[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Buddhist Literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha) › [Taishō Tripiṭaka (Chinese Buddhist canon)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho) › [開元釋教錄](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154) › 4.5 # 開元釋教錄 4.5 開元釋教錄 4.5 - **Language:** Classical Chinese ### [4.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5.1) （姚秦）沙門竺佛念（一十二部七十四卷經律集） 沙門鳩摩羅什（七十四部三百八十四卷經律論集） 沙門弗若多羅（一部五十八卷律） 沙門佛陀耶舍（四部八十四卷經律） 沙門曇摩耶舍（三部二十四卷經論） 十住斷結經十卷（初云最勝問菩薩十住除垢斷結經一名十千日光三昧定亦云十地斷 結或十一卷或十四卷第二出見三秦錄高僧傳僧祐錄） 菩薩瓔珞經十二卷（一名現在報第二出或十三卷或十四卷或十六卷符秦建元十二 年七月出見二秦錄高僧傳僧祐錄） 菩薩處胎經五卷（初云菩薩從兜術天降神母胎說廣普經亦直云胎經或四卷或八卷見 二秦錄高僧傳僧祐錄） 中陰經二卷（見二秦錄高僧傳僧祐錄） 菩薩瓔珞本業經二卷（或直云瓔珞本業經初出見長房錄） 鼻柰耶律十卷（一名誡因緣經亦云鼻柰耶經亦云戒果因緣經沙門曇景筆受見安公經序 符秦建元十四年壬午正月十二日出） 出曜經二十卷（亦云出曜論或十九卷符秦建元十九年出見二秦錄高僧傳僧祐寶唱等錄） 上見在。已下闕。 持人菩薩經三卷（第二出與法護持人羅什持世同本見長房錄） 大方等無相經五卷（亦名大雲經或四卷與曇無讖方等大雲同本初出見長房錄） 菩薩普處經三卷（見長房錄） 十誦比丘尼戒所出本末一卷（第三出僧純於拘夷國得梵本佛念 為譯文煩後竺法汰刪改正之見寶唱錄） 王子法益壞目因緣經一卷（或云阿育王息壞目因緣經第三出見僧祐錄） 右一十二部七十四卷（出曜上七部六十一卷見在持人下五部一十三卷 闕本）。 沙門竺佛念。涼州人。弱年出家志業清堅。外 和內朗有通敏之鑒。諷習眾經粗涉外典。其 蒼雅詁訓尤所明練。少好遊方備觀風俗。家 世西河洞曉方語。華戎音義莫不兼釋。故義 學之譽雖闕。洽聞之聲甚著。符氏建元年中 有曇摩持。鳩摩羅佛提。僧伽跋澄。提婆難提 等。來入長安。安公趙政等請出眾經。當時名 德莫能傳譯。眾咸推念以為明匠。自安高支 謙之後。莫踰於念。在符姚二代為譯人之 宗。故關中僧眾咸共嘉焉。念於符姚二代。自 譯十住斷結等經一十二部（長房錄中別存十地斷結經十卷者非也住 之與地二義無別今存十住十地刪之）後遘疾卒于常安。遠近白黑 莫不歎惜。 摩訶般若波羅蜜經四十卷（亦名大品般若經祐云新大品經第三出 與放光等同本或三十卷或二十四或二十七弘始五年癸卯四月二十三日出至六年四月二十三日訖見二秦 錄及僧祐錄） 小品般若波羅蜜經十卷（題云摩訶般若波羅蜜無小品字祐云新小品經與 道行明度等同本第七譯或七卷弘始十年二月六日出至四月三十日訖見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 金剛般若波羅蜜經一卷（亦云金剛般若經佛在舍衛國者初出與元魏留支 等出者同本見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 仁王護國般若波羅蜜經二卷（亦云仁王般若經或云一卷第二出 與晉世法護與梁朝真諦譯者同本異出房云見別錄） 摩訶般若波羅蜜大明呪經一卷（亦云摩訶大明呪經初出與唐 譯般若心經等同本見經題上） 菩薩藏經三卷（一名富樓那問經亦名大悲心經今編入寶積當第十七會名富樓那會弘始 七年出或二卷第二出與法護出者同本見二秦錄僧祐錄） 善臂菩薩經二卷（今編入寶積當第二十六會見法上