[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Buddhist Literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha) › [Taishō Tripiṭaka (Chinese Buddhist canon)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho) › [大唐內典錄](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149) › 3.11 # 大唐內典錄 3.11 大唐內典錄 3.11 - **Language:** Classical Chinese ### [3.11](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3.11) 十誦比丘戒本 教授比丘尼二歲壇文（僧純於龜茲國得來佛念執文譯語慧詳筆受見寶唱錄） 右二部。合二卷。晉簡文世。西域三藏律師 曇摩特。秦言法慧。共竺佛念等於長安 譯。慧詳筆受。 比丘尼大戒本 右一卷。晉簡文帝世。律師釋慧常共曇摩 特竺佛念等於長安譯。錄乃不載所出部 名。計應多是十誦戒本。 摩訶鉢羅般若波羅蜜經（建元十八年譯或七卷見僧叡二秦錄） 右一經五卷。晉孝武帝世。天竺三藏沙門 曇摩蜱。秦言法愛。執大品梵本竺佛念譯 為秦文。亦云長安品從所出處為名是。外 國經抄。 四阿含暮抄經（建元十四年出之） 右一經二卷。晉孝武世。西域三藏沙門鳩 摩羅佛提。秦言童覺。於鄴寺譯。佛提執 梵本。竺佛念佛護等譯為秦文。沙門僧導 曇究僧叡等筆受。 中阿含經五十九卷（建元二十一年出是第一譯竺佛念筆受見竺道祖晉世雜錄） 增一阿含經五十卷（建元二十年四月一日為秦武威守趙業出第一譯慧嵩佛念筆 受見僧叡二秦錄祐唱錄並載） 阿育王太子壞目因緣經（亦云王子法益壞目因緣經建初二年六月八 日於安定城為尚書令姚旻出見二秦錄一本無經字此應入後從多附此） 僧伽羅剎集二卷（佛後七百年僧伽羅剎造見唱錄） 三法度二卷（與晉世僧伽提婆出者小異） 右五部。合一百一十四卷。晉孝武帝世。兜 佉勒國三藏法師曇摩難提。秦言法喜。以 建元初至長安。誦四阿含梵本口授。竺佛 念寫為梵文。到二十年為苻主譯。作五十 九卷。時屬慕容冲。及姚萇反亂關中危阻。 未過委悉。難提西出不知所之。弘法也多 艱。遇緣也勤就。可重可悲。 婆須蜜經十卷（建元二十年出或云是集論） 阿毘曇毘婆沙十四卷（建元十九年出或十一卷） 僧伽羅剎集經三卷（建元二十年十一月三十日出） 右三部。合二十七卷。晉孝武帝。世罽賓三 藏法師僧伽跋澄。秦言眾現。舊誦婆羅門 梵本甚熟利。難提先錄為梵文。佛圖羅剎 傳譯。沙門慧嵩智敏祕書郎趙文業等筆 受為秦文。 阿毘曇八犍度三十卷（建元十九年出亦名迦旃延阿毘曇佛念傳沙門慧力僧 茂等筆受佛滅後三百餘年迦旃延阿羅漢或二十卷） 阿毘曇心一十六卷（建元末於洛陽出見僧叡二秦錄） 毘婆沙毘曇一十四卷（亦云廣說同洛陽出見二秦錄） 右三部六十卷。罽賓三藏法師僧伽提婆。 或云提和。此蓋梵之楚夏耳。秦言眾天。晉 簡文帝世苻氏建元年中。入乎長安宣流 法化。初僧伽跋澄出。婆須蜜及曇摩難提 譯。中增二舍及三法度等。時屬戎難。譯未 詳悉。道安去世。未及改正。後山東清帖。提 婆乃與道安同學釋法和俱適洛陽。四五 年間研講前經。居華稍久。博洞秦言。方 知先出多有乖失。法和慨難遭之法出而 未善。乃更屈提婆重譯前經。如是少時。後 姚興法事甚盛。法和西歸。提婆南度。故前 後本文有小不同。 般若析疑略二卷 大十二門注解二卷 陰持入注解二卷 答法汰難二卷 光贊折中解 光讚抄解 般若析疑准起盡解 道行集異注 小十二門注解 了本生死注解 密迹持心二經甄解 賢劫諸度無極解 人本欲生注撮解 安般守意解 大道地注解 眾經十法連雜解 義指注解 九十八結連幻通解 三十二相解 三界混然諸雜偽錄 答法將難 西域志 綜理眾經目錄 右二十四件。合二十八卷。晉孝武帝太元 中。前秦沙門釋道安撰。安本常山扶柳人。 俗姓衛氏。家世英儒。早失覆蔭。為外兄 孔。氏所養。年七歲。讀書再覽能誦。鄉隣嗟 異。至年十二出家。神性聰敏而形貌甚陋。 不為師之所重。執勞作役曾無怨色。篤性 精進齋戒無闕。數歲之後方啟師求經。師 與辯意經一卷。可五千言。安齎經入田。因 息就覽。暮還以經歸師。更求餘者。師曰。昨 經未讀。今復求耶。安答。已誦訖。師雖異 之而未信也。復與成具光明經一卷。減萬 言。齎之如初。暮復還師。師執經覆之。不差 一字。師大驚嗟而大異之。後為受具戒恣 其遊學。晉懷愍世。避難西東。初遇佛圖 澄。澄見嗟嘆。與語終日。眾方敬伏。後至襄 陽大宣佛法。初經出已久而舊譯時謬。致 使深義隱而未通。安每至講說唯敘大意 轉讀而已。安乃窮覽經典鉤深致遠。注述 前件二十餘部。敘致淵富妙盡奧旨。條貫 既敘文理會通。經義克明。自安始也。抑習 郁以彌天分梨盡眾答郄超之遺米有待為 繁。又以漢魏至晉經來稍多。其傳述經人 名字弗說。後生追尋莫測年代。安乃總集 目名表其時代詮品新舊。撰為經錄。眾 經有據。實由有功苻主遠承故命苻丕將 十萬眾攻取襄陽獲安。既返長安住五重 寺。僧眾數千大弘法化。苻主常出命安升 輦同載。有譏者。帝曰。朕以天下不易而治 輦輿之榮。豈稱其德。安諫不聽南征。帝不 從。果敗之。安每稱。譯胡為秦有五失本 三不易也。一者胡言盡倒而使從秦。一失 本也。二者胡經尚質秦人好文。傳可眾心 非文不合。二失本也。三者胡經委悉。至 於嘆詠丁寧反覆。或三或四不嫌其繁。而 今裁斥。三失本也。四者胡有義說正似亂 詞。尋說向語文無以異。或一千或一百。今 並刈而不存。四失本也。五者事以合成將 更傍及。反騰前詞已乃後說。而悉除此。五 失本也。然智經三達之心覆面所演。聖必 因時。時俗有易。而刪雅古以適今時。一不 易也。愚智天隔聖人叵階。乃欲以千載之 上微言。傳使合百王之下末俗。二不易也。 阿難出經去佛未久。尊大迦葉令五百六 通迭察迭書。今離千年而以近意量裁。彼 阿羅漢乃兢兢若此。此生死人而平平若 此。豈將不以知法者猛乎。斯三不易也。涉 茲五失經三不易譯胡為秦。詎可不慎乎。 正當以不關異言傳令知會通耳。何復嫌 於得失乎。是乃未所敢知也。又云。前人出 經。支讖世高審得胡本難繼者也。羅叉支 越斵鑿之巧者也。夫聖賢導達正可勗勵 龜鏡以書諸紳永為鑒誡。但稱梵為胡。言 小傷本據。竊所未承耳。依撿安公出家之 始。西晉愍帝建興之末年。德王道振。乃 居東晉孝武太元之晚紀。今取注述之時。 故在斯列。 > Daśādhyāya-bhikṣu-prātimokṣa (Sarvāstivāda Bhikṣu Prātimokṣa); > Platform text for instructing bhikṣuṇīs for two years (Brought back by Sengchun from Kucha; Zhu Fonian held the original text and translated the spoken words; Huixiang committed it to writing; see Baochang's catalogue). > The above two works, totaling two fascicles. > In the reign of Emperor Jianwen of the Jin, the Western Regions Tripiṭaka vinaya master Dharmabhadra (rendered in Qin as Fahui), translated them together with Zhu Fonian and others at Chang'an, with Huixiang committing them to writing. > Bhikṣuṇī Mahāprātimokṣa. > The above is one fascicle. > In the reign of Emperor Jianwen of the Jin, vinaya master Shi Huichang translated it together with Dharmabhadra, Zhu Fonian, and others at Chang'an. The catalogue does not record the school to which it belongs; calculating it, it should mostly be the Sarvāstivāda-prātimokṣa. > Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra (Translated in the eighteenth year of Jianyuan; also said to be seven fascicles; see Sengrui's Catalogue of the Two Qins). > The above is one sūtra in five fascicles. > In