榮爵不加。 高祿不受。 爵祿匪尚。 何以旌德。 從此已往。 宜衣以綾錦。 乘以雕輦。 朝會之日。 和尚昇殿。 常侍已下悉舉輿。 太子諸公扶翼。 而上主者唱大和尚。 眾坐皆起。 以彰其尊。 又勅司空李農。 旦夕親問。 太子諸王五日一朝。 表朕敬焉。 晉師出淮淝（淮水出桐柏山。 淝水在廬江時晉都金陵。 石虎都洛陽也）虎竊怒曰。 吾心奉佛。 更致外寇。 佛無神矣。 澄知之夜過詣虎曰。 王過去為大商主。 罽賓寺中常供養。 大會中有六十羅漢。 吾此微身亦預斯會。 時有得道者。 謂余曰。 此主人命盡。 當更雞身。 後王晉地。 今主為王。 豈非福耶。 疆場軍𡨥（疆場邊地也）國之常事耳。 何為怨謗三寶夜興毒念乎。 虎驚𧹞而謝。 甞一日與虎坐。 忽而作（作起也）曰。 變幽州災。 遽命酒遙灑之。 虎遣驗其日。 火從四門起。 黑雲從西南來。 遇驟雨滅之雨。 頗有酒氣也。 澄將終。 謂虎曰。 出入生死道之常也。 脩短分定非所能延。 天道重行全德重無怠（道德不可以缺怠而獲也）苟業操無虧。 雖亡若存。 違而獲延。 非其所願。 念意未盡者。 以國家心存佛理。 奉法無差。 興起寺廟崇顯壯麗。 稱斯懷也。 宜享休祉。 而布政猛烈。 淫刑酷濫。 顯違聖典。 幽背法戒。 不自懲革。 終無福祐（懲戒也。 革改也。 雖建寺廟嚴奉佛法。 若刑法酷濫終無益也）若降心易慮惠此下人。 則國祚延長。 道俗慶賴。 畢命就盡。 歿無遺恨。 君子以澄言實社稷之忠也。 普門之慈也。 有國者何莫志之（君子者當時君子也。 或實言以褒德）詩云。 人之云亡邦國殄瘁（詩大雅瞻仰之章也。 殄滅也。 瘁病也。 言君不善朝廷賢人奔亡。 則天下邦國將盡病矣）而澄亡彼群胡屍於冉閔矣（世說云。 圖澄亡。 石虎開棺無屍。 唯袈裟在冉閔。 石虎養孫謀勇絕倫。 殺石鑑而自立。 旌旗鍾鼓綿亘百里。 唯事殺戮。 為慕容悋擒而殺之。 左右七里草木悉枯）夫有奇質必有奇智。 有奇智則必有奇行。 有奇行必有奇言。 言則乃經。 古者鱗膚牛首虎鼻鳥喙（伏犧龍鱗。 大準隆鼻。 神農牛首。 女蝸蛇身。 黃帝龍顏。 帝嚳駢齒。 堯眉八彩。 舜目重瞳。 皐陶鳥喙。 武王目羊。 周公背僂也）皆稟不測之靈氣。 蘊不窮之聖德。 而澄左乳傍有穴圍四五寸。 徹於腹內。 時有光從中出。 以纊塞之（纊綿也）夜或抽纊。 則洞照一室。 齊日至水滸（滸水涯也）引腸而洗之。 此實至奇之表也（並出古高僧傳）永嘉之亂晉室東遷（晉自惠帝即位。 朝網紊亂。 骨肉相殘。 趙王倫永康初亂。 至永嘉江都等作亂。 前趙後趙後蜀競起。 晉元帝鎮楊州。 遂過金陵號東晉也）竺法潛（晉高僧。 姓王。 名潛。 字法深。 蘊當年之譽）王敦之弟也。 先事忠州劉元真。 崇德務學。 譽滿西朝（劉元真早有才能之譽。 深為孫綽所重）元明二帝丞相王茂弘太尉庾元規（即王導庾亮也）皆友而敬焉。 建武太寧中。 潛恒著屐至殿內時。 謂方外之士以德重故也。 後隱剡山。 請益者以方等老莊內外霑洽（以內外經書而教導）哀帝徵就御筵開講（晉哀帝。 成帝子。 名丕。 字千齡。 穆帝崩無子而立之）司空何次道宗以為師。 後啟還剡山。 既卒。 孝武詔曰。 潛法師理悟虛遠。 風鑒清貴。 弃宰相之榮。 襲染衣之素。 山居物外。 篤勤匪懈。 方賴宣道。 以濟蒼生。 奄然遷化。 用痛于懷。 可賻錢十萬（贈死曰賻。 孝武名曜。 字昌明。 則海西王第三子也。 桓溫輔政。 帝幻而聰悟。 十歲即位）穆帝世（晉穆皇帝。

> what \[Sengcheng\] declared invariably proved true.) When Shi Le died, \[Shi\] Hu usurped the illicit title. Intending to discipline the disrespectful customs, his holy reverence increased day by day. (Jin means strict. After Hu succeeded to the throne, wishing to make strict the disrespectful and insulting customs, he consequently added his own earnest respect towards Fotudeng.) He issued an edict saying: “The Upādhyāya is the great treasure of the state. He does not accept honorable ranks; he does not receive high stipends. Since rank and stipend are not what he esteems, how can his virtue be made manifest? From this time forward, he should be clothed in fine damask and silks, and ride in an engraved carriage. On the days of imperial assemblies, when the Upādhyāya ascends the hall, all attendants from the regular palace attendants down shall lift his carriage, and the crown prince and dukes shall support him. As he ascends, the master of ceremonies shall announce ‘The Great Upādhyāya!’, and all present shall rise, thereby demonstrating his reverence.” He also ordered Minister of Works Li Nong to personally inquire after him morning and evening, and the crown prince and the various princes to pay court to him once every five days, to express Our respect. When the Jin army advanced to the Huai and Fei Rivers (the Huai River emerges from Mount Tongbai; the Fei River is in Lujiang. At that time Jin had its capital at Jinling, while Shi Hu had his capital at Luoyang), Hu secretly became enraged and said: “I devoted my heart to venerating the Buddha, yet this has provoked foreign invaders instead. The Buddha has no spiritual efficacy!” Fotudeng knew of this, and going by night to visit Hu, said: “In a past life, your majesty was a great merchant chief who constantly made offerings in a temple in Jibin. In a great gathering, there were sixty arhats, and this humble body of mine also took part in that gathering. At that time, a person who had attained the Way told me: ‘When the life of this host ends, he will be reborn as a chicken, and later will be a king in the land of Jin.’ Now you have become a king; is this not due to that blessing? Frontier military invasions (jiangchang means the border lands) are merely the ordinary affairs of a state. Why harbor resentment and slanders against the Three Jewels and give rise to venomous thoughts by night?” Hu was startled, humbled, and apologized. Once, sitting with Hu, Fotudeng suddenly rose (zuo means to rise up) and said: “A strange disaster has struck Youzhou!” He hurried to call for wine and cast it from afar. Hu sent men to investigate that day; a fire had broken out from all four gates, and black clouds had come from the southwest, meeting a sudden shower of rain that extinguished it, and the rain smelled distinctly of wine. When Fotudeng was about to pass away, he told Hu: “Entering and exiting birth and death is the ordinary course of the Way. Long and short life spans are fixed by lot and cannot be extended. The heavenly Way emphasizes practice; perfecting virtue values being free of laxity. (Virtue cannot be attained through deficiency or negligence.) If one's conduct and integrity have no deficiency, though one dies, it is as though one lives. To transgress and obtain extension is not what one desires. What remains unfulfilled in my thoughts is that the state has harbored the Buddhist principles in heart and served the Dharma without flaw, raising monasteries and temples that are lofty, magnificent, and splendid; fulfilling this sentiment, you ought to enjoy auspicious blessings. Yet governance is executed with ferocity, and excessive punishments are harsh and uncontrolled. You visibly violate the sacred scriptures and darkly contravene the Dharma's precepts. If you do not admonish and reform yourself, in the end there will be no blessings and protection. (Cheng means to admonish; ge means to reform. Even if one builds monasteries and strictly reveres the Buddhist Dharma, if penal laws are harsh and uncontrolled, there will ultimately be no benefit.) If you lower your heart and alter your thoughts to bestow favor on the lower people, then the state's mandate will endure, and both monks and laity will rejoice and rely upon it. When I finish my span and approach my end, I shall pass away without remaining regret.” The noble men considered Fotudeng's words to truly be loyalty to the altars of soil and grain, and the compassion of the Universal Gate. How could rulers of states not take note of it? (The “noble men” refers to the noble men of that era. Some say they are true words that praise his virtue.) The Classic of Poetry says: “When the people perish, the state is devastated and exhausted.” (This is from the “Zhan'yang” chapter of the Daya in the Classic of Poetry. Tian means to destroy; cui means to fall ill. It means that when the ruler is unvirtuous, the worthy men of the court flee, and the states throughout the realm will all be afflicted.) And after Fotudeng died, that host of barbarians had their corpses left to Ran Min. (The Shishuo says: When Fotudeng