[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Buddhist Literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha) › [Taishō Tripiṭaka (Chinese Buddhist canon)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho) › [北山錄](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113) › 6.4.7 # 北山錄 6.4.7 北山錄 6.4.7 - **Language:** Classical Chinese ### [6.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.6.4.7) 臣則頭璧俱碎。 王懼碎璧。 而不敢加害。 璧竟歸趙）梁武撤宮闈之制。 恣沙門遊踐。 有司以御座非沙門宜登。 智藏悖然踞座厲色抗聲曰。 貧道昔為吳中顧郎。 尚不慚御榻。 況復乃祖定光金輪之釋子也（乃我也。 我乃定光如來之子孫也）檀越若殺貧道。 不慮無受生之處。 若付尚方獄不妨行道。 流俗以為能跨略天子高岸釋門君子則不然也。 梁朝皇綱既弛（弛紊也）庶事墮哉。 唯餘一御榻受制可也。 梁武甞欲御僧官。 勅主者遍令許者署名。 其時無敢抗者。 逮疏聞藏。 藏以筆橫轢之曰。 佛法大海非俗人所知。 帝覽之不以介意。 書曰。 御眾以寬。 臨下以簡。 此唐虞之化也。 夫寬而以簡守之則人安。 寬而不簡則法之亂矣。 當梁世寬而不簡不亂。 何待彼智藏。 雖幸其無法。 豈不畏後世簡書乎（簡策之書）異說云。 吾師加趺。 心在乎定。 奄若蟬蛻。 後人哀思。 高塔厚葬。 不亦盛乎（吾即吾禪門尊宿也。 學人誇其坐化高塔厚葬之事）譏者曰。 君子諭於義。 小人諭於利（諭曉也）惟所詳也。 若德行所致。 或則哀榮。 若曲以羶美因其瓦合。 矯其後計。 則重繫其魂。 沈乎賈譽之罪也（若實以了達去住無礙則可也。 若素非真實。 苟取後譽。 矯誑凡俗。 則重增沒者之罪）夫事不飾則不尊。 過則浮競（有德而不彰失於光顯末代。 無德而矯飾則涉於浮競也）故師顧言奢而求諸義。 師顧言薄亦求諸義。 匪顧是信唯義是信（雖有顧命之言求合度而行之）古者曹侯命薄葬。 大夫曰。 國有常禮（奢以僭上。 儉乃偪下。 豊儉得中。 是合常禮）然有命暴尸者。 雖欲利於飛走。 而實無何戮其尸也（高僧慧實。 囑露尸以施禽鳥者。 其小惠未徧。 何如善願以廣濟乎。 又露之穢惡也。 陳尸曰戮）居令德者。 宜去此意。 雖遠公將終之見。 或未吾善也（南遠臨終。 命施百鳥）夫死者精神往矣。 質何能知（藏識既往。 便同無情）立與坐臥。 孰為優劣哉。 故金河右脇（佛在金沙河。 右脇而臥。 入於涅槃）雞峯累䏶（尊者迦葉。 奉持如來袈裟。 於雞足山。 至彌勒出。 奉袈裟已。 作十八變。 却往雞足。 加趺入滅。 化火焚身也）慧永求屨始起（高僧慧永於牀前索屨而卒）靈叡執卷就化（高僧靈叡手執卷而卒）各任時而待盡。 匪慕異而詭俗矣（鄧隱峯倒立而卒）昔高僧曇鑒往生之人也。 平坐而卒。 弟子猶申而殮之。 今則反乎是也。 定者啟玄解之門。 出生死之域。 寒暑之所不入。 焚溺之所不及。 若在定而有死。 何殊濯春沂而焚於烈火。 被甲冑而傷於毒箭乎（凡在死者必居散位）故前佛後佛有聖弟子入滅盡定。 百年千年億萬斯年不出定不死也。 西域朅盤陀國斫句迦國烏殺國。 諸漏盡者形儀都偉（都大也）巔崖孤岫。 瞑目委髮。 雷震山摧。 而獵者往往見有焉（西域記。 及唐三藏行記序之）昔趙襄子（晉君無䘏也趙簡子之子）畋焚山林。 有一人飛行火中。 山石不為礙。 斯入定之徒也（入定則不應飛行。 疑運通之士也）晉神僧呵羅竭既歿。 弟子積木如陵焚之。 累日不為灰。 遷就石室。 後數十年。 觀者異其如生。 彼則入第四禪。 暨于無色界定。 故能使口鼻無息矣（自第四禪至無色界地。 法無風大種。 故卅入息風不行）。 塔廟制度。 世失其道久矣。 西域以塔為方墳（梵云塔婆。 或云偷婆。 此云墳塔。 略也。 或方或尖或圓也）居凡庶封之。 若此方之堂者（四方也）若夏屋者（四垂大屋）自輪王至大聖。 方以層級表德辯名也（輪王一級。 聲聞四級。 緣覺十二級。 菩薩與如來十三級）自古至梁陳罕有不懸棺而窆反壤封樹至若設碑繂（繂下棺索也。 古者立石柱於墳上。 有孔貫索。 索以下棺。 謂之窆。 後或有刻君父種族於上當隧道口。 > '\[my\] head and the jade will both be smashed together.' The king, fearing to smash the jade, did not dare harm him, and the jade ultimately returned to Zhao.) Emperor Wu of Liang dismantled the palace protocols and allowed śramaṇas free rein to wander and tread. When the officials considered that the imperial throne was not appropriate for a śramaṇa to mount, Zhizang insolently sat cross-legged upon the throne, looking stern and raising his voice, saying: 'In former times, this poor monk was Master Gu of Wuzhong, and did not feel bashful before the imperial couch; how much less so now as a disciple of Śākya, descendant of Dīpaṅkara, the Golden-Wheel \[Monarch\]?' (\['Nai' means\] 'I'. 'I am a descendant of Dīpaṅkara Tathāgata.') 'If the dānapati kills this poor monk, there is no fear of lacking a place to receive rebirth; if you commit me to the Shangfang prison, it will not hinder me from practicing the Path.' The common vulgar regarded this as able to overstep the Son of Heaven and elevate the gate of Śākya, but the noble man thinks otherwise. The imperial order of the Liang dynasty was already relaxed (\['chi' means\] disordered) and all matters had degenerated. Was it only that single imperial couch that should be subject to restraint? Emperor Wu of Liang once wished to govern the sangha officials himself, and decreed that the officer in charge should have all those who consented sign their names. At that time, none dared resist him. When the petition reached Zhizang, Zhizang struck it across with his brush and said: 'The great sea of the Buddha's Dharma is not something secular people can understand.' The Emperor read it without minding it. The Documents says: 'Rule the multitude with leniency, and approach inferiors with simplicity.' This was the governance of Tang and Yu. Now, if one is lenient and preserves it with simplicity, the people will be at peace; if one is lenient without being simple, the laws will fall into disorder. In the Liang era, there was leniency without simplicity, and yet there was no disorder—why wait for that Zhizang? Although