the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin, the Indian Tripiṭaka monk Dharmapriya (rendered in Qin as Fa'ai) held the large-version brāhmī text, and Zhu Fonian translated it into the language of the Qin. It is also called the Chang'an Chapter, named after the place of its production. It is an excerpt from a foreign scripture. > Summary Scripture of the Four Āgamas (Produced in the fourteenth year of Jianyuan). > The above is one scripture in two fascicles. > In the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin, the Western Regions Tripiṭaka monk Kumārabodhi (rendered in Qin as Tongjue) translated it at a monastery in Ye. Bodhi held the brāhmī text, and Zhu Fonian, Fohu, and others translated it into the language of the Qin. The monks Sengdao, Tanyou, Sengrui, and others committed it to writing. > Madhyama-āgama, fifty-nine fascicles (Produced in the twenty-first year of Jianyuan; this is the first translation; Zhu Fonian committed it to writing; see Zhu Daozu's Miscellaneous Catalogue of the Jin Generation); > Ekottara-āgama, fifty-卷 fascicles (Produced on the first day of the fourth month in the twentieth year of Jianyuan for Zhao Ye, the Governor of Wuwei of the Qin; the first translation; Huisong and Zhu Fonian committed it to writing; see Sengrui's Catalogue of the Two Qins; both Sengyou's and Baochang's catalogues record it); > Sūtra on the Cause of the Blinding of King Aśoka's Prince (Also called the Sūtra on the Cause of Prince Dharma-vardhana's Blinding; produced on the eighth day of the sixth month in the second year of Jianchu in the city of Anding for Minister of the Secretariat Yao Min; see the Catalogue of the Two Qins; one manuscript omits the word 'Sūtra'; this should belong to the later dynasty, but following the majority, it is appended here); > Saṅgharakṣa Collection, two fascicles (Composed by Saṅgharakṣa seven hundred years after the Buddha; see Baochang's catalogue); > Tridharmaka\[-śāstra\], two fascicles (Slightly different from the one produced by Saṅghadeva in the Jin period). > The above five works, totaling one hundred and fourteen fascicles. > In the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin, the Tripiṭaka master from the Tukhāra kingdom, Dharmanandin (rendered in Qin as Faxi), arrived in Chang'an early in the Jianyuan era. Reciting the brāhmī text of the four Āgamas by heart, Zhu Fonian wrote them down in brāhmī. By the twentieth year, they translated them for the ruler of the Fu-Qin, making fifty-nine fascicles. At that time, Murong Chong and Yao Chang rebelled and disrupted the Guanzhong region with hazards and turmoil. Before it could be reviewed with precision, Nandin departed for the west, and none knew where he went. Propagating the Dharma is fraught with hardship; seizing the opportunity requires diligent effort. How worthy of esteem, yet how lamentable! > Vasumitra-sūtra, ten fascicles (Produced in the twentieth year of Jianyuan; some say it is a Samuccaya-śāstra); > Abhidharma-vibhāṣā, fourteen fascicles (Produced in the nineteenth year of Jianyuan; or eleven fascicles); > Saṅgharakṣa-samuccaya-sūtra, three fascicles (Produced on the thirtieth day of the eleventh month in the twentieth year of Jianyuan). > The above three works, totaling twenty-seven fascicles. > In the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin, the Tripiṭaka master from Kashmir, Saṅghabhūti (rendered in Qin as Zhongxian), was extraordinarily fluent in reciting brāhmī texts of the Brāhmaṇas from memory. Dharmanandin first transcribed them into brāhmī script, and Buddharakṣa transmitted the translation. The monks Huisong, Zhimin, and the Palace Library Assistant Zhao Wenye committed them to writing in the Qin language. > Abhidharma-aṣṭagrantha, thirty fascicles (Produced in the nineteenth year of Jianyuan; also titled Kātyāyana-abhidharma; translated by Zhu Fonian; monks Huili, Sengmao, and