passed away, Shi Hu opened the coffin and found no corpse, only his kāṣāya remained. Ran Min was Shi Hu's adopted grandson, peerless in stratagem and valor. He killed Shi Jian and established himself. His banners, bells, and drums stretched continuously for a hundred li. He engaged purely in slaughter, and was captured and killed by Murong Lin. Within seven li to the left and right, all grasses and trees withered.) Now, one who possesses extraordinary nature inevitably possesses extraordinary wisdom; possessing extraordinary wisdom, one inevitably possesses extraordinary deeds; possessing extraordinary deeds, one inevitably possesses extraordinary words; and their words become standard guidelines. In ancient times, there were those with scaly skin, ox heads, tiger noses, and bird beaks (Fuxi had dragon scales and a large, prominent nose; Shennong had an ox head; Nüwa had a serpent body; Huangdi had a dragon face; Diku had double rows of teeth; Yao's eyebrows had eight colors; Shun's eyes had double pupils; Gaoyao had a bird beak; King Wu had sheep-like eyes; and the Duke of Zhou was hunchbacked); all were endowed with unfathomable spiritual qi and harbored inexhaustible holy virtue. As for Sengcheng, beside his left breast he had an opening four or five inches around that penetrated into his belly. At times, light would emerge from within it, and he would plug it with silk floss (kuang means silk floss). At night, he might pull out the floss, and it would illuminate the entire room. On fast days, he would go to the water's edge (hu means the edge of water) and pull out his intestines to wash them. This was truly the manifestation of the utmost extraordinary! (All of this comes from the ancient Gaoseng zhuan.) During the disaster of Yongjia, the Jin imperial house moved to the east. (Since Jin Emperor Hui took the throne, the imperial court became chaotic and kin turned against kin. Zhao King Lun caused turmoil at the beginning of Yongkang, down to Yongjia and Jiangdu when rebellions broke out, and Former Zhao, Later Zhao, and Later Shu arose in competition. Emperor Yuan of Jin garrisoned Yangzhou and subsequently moved to Jinling, known as the Eastern Jin.) Zhu Faqian (an eminent monk of the Jin, whose secular surname was Wang, personal name Qian, and style name Fashen; he enjoyed renown in his day) was the younger brother of Wang Dun. He previously served Liu Yuanzhen of Zhongzhou, esteemed virtue, and applied himself to learning, with his fame filling the Western Court. (Liu Yuanzhen had early on earned renown for his talent, and was deeply valued by Sun Chuo.) Both Chancellor Wang Maohong and Grand Defender Yu Yuangui under Emperors Yuan and Ming (namely Wang Dao and Yu Liang) befriended and respected him. During the Jianwu and Taining eras, Faqian would always wear clogs into the palace; at that time, he was regarded as a gentleman beyond worldly bounds because of the weight of his virtue. Later, he secluded himself in the Shan Mountains; those who came to ask for instruction were steeped in both the inner and outer \[teachings\] of the Vaipulya scriptures, Laozi, and Zhuangzi. (He taught and guided them using both the inner and outer scriptures.) Emperor Ai summoned him to the imperial table to deliver