he was fortunate that there were no laws \[punishing him\], how could he not fear the historical records of later generations? (The writings of the bamboo slips.) A different discourse says: 'Our master sat cross-legged, his mind dwelling in dhyāna, and abruptly \[departed\] like the molting of a cicada. Later generations grieved and commemorated him, erecting a lofty pagoda and giving him a lavish burial—is this not magnificent?' ('Our' refers to the venerable elders of our Chan gate. The student was boasting of his dying while sitting, and of his lofty pagoda and lavish burial.) The critic says: The noble man is conversant with righteousness; the petty man is conversant with gain. (\['Yu' means\] to understand.) It depends on the details. If it was brought about by virtuous conduct, grief and glory may follow; but if he bent \[his conduct\] for savory delights, gathered \[disciples\] haphazardly, and contrived schemes for afterward, he will heavily bind his spirit and sink into the crime of purchasing fame. (If he truly had unhindered comprehension of departing and staying, it is permissible; but if he was not genuine from the start, merely seeking post-mortem fame and hypocritically deceiving the ordinary and vulgar, this will heavily increase the deceased's guilt.) Now, if an affair is not adorned, it lacks dignity; if it exceeds \[the measure\], it becomes superficial rivalry. (If one possesses virtue but it is not manifested, it fails to shine forth to the later eras; if one lacks virtue and engages in hypocritical adornment, it falls into superficial rivalry.) Therefore, when a master's dying words are lavish, one must seek what is righteous; when a master's dying words are meager, one must likewise seek what is righteous. One does not follow merely because it was a dying command, but follows only what is righteous. (Even when there are words of a dying command, one must seek conformity with the proper measure and practice it.) In antiquity, the Lord of Cao commanded a meager burial, and the grand master said: 'The state has its constant rites.' (Lavishness arrogates what belongs to superiors, while parsimony pinches inferiors; striking the mean between lavishness and parsimony conforms to the constant rites.) Yet there are those who command their corpses to be exposed: although wishing to benefit birds and beasts, in truth it is needlessly executing their own corpse. (The eminent monk Huishi instructed that his corpse be exposed to bestow upon birds; his small favor did not extend everywhere—how could it compare to wide salvation through wholesome vows? Moreover, exposing it is foul and vile. Displaying a corpse is called 'execution'.) One who abides in fine virtue should dispense with this intention; even the view of Master Yuan at his end is perhaps not considered good by us. (Nanyuan at the approach of his end commanded that \[his corpse\] be bestowed upon the hundred birds.) Now, for the dead, the conscious spirit has departed; how can the physical form know anything? (Once the storehouse consciousness has departed, it becomes the same as insentient matter.) Between standing, sitting, and lying down, which is superior and which inferior? Thus \[the Buddha lay\] on his right side by the Golden River (The Buddha was at the Golden Sand River; lying on his right side, he entered into nirvāṇa); \[Mahākāśyapa\] crossed his legs on Cockfoot Mountain (The venerable Kāśyapa, upholding the Tathāgata's saṅghāṭī robe, remains on Cockfoot Mountain until Maitreya appears; after presenting the robe, he will perform eighteen transformations, return to Cockfoot Mountain, sit cross-legged, enter extinction, and transform fire to cremate his body); Huiyong sought his shoes before getting up (The eminent monk Huiyong asked for his shoes before the bed and passed away); and Lingrui held a scroll as he met transformation (The eminent monk Lingrui held a scroll in his hand and passed away). Each followed his own time and awaited the end, rather than