[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Buddhist Literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha) › [Taishō Tripiṭaka (Chinese Buddhist canon)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho) › [北山錄](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113) › 4.2.8 # 北山錄 4.2.8 北山錄 4.2.8 - **Language:** Classical Chinese ### [4.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.4.2.8) 四眾為之改容（導卒壽春石磵寺年九十六也）時石磵寺僧因亦當世名匠。 或問之與導孰愈。 因曰。 吾與導同師什公。 方孔門則。 導入室。 吾升堂矣。 道猷述頓悟義。 孝武曰。 生公孤情絕照。 猷公直轡獨上。 可謂克明師匠無忝微旨（道猷吳人。 生公弟子。 師云後見勝鬘經披卷歎曰。 先師昔義與此經闇合。 因注之五卷。 後孝武詔講頓悟義。 競辯之徒聞奏互起。 猶皆破之。 帝乃撫几稱快）晉慧遠慧持兄弟也。 宋法愛法瑗遠持也。 愛為芮國師。 俸三千戶。 瑗文帝使述生公頓悟義。 何尚之聞乃歎曰。 常謂生公歿後微言永絕。 今日復聞象外之談。 可謂天之未喪斯文也。 僧遠隱上定林寺。 齊太祖鑾駕詣遠。 遠門狹不容輿。 蓋太祖欲見遠。 遠稱老足不垂床。 太祖遣問興臥轉蹕而去。 文慧太子竟陵王（蕭子良也）崇為師範。 何默周顒吳苞張融稟戒受道焉。 昔沙門稱貧道於帝王。 南齊法獻玄暢俱為僧正。 武帝與語皆名不坐。 後僧鍾稱貧道。 帝嫌之問王儉曰。 先輩沙門於帝王何所稱正殿坐不。 儉曰。 漢魏佛法未興不記傳。 自偽國稱貧道亦預坐。 及晉初亦然。 中世有庾氷桓玄等。 皆欲使沙門盡敬。 朝議紛紜。 事皆休寢。 宋之中朝。 亦頗令致禮。 而尋見不行。 自邇迄今。 多預坐稱貧道。 帝曰。 獻暢二僧道業如此。 尚自稱名。 況復餘者揖拜太甚稱名亦無嫌。 自後稱名獻暢始也。 梁寶亮性率直。 每對武帝稱貧道上。 雖有間然而挹其神志。 亮青州人。 初至京。 袁璨異之曰。 珠生合浦。 魏人取以照乘。 璧在邯鄲。 秦人請以華國。 天下之寶當與天下共之。 非復上人貴州所宜專也。 僧旻七歲出家居虎丘。 或問曰。 沙彌何姓。 家在何處。 對曰。 貧道姓釋。 家于此山。 張融謝眺少相厚善。 陸倕甞與賓從造旻。 旻稱疾不見。 倕欣然曰。 法師不趨於世。 此誠弟子所望也。 蕭昂出守吳興（吳興郡漢置也。 古防風氏之國。 至隋廢郡改為湖州。 即烏程縣也）將謁旻。 旻曰。 吾山藪病人。 無事見貴二千石。 昔戴顒居北嶺。 宋江夏王入山。 顒高臥牖下不與相見。 吾雖德薄。 請附戴公之事矣。 及蕭至後戶而遁。 夫擯世者祿干之不及。 尚利者干祿之不及。 既得祿狎侮為志。 於其賢雖始降禮。 若欣遇而無恒其心。 卒能以權勢而卑之（既有祿相及。 則親狎而侮慢。 雖有賢者而能下禮相接。 然見遇之道其心不恒。 則恃其權勢而以踞傲終之也。 則今貴門皆然也）然能病其終卑而兆其始遇則高。 見之昭昭不貽己慼矣（顧其始而知其終。 則免其自貽伊慼也）智藏事師。 以孝敬聞。 師疾絕食。 藏亦絕食。 師進飲。 藏乃飲。 但性傷乎許直（訐舉人私也）而以譽行為干櫓故不至於危殆也。 甞捨財大懺。 謝幾卿指挂衣竹戲之曰。 猶留此物。 尚有意耶。 藏曰。 身猶未滅。 意何由可盡。 道安之門人法遇領徒四百。 時有一僧。 飲酒廢夕燒香。 遇罰而不遣。 安聞之。 以筒緘杖寄遇。 遇曰。 此由飲酒者也。 我訓不勤。 遠貽憂賜。 乃集眾命維那行杖至三。 因泣下自咎。 魏道辯門人亡名。 負才傲世。 辯撻而徙黃龍。 其初無恨想。 晨夕向辯遙禮。 唐智正之門人。 智見師所著述。 必侍立而書累載。 初不貽坐。 或久而仆。 正責曰。 翹足七日匪勞。 今爾心輕何不然也（釋迦因地。 七日翹一足。 讚底沙如來）北遠之門智微每講析幽微。 皆云。 大法師意如此。 因則聲淚俱發（廬山慧遠。 姓賈。 雁門人。 謂之南遠。 澤州硤石寺慧遠。 姓李。 燉煌人。 著涅槃經䟽者。 謂之北遠也）禮云。 凡學之道。 嚴師為難。 師嚴然後道尊。 道尊然後民知敬學。 然良家子在家。 家有訓從師。 > the fourfold assembly changed their countenance for him. (Daodao died at Shijian Monastery in Shouchun at the age of ninety-six.) At that time, the monk Sengyin of Shijian Monastery was also a famed master of his age. Someone asked him who was superior between him and Daodao. Yin said, 'I and Dao both had Master \[Kumāra\]jīva as our teacher. In terms of Confucius's gate, Dao has entered the inner room, whereas I have only ascended the hall.' When Daoyou expounded the doctrine of sudden enlightenment, Emperor Xiaowu said, 'Master \[Daosheng\] had solitary sentiments and transcendent illumination; Master You holds the reins straight and advances alone. He can truly be said to have illuminated his teacher's art without bringing shame upon the subtle tenets.' (Daoyou was a native of Wu and a disciple of Master Sheng. Teachers say that later, upon seeing the Śrīmālādevī Sūtra, he unrolled the scroll and sighed, 'My late teacher's former doctrines silently accord with this scripture!' He then wrote a five-fascicle commentary on it. Later, Emperor Xiaowu decreed that he lecture on the doctrine of sudden enlightenment. The rival disputants arose one after another upon hearing his presentations, but You refuted them all. The emperor then patted the table and expressed his delight.) Huiyuan and Huichi of the Jin were brothers; Fa'ai and Fayuan of the Song were \[like\] Yuan and Chi. Ai served as the state preceptor of the Rouran, receiving a stipend of three thousand households. Emperor Wen had Yuan expound Master Sheng's doctrine of sudden enlightenment. When He Shangzhi heard it, he sighed and said, 'I used to say that after Master Sheng died, the subtle words were forever severed; today I hear again discourse beyond the phenomena. Truly it may be said that Heaven has not yet destroyed this culture!' Sengyuan secluded himself at Upper Dinglin Monastery. When Emperor Taizu of the Southern Qi rode in his imperial carriage to visit Yuan, Yuan's gate was narrow and