lectures. (Emperor Ai of Jin was the son of Emperor Cheng, named Pi, with the style name Qianling. When Emperor Mu died without an heir, he was enthroned.) Minister of Works He Cidao took him as his master. Later, he submitted a memorial requesting to return to the Shan Mountains. After he passed away, Xiaowu issued an edict saying: “Master of the Dharma Qian had an understanding of principle that was profound and far-reaching, and his discernment of character was pure and noble. He abandoned the glory of a chancellor to don the plain dyed robes. Residing in the mountains beyond worldly affairs, he was earnest and diligent without remiss. Just when we relied on him to propagate the Way to rescue the multitude of people, he suddenly passed away, which brings grief to Our heart. He may be conferred a funeral gift of one hundred thousand cash.” (A gift sent on death is called fu. Xiaowu was named Yao, with the style name Changming; he was the third son of the Prince of Haixi. Huan Wen assisted in governance; the emperor was clever and discerning from childhood, ascending the throne at the age of ten.) During the reign of Emperor Mu (Emperor Mu of Jin.  
> — English (machine translation) (machine translation)

### [3.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2.5)

名𭾠。 字彭祖。 康帝子。 立年二歲。 褚太后臨朝）支道林緇林之奇茂者也。 素風泠然。 清波繁華。 築室林野。 隱居求志。 道德文章為世所仰。 天子三事庶尹（三事三公也庶尹眾鄉也）賢士大夫。 巖藪知名無不高其英邁。 欽承道論。 謝安王濛劉惔殷浩孫綽桓彥表王文度。 若斯之徒。 國華物紀（並東晉公鄉貴族之士也）咸以八關齋法。 山行澤宿假日盤集。 滌濯冠帶供薦香花。 邕邕穆穆周旋顧慕（邕邕穆穆和樂之貌）契賞清奇為一世之盛矣。 王羲之謂人曰。 一往之氣亦何足信。 既見方悔前言殆乎耳（殆墮也。 或本作玷。 並通）夫所以陳有生者昭其類也。 詩曰。 惟其友之。 是以似之（詩小雅常常者華之卒章也。 意以其君子有此高尚之風。 所得之友皆相似之與。 詩少別不以文害意也）是知梟鳳不相群（梟不孝鳥也。 食母而飛冬令捕而磔之於路。 字從木上鳥。 鳳瑞鳥也。 雞頭蛇頸𮨤頷龜背魚尾。 五色高六尺。 其雌曰皇）豹豕不相侶（豹獸如虎而小豕豬也）舉善以求黨。 蓋率古之風也（率循也）仲尼曰。 不知其人觀其所友。 不知其君觀其所使。 賢賢乎哉。 寔孔聖矣。 夫七子從之晉侯霸也（七子謂顛頶魏武子司空季子狐偃趙衰狐毛賈佗。 七人從晉重耳出奔終歸霸晉）四翁來護。 漢儲定也（漢高祖以戚夫人將立太子未定。 上下惶惶。 張良令呂后請於商山輔之入朝。 高皇一見其位乃定矣。 四皓。 一東園公。 二夏黃公。 三綺里季。 四角里先生。 角音祿）張祿去魏秦之興也（范睢為須賈所譖受魏齊之恥。 乃改姓名稱張祿先生。 秦用之為相封侯。 而大興秦國也）惡來相紂殷之亡也（史記云。 飛廉生惡來事紂多力。 又善譖毀諸侯。 武王伐紂。 誅殺惡來也）其言至驗人罕存懷。 故古黨舉黨誅。 誠不失天下之善惡也（古刑。 其黨善者盡賞之。 其黨有惡緣坐而誅之）今之小人多竊君子友生為譽（近日矯詐之徒。 自無德行。 依附高流。 苟求聲譽狐媚於世也）而閭里不討其端倪。 相與納其誣譎。 而高識者難獨謂之不然故朋友焉。 於古則直於今則濫矣（子云友直友諒友多聞益矣。 友便辟友善柔友便佞損矣）林公被留京師三載。 思歸東山。 帝不時允。 固以表辭。 其誠哀焉。 偽秦涉公者（高僧涉公。 本西域。 預言之事多驗。 建元十五年至長安。 十六年卒。 十七年大旱也）不食五穀。 日行五百里。 能呪龍下鉢中令降雨。 涉公沒歲大旱。 符堅謂朱彤曰（朱彤祕書監也）。 涉公若在。 豈使朕燋心於雲漢哉。 初秦太史奏。 有德星現於外國分野。 當有聖人入輔中國。 得之者王。 堅乃分命符丕（丕堅之庶子也）伐襄陽取道安。 呂光討龜茲求羅什（具足云鳩摩羅什此云童真）朱序為秦陷（晉南中郎將朱序為丕所陷）致道安并習鑿齒。 堅喜曰。 朕用師十萬得一人之半也（一人謂道安半謂習鑿齒）國有疑謀并古器服篆隷寶玉所不識者。 俾諮詢于安。 堅甞欲遊東苑命安同輦。 權翼諫曰（權翼秦左僕射）臣聞天子法駕侍中陪乘。 道安毀形賤士。 寧可參逼乘輿。 堅忿然作色曰。 安公道冥至境。 德為時尊。 朕舉天下之重不足以易之。 非公之榮乃朕之榮也。 使翼扶安登輦。 然臣諫顯忠也。 主拒愛賢也。 權則區區之尺度（權翼之諫。 乃臣子之宜。 然不能尊賢重德。 亦器量之未廣也）符則汪汪之陂湖（安公實為一代之賢。 符主深所器重。 雖有強諫之言亦終不納。 信為深識之見也）君臣向背若不相合（若然也似也）而於國則合矣。 故君子和而不同。 匪茲何取焉（君子之道不爭。 然所見各不同。 所謂殊途而同歸也）彼偽符猶愈於真桀（桀雖真主而無道。 秦雖偽覇而有德）誠可謂得霸之道也（道安。 常山扶柳人。 姓衛。 家世英儒。 早失覆蔭。 為外兄所養。