coveting peculiarity to dupe the worldly. (Deng Yinfeng passed away standing upside down.) In the past, the eminent monk Tanjian was a man \[headed for\] rebirth; he passed away while sitting calmly, and his disciples still stretched his limbs and encoffined him. Nowadays, people act contrary to this. Dhyāna opens the gate of profound understanding and transcends the realm of birth and death; cold and heat cannot enter it, burning and drowning cannot reach it. If one dies while in dhyāna, how does that differ from bathing in the spring waters of the Yi and yet being burned by fierce fire, or wearing armor and yet being wounded by a poisoned arrow? (Whenever someone dies, they must dwell in a distracted state.) Therefore, the holy disciples of past and future Buddhas who enter the absorption of cessation do not emerge from dhyāna and do not die for a hundred years, a thousand years, or hundreds of millions of years. In the Western Regions—in the kingdoms of Qiepantuo, Zhuojuhe, and Wusha—the forms and appearances of those whose outflows are exhausted are all magnificent (\['Du' means\] grand): on craggy cliffs and solitary peaks, with closed eyes and hanging hair, amid roaring thunder and collapsing mountains, hunters frequently behold them. (The Record of the Western Regions and the Travel Record of the Tang Tripiṭaka Master describe them.) In the past, when Zhao Xiangzi (Lord Wuxu of Jin, the son of Zhao Jianzi) was hunting and burned the mountain forests, there was a man flying through the fire, unobstructed by mountains and rocks; he was one of those who entered dhyāna. (If one enters dhyāna, one should not fly; it is suspected he was a master who wielded supernormal powers.) After the divine monk Heluojie of the Jin died, his disciples piled wood like a mound and burned him, but after several days it did not turn to ashes; they moved him to a stone chamber, and several decades later, onlookers marveled that he appeared as though alive. He had entered the fourth dhyāna and reached the absorptions of the formless realm, which is why he could make his mouth and nose cease breathing. (From the fourth dhyāna up to the grounds of the formless realm, by nature there is no wind element; therefore, the breath entering the nose does not operate.) As for the regulations of pagodas and temples, the world has long lost their proper way. In the Western Regions, a pagoda is a square tumulus (In Sanskrit it is called 'stūpa' or 'thūpa'; here it is called 'funerary pagoda', an abbreviation; they are either square, pointed, or round): for commoners, an earthen mound is raised over it, resembling a 'hall' in this land (square) or a 'great mansion' (a great house with eaves on four sides); only from wheel-turning kings up to the Great Sages do they distinguish names and manifest virtue by means of tiers (One tier for a wheel-turning king, four tiers for a śrāvaka, twelve tiers for a pratyekabuddha, and thirteen tiers for bodhisattvas and the Tathāgata). From antiquity down to the Liang and Chen dynasties, rarely did people fail to lower the coffin for burial, return the earth, and heap a mound planted with trees, or set up stele ropes (The 'shuai' are the ropes for lowering the coffin. In antiquity, stone pillars were erected over the grave with holes through which ropes were passed, using the ropes to lower the coffin, which is called 'jian'. Later, some engraved the lord, father, and clan upon them facing the entrance to the tomb path). > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) - [Previous: 6.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.6.4.6) - [Next: 6.4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.6.4.8) - [Up: 6.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.6.4) ## Translations (1) - [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113~en-mt.6.4.7) — English, machine translation --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.6.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2113.6.4.7) · Pramāṇa