others committed it to writing; composed by the arhat Kātyāyana over three hundred years after the Buddha's passing; or twenty fascicles); > Abhidharmahṛdaya, sixteen fascicles (Produced in Luoyang at the end of Jianyuan; see Sengrui's Catalogue of the Two Qins); > Vibhāṣā-abhidharma, fourteen fascicles (Also titled Extensive Explanation; likewise produced in Luoyang; see the Catalogue of the Two Qins). > The above three works, in sixty fascicles. > The Kashmiri Tripiṭaka master Saṅghadeva (also called Tihe; this is merely the dialectal difference between Chu and Xia in rendering the Sanskrit; rendered in Qin as Zhongtian), entered Chang'an during the Jianyuan era of the Fu-Qin under Emperor Jianwen of the Jin to disseminate the teachings of the Dharma. Earlier, when Saṅghabhūti brought forth the Vasumitra and Dharmanandin translated the Madhyama and Ekottara Āgamas, as well as the Tridharmaka, it was during a time of tribal conflict, and the translations were not meticulous. Dao'an passed away before they could be corrected. Later, when the region east of the mountains was pacified, Saṅghadeva and his fellow student under Dao'an, Shi Fahe, went together to Luoyang. Over four or five years they studied and lectured on these scriptures. Having resided in China for a longer period, he became thoroughly versed in the language of the Qin, and only then realized that the previous translations contained many discrepancies and errors. Fahe lamented that although the rarely encountered Dharma had been brought forth, it was not yet polished, and so he invited Saṅghadeva to retranslate the previous scriptures. After a short while, Yao Xing's Buddhist undertakings flourished greatly; Fahe returned to the west, and Saṅghadeva crossed over to the south. Therefore, there are minor differences between the earlier and later texts. > Brief Analysis of Doubts on the Prajñā, two fascicles; > Commentary on the Great Twelve Gates, two fascicles; > Commentary on the Skandha-dhātu-āyatana, two fascicles; > Reply to Fatai's Objections, two fascicles; > Compromising Explanation of the Pañcaviṃśati-sāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra; > Commentary on the Excerpts of the Pañcaviṃśati-sāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra; > Analysis of Doubts on the Prajñā with Respect to Beginnings and Endings; > Notes on the Collated Differences of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra; > Commentary on the Minor Twelve Gates; > Commentary on Understanding the Root of Birth and Death; > Discriminating Explanation of the Two Sūtras Guhyakādhipati and Cittadhāraṇī; > Explanation of the Non-ultimacy of the Perfections of the Bhadrakalpa; > Annotated Excerpts Explaining the Root of Man's Desires; > Explanation of Ānāpānasmṛti; > Commentary on the Great Bhūmi of the Path; > Miscellaneous Integrated Explanation of the Ten Dharmas in Various Sūtras; > Commentary on the Intent of the Meaning; > Explanation of the Illusion-like Penetration of the Ninety-Eight Fetters; > Explanation of the Thirty-Two Marks; > Catalogue of Miscellaneous Apocrypha Confounding the Three Realms; > Reply to Fajang's Objections; > Records of the Western Regions; > Comprehensive Catalogue of Canonical Scriptures. > The above twenty-four items, totaling twenty-eight fascicles. > In the Taiyuan era of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin, they were compiled by Shi Dao'an, a monk of the Former Qin. Dao'an was originally a native of Fuliu in Changshan, surnamed Wei in the secular world. His family was distinguished for generations in Confucian learning. Losing parental shelter at an early age, he was raised by his maternal cousin surnamed Kong. At the age of seven, upon reviewing a book twice, he was able to recite it by heart; the village neighbors were astounded. At the age of twelve, he left home. His spiritual nature was