> \[His personal name was Dan, and his courtesy name was Pengzu. He was the son of Emperor Kang, enthroned at the age of two; Empress Dowager Chu held court as regent.\] Zhi Daolin was of outstanding brilliance within the monastic forest. His untainted manner was cool and refreshing, \[like\] clear ripples amid the flourish of waters. He built a dwelling in the woods and wilds, living in reclusion to pursue his aspirations. His virtue and literary style were revered by his generation. From the Son of Heaven, the three chief ministers, and the myriad magistrates (the 'three chief ministers' are the Three Excellencies, and the 'myriad magistrates' are the various ministers) to worthy literati, none among those renowned in the crags and thickets failed to extol his pre-eminent brilliance and respectfully accept his discourses on the Way. Figures such as Xie An, Wang Meng, Liu Tan, Yin Hao, Sun Chuo, Huan Yanbiao, and Wang Wendu—the glory of the realm and the order of all beings (all of them gentlemen of the noble clans and high ministers of the Eastern Jin)—all observed the eight precepts; on holidays they would gather, traversing mountains and lodging by marshes, washing clean their caps and sashes to offer incense and flowers. Harmonious and reverent, they associated with and looked up to him with mutual affection ('harmonious and reverent' describes an appearance of peace and joy). Their shared appreciation of the pure and extraordinary made this the splendor of an entire era. Wang Xizhi said to others, 'How can one trust someone's initial air \[of brilliance\]?' Yet once he saw him, only then did he regret his former words, \[realizing\] they had nearly fallen into error ('nearly' means fallen; some versions have 'blemish'; both are acceptable). Now, the purpose of setting forth the living is to illuminate their kinds. The \*Classic of Poetry\* says: 'Only when one befriends them, / Can one resemble them' (this is the final stanza of 'Changdi zhi hua' in the Lesser Odes of the \*Classic of Poetry\*; the meaning is that because the gentleman possesses such a lofty manner, the friends he acquires all resemble him; the words differ slightly from the \*Poetry\*, but one should not let the phrasing harm the sense). By this we know that owls and phoenixes do not flock together (the owl is an unfilial bird that eats its mother before flying away; in winter regulations it is captured and torn apart on roads; the character is written with a bird atop wood. The phoenix is an auspicious bird, with a chicken's head, snake's neck, swallow's chin, turtle's back, and fish's tail, five-colored, six feet tall; the female is called \*huang\*); leopards and swine do not companion each other (a leopard is a beast like a tiger but smaller; a swine is a pig). To promote the good so as to seek their company—this is indeed to follow the manner of antiquity ('follow' means conform to). Zhongni said: 'If you do not know the man, observe those he befriends; if you do not know the ruler, observe those he employs.' How worthy is the appreciation of worthies! This was truly the Sage Confucius. When the seven gentlemen followed him, the Marquis of Jin became hegemon (the seven gentlemen refer to Dian Jie, Wei Wuzi, Minister of Works Jizi, Hu Yan, Zhao Cui, Hu Mao, and Jia Tuo; these seven followed Chong'er of Jin when he fled into exile and ultimately returned to bring hegemony to Jin); when the Four Elders came to protect him, the heir of Han was established (Emperor Gaozu of the Han favored Consort Qi and was on the verge of establishing a new crown prince, which remained unsettled; superiors and inferiors were fearful. Zhang Liang instructed Empress Lü to invite them from Mount Shang to support the prince