could not accommodate the carriage; the canopy was removed as Taizu wished to see Yuan. Yuan pleaded old age and would not lower his feet from the couch. Taizu sent inquiries after his health and departed with his cleared retinue. Crown Prince Wenhui and the Prince of Jingling (Xiao Ziliang) venerated him as their model teacher; He Mo, Zhou Yong, Wu Bao, and Zhang Rong received precepts and accepted the Way from him. In former times, śramaṇas referred to themselves as 'pindao' ('poor monk') before emperors and kings. Under the Southern Qi, Faxian and Xuanchang both served as Monastic Rectors (sengzheng); when Emperor Wu spoke with them, they both stated their names and did not sit. Later, Sengzhong referred to himself as 'pindao'. The emperor disliked this and asked Wang Jian, 'How did former generations of śramaṇas refer to themselves before emperors and kings, and did they sit in the main hall?' Jian said, 'In the Han and Wei, the Buddha's Dharma had not yet flourished, so the records do not transmit it. From the illegitimate states onwards, they referred to themselves as pindao and were also granted seats; the beginning of the Jin was also like this. In the middle era, there were Yu Bing, Huan Xuan, and others, who all wished to make śramaṇas pay full homage. The court debated tumultuously, but the matter was always dropped. In the middle court of the Song, they were also somewhat ordered to offer rites, but soon after this was seen not to be implemented. From then until now, most have been granted seats and called themselves pindao.' The emperor said, 'The spiritual cultivation of the two monks Xian and Chang was such that they still stated their own names; how much more so for the rest? Prostrations and salutations are too extreme, but stating one's name is unobjectionable.' From then on, stating one's name began with Xian and Chang. Baoliang of the Liang was straightforward by nature; whenever facing Emperor Wu, he referred to himself as 'pindao'. Although the emperor was slightly displeased, he admired his spirit and resolve. Liang was a native of Qingzhou. When he first arrived in the capital, Yuan Can marvelled at him and said, 'Pearls are born in Hepu, and the people of Wei took them to illuminate a chariot; jade lay in Handan, and the people of Qin requested it to glorify their state. The treasures of the world ought to be shared with the world; they should no longer be monopolised by your worthy province, Master.' Sengmin left home at the age of seven to reside at Huqiu. Someone asked him, 'Novice, what is your surname, and where is your home?' He answered, 'Pindao's surname is Śākya, and my home is on this mountain.' Zhang Rong and Xie Tiao had been close friends since their youth. Lu Chui once visited Min with his entourage; Min pleaded illness and would not see him. Chui said with delight, 'The Dharma Master does not hasten after the world; this is truly what a disciple hopes for.' When Xiao Ang went out to govern Wuxing (Wuxing commandery was established in the Han; it was anciently the state of the Fangfeng clan. By the Sui, the commandery was abolished and changed to Huzhou, which is Wucheng county), he was about to pay a visit to Min. Min said, 'I am an ailing man of the mountains and marshes; I have no business seeing a noble two-thousand-bushel official. In the past, Dai Yong resided on the northern ridge; when the Prince of Jiangxia of the Song entered the mountains, Yong lay high beneath the window and did not meet with him. Though my virtue is slight, I request to follow the precedent of Master Dai.' When Xiao arrived, \[Min\] escaped through the back door. Those who reject the world are beyond the reach of emolument's pursuit; those who value gain are unfulfilled in seeking emoluments. Once they attain emoluments, familiarity and insult become their intent. Toward worthy men, although they may initially lower their