keen and bright, yet his appearance was very plain; he was not valued by his teacher. Engaging in heavy labor and servitude, he never wore an expression of resentment. Deeply devoted in zeal, his observance of the fasts and precepts was without defect. Several years later, he only then made a request to his teacher for a scripture. The teacher gave him a copy of the Bianyi jing in one fascicle, containing about five thousand words. Dao'an brought the scripture into the fields and, resting from work, read it. Returning at dusk, he handed the scripture back to his teacher and asked for another. The teacher said: 'You have not yet finished reading yesterday's scripture, and now you ask for another?' Dao'an replied: 'I have already finished reciting it.' Although the teacher marveled at it, he did not yet believe him. He then gave him a copy of the Sūtra of Complete Light in one fascicle, just under ten thousand words. Dao'an brought it with him as before. Returning in the evening, he gave it back to the teacher. The teacher held the scripture to examine him, and he did not miss a single word. The teacher was greatly astonished and amazed. Later, he conferred the full precepts upon him and allowed him to travel for study. In the Huai and Min eras of the Jin, he took refuge from the chaos, wandering west and east. At first, he met Fotudeng; Deng marveled upon seeing him and spoke with him the entire day, whereat the assembly finally yielded to him in reverence. Later, he went to Xiangyang to widely propagate the Buddhadharma. Initially, scriptures had been produced long ago, yet older translations were frequently flawed, causing profound meanings to remain hidden and inaccessible. Whenever Dao'an lectured, he would merely outline the general meaning and perform the chanting and recitation. Dao'an then thoroughly examined the canonical texts, exploring the depths and reaching the far-reaching; he commented and composed the twenty-odd works listed above. The narrative organization was rich and profound, exquisitely exhausting the subtle purports. Once the principles were laid out and the literary meanings made harmonious, the scripture's meanings became fully luminous—this truly began with Dao'an. His setting down of Xi Zuochi with his boast of '弥天 (filling heaven)' and dividing the pear among the entire assembly, along with answering Xi Chao's gift of rice—recording these would take too much detail. Furthermore, because scriptures introduced since the Han and Wei down to the Jin had grown numerous, and the names of the persons transmitting these scriptures were often unrecorded, later students tracing them could not discern their chronology. Dao'an then collected all the titles, indicated their eras, evaluated the new and old, and compiled a scriptural catalogue. That the canonical scriptures now have a solid basis is truly due to his merit. The ruler of the Fu-Qin heard of him from afar, and therefore ordered Fu Pi to command a host of one hundred thousand to conquer Xiangyang and obtain Dao'an. After returning to Chang'an, he resided in the Wuchong Monastery; with an assembly of thousands of monks, he greatly promoted the transformation through the Dharma. The ruler of the Fu-Qin frequently went out and ordered Dao'an to ride with him in the royal carriage. When some mocked this, the Emperor said: 'I do not consider the whole empire hard to govern; how could the honor of sharing a carriage match his virtue?' Dao'an remonstrated against the southern expedition, but the Emperor did not comply, and was indeed defeated. Dao'an frequently stated: 'In translating foreign barbarian texts into the Qin language, there are five losses of the original and three difficulties. The first is that foreign grammar is inverted, and making it conform to Qin causes the first loss of the original. The second is that foreign scriptures esteem simplicity