in attending court. As soon as Emperor Gao saw them, his position was settled. The Four White-Haired Elders were: first, Dongyuan Gong; second, Xia Huang Gong; third, Qi Liji; and fourth, Master Jiao Li; 'Jiao' is pronounced Lu); when Zhang Lu left Wei, Qin arose (Fan Sui was slandered by Xu Jia and suffered disgrace under Wei Qi; he then changed his surname and personal name, calling himself Master Zhang Lu. Qin employed him as prime minister and enfeoffed him as a marquis, greatly raising up the state of Qin); when Elai served as prime minister to Zhou, Yin perished (the \*Records of the Grand Historian\* says: Feilian fathered Elai, who served Zhou; he had great strength and was also adept at slandering the feudal lords. King Wu attacked Zhou and executed Elai). These words have been fully verified, yet men rarely bear them in mind. Therefore, in antiquity, entire factions were promoted or entire factions were executed; in truth, this did not fail regarding the good and evil of all under heaven (in the penal codes of antiquity, when a faction was good, all were rewarded; when a faction committed evil, all were executed through collective liability). Today's petty men mostly appropriate the friendship of gentlemen to win acclaim (deceitful knaves of recent times lack virtue themselves; they attach themselves to the high and eminent, improperly seeking reputation and fawning upon the world like foxes), yet the neighborhoods do not investigate their beginnings or ends, mutually accepting their deceit and trickery, and men of high discernment find it difficult to dispute them alone. Therefore, regarding friendships, antiquity was straightforward, while today it is careless (the Master said: 'Friendship with the upright, friendship with the sincere, and friendship with the well-informed are beneficial. Friendship with the obsequious, friendship with the smooth-tongued, and friendship with the glib are harmful'). Master Lin was detained at the capital for three years, yearning to return to East Mountain. The emperor did not promptly grant permission, so he firmly submitted a memorial to take his leave, his sincerity deeply moving. In the spurious Qin, there was the Venerable She (the eminent monk, the Venerable She, was originally from the Western Regions; his prophecies were mostly verified. In the fifteenth year of Jianyuan he arrived in Chang'an; in the sixteenth year he passed away; in the seventeenth year there was a great drought), who did not eat the five grains, could travel five hundred \*li\* a day, and could chant spells over a dragon so that it descended into his almsbowl and made rain fall. In the year the Venerable She passed away, there was a great drought. Fu Jian said to Zhu Tong (Zhu Tong was the director of the Palace Library), 'If the Venerable She were here, how could he let Us scorch Our heart over the Milky Way?' Earlier, the Qin Grand Astrologer had memorialized that a Star of Virtue had appeared in the planetary division of the foreign kingdoms, signaling that a sage was to enter to assist the Central State, and whoever obtained him would rule as king. Fu Jian then separately ordered Fu Pi (Pi was Jian's concubine-born son) to attack Xiangyang and capture Dao'an, and Lü Guang to chastise