courtesies as if delighted by the encounter, their hearts are inconstant; in the end, they can demean them with authority and power. (Once emoluments reach them, they become intimate and insolent. Although there are worthy men to whom they can lower their courtesies, their way of receiving them is not constant in their minds, so they rely on their authority and power to end in arrogance. All noble households today are like this.) Yet if one can be wary of their eventual demeaning and take as an omen their initial reception, one's insight will be exalted; seeing this clearly, one will not bring sorrow upon oneself. (Reflecting upon the beginning and knowing the end, one avoids bringing grief upon oneself.) Zhizang served his master and was renowned for filial piety and respect. When his master was ill and stopped eating, Zang also stopped eating; only when his master took broth would Zang drink. However, his nature was marred by excessive candour (exposing people's private matters), but because his renowned conduct served as his shield, he never came to peril. He once gave away his wealth in a great confession. Xie Jiqing pointed playfully at the bamboo rod for hanging clothes and said, 'You still keep this object; do you still have attachment?' Zang said, 'My physical body is not yet extinguished; how could attachment be entirely exhausted?' Fayu, a disciple of Dao'an, led a following of four hundred. At that time, a monk drank wine and neglected the evening incense offering; Yu punished him but did not expel him. When Dao'an heard of this, he enclosed a staff in a bamboo tube and sent it to Yu. Yu said, 'This is because of the wine-drinker. I have not been diligent in my instruction, causing worry to be bestowed from afar.' He then assembled the community, ordered the karmadāna to administer three strokes of the staff, and wept in self-blame. The disciple of Daobian of the Wei, whose name is lost, relied on his talent and was haughty toward the world; Bian beat him and banished him to Huanglong. From the beginning, he held no resentment, and morning and evening he paid distant homage toward Bian. The disciple of Zhizheng of the Tang—\[whenever\] Zhi saw what his master had written, he always stood in attendance to copy it for several years, never once being granted a seat; occasionally, after a long time, he would collapse. Zheng rebuked him, saying, 'To raise one foot for seven days was not wearying; now that your mind is light, why should it not be so?' (Śākyamuni, on the causal stage, raised one foot for seven days and praised Tiṣya Tathāgata.) In the lineage of Northern Yuan, Zhiwei, whenever lecturing and analysing the abstruse subtleties, would always say, 'This was the great Dharma Master's meaning,' whereupon his voice and tears would burst forth together. (Huiyuan of Mount Lu was surnamed Jia and a native of Yanmen; he is called Southern Yuan. Huiyuan of Xiashi Monastery in Zezhou was surnamed Li and a native of Dunhuang, who authored the Commentary on the Nirvāṇa Sūtra; he is called Northern Yuan.) The Rites states: 'In the way of learning in general, strictness in the teacher is what is difficult. Only when the teacher is strict is the Way revered; only when the Way is revered do the people know to respect learning.' Yet when the son of a good family is at home, the family has instructions for following a teacher. > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) - [Previous: 4.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.4.2.7) - [Next: 4.2.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.4.2.9) - [Up: 4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.4.2) ## Translations (1) - [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113~en-mt.4.2.8) — English, machine translation --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.4.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.4.2.8) · Pramāṇa