while the people of Qin favor literary embellishment; to transmit it to the minds of the crowd requires literary grace, which causes the second loss of the original. The third is that foreign scriptures are comprehensive and detailed, and when it comes to verses of praise, they repeat themselves with great solicitude, iterating three or four times without minding the verbosity; but now this is abridged, causing the third loss of the original. The fourth is that the barbarian text has explanatory passages that look like rambling remarks; on examining the passage, it is no different from what came before, running to a thousand or a hundred words; now these are both pruned away, causing the fourth loss of the original. The fifth is that when an affair is completed and another related matter is about to be taken up, the text turns back to recapitulate the earlier words before proceeding to the subsequent statement; but now these are all removed, causing the fifth loss of the original. Yet, these scriptures of wisdom, delivered from the heart endowed with the three cognitions and the tongue covering the face, were spoken by sages who necessarily adapted to their time; customs have changed, yet pruning the classical elegance to suit current times is the first difficulty. The gap between the foolish and the wise is as wide as heaven and earth, and the realm of the sage is inaccessible; yet one wishes to transmit the subtle words of a thousand years ago to conform to the degenerated customs of the later reigns of a hundred kings—this is the second difficulty. When Ānanda brought forth the scriptures, it was not long after the Buddha's passing; the Venerable Mahākāśyapa had five hundred arhats possessing the six supernatural penetrations check and record them by turns. Now separated by a thousand years, we judge and measure with modern minds. Those arhats were so cautious, while these ordinary mortals of saṃsāra are so casual. How can those who understand the Dharma not act with reverence? This is the third difficulty. Navigating these five losses and experiencing these three difficulties, how can one not be cautious in translating the foreign into the Qin? We should simply transmit them without being hindered by foreign language so that people may comprehend and communicate them; why fuss further over trivial losses and gains? This is truly something I would not dare to presume to understand.' He also said: 'Among the earlier translators of scriptures, Lokakṣema and An Shigao truly grasped the barbarian original and are difficult to match; Dharmarakṣa and Zhi Qian were skilled at chiseling and polishing.' The exemplary conduct of sages and worthies can serve to encourage us, acting as a mirror to write upon the sash and forever maintain as a warning. However, calling Sanskrit 'foreign barbarian' slightly impairs the authentic basis; this is what I humbly disagree with. Upon examining the start of Master Dao'an's monastic life, it was at the end of the Jianxing era under Emperor Min of the Western Jin; when his virtue flourished and the Way was magnified, it was in the late years of the Taiyuan era of Emperor Xiaowu of the Eastern Jin. Because we now take the time of his annotations and compositions, he is listed here. > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) - [Previous: 3.10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3.10) - [Next: 3.12](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3.12) - [Up: 3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3) ## Translations (1) - [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149~en-mt.3.11) — English, machine translation ## Linked texts (1) - [神僧傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2064.2.2) — Classical Chinese --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3.11](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3.11) · Pramāṇa