Kucha and seek Kumārajīva (the full name is Jiūmóluóshí; here translated as 'Youthful Purity'). When Zhu Xu was captured by Qin (Zhu Xu, General of the Southern Gentlemen of the Household for the Jin, was captured by Pi), Dao'an and Xi Zuochi were brought. Jian rejoiced and said, 'In employing a host of a hundred thousand, We have obtained a man and a half!' (the one man refers to Dao'an; the half refers to Xi Zuochi). Whenever the state had doubts in deliberation, or ancient vessels, garments, seal-script, clerical-script, or precious gems that could not be identified, he would have Dao'an consulted. Fu Jian once wished to tour the Eastern Park and ordered Dao'an to share his carriage. Quan Yi remonstrated, saying (Quan Yi was the Qin Left Assistant Director), 'Your servant has heard that for the Son of Heaven's official carriage, the Palace Attendants ride along. Dao'an has disfigured his form and is a lowly fellow; how could he improperly approach the imperial carriage?' Jian angrily changed countenance and said, 'Master An's Way is merged with the ultimate realm, and his virtue is honored by the age. Were We to weigh the whole realm against him, it would not suffice to match him. This is not the Master's glory, but Our own glory!' He made Quan Yi assist Dao'an into the carriage. Thus, the minister's remonstrance made manifest his loyalty, while the ruler's refusal showed his love for the worthy. Quan \[Yi\]'s \[mind\] was a petty measuring stick (Quan Yi's remonstrance was what was proper for a subject, yet he was unable to honor the worthy and esteem virtue; his capacity was indeed not broad), whereas Fu \[Jian's\] was a vast, overflowing lake (Master An was truly a worthy of an era, and Lord Fu deeply valued him; although there were strong remonstrances, he ultimately did not accept them; truly this was a vision of profound insight). The ruler and minister seemed opposed, as if not in accord ('seemed' means like or as if), yet regarding the state, they were in accord. Therefore, the gentleman is harmonious but does not conform. Without this, what could be made of it? (The Way of the gentleman is not to contend, yet what they see differs; this is what is called arriving at the same destination by different routes.) That spurious Fu was still better than the genuine Jie (although Jie was a legitimate ruler, he was devoid of the Way; although Qin was a spurious hegemon, he possessed virtue). Truly, he may be said to have attained the Way of hegemony! (Dao'an was a native of Fuliu in Changshan; his surname was Wei. His clan was of eminent Ruists. He lost his parents' protection early and was raised by his maternal cousin.)  
> — English (machine translation) (machine translation)

_First 5 of 10 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2)_

## Translations (1)

- [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113~en-mt.3.2.1) — English, machine translation

## Linked texts (2)

- [法苑珠林](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2122.36.72) — 道世, Classical Chinese
- [歷代三寶紀](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2034.3.70) — Classical Chinese

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Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.3.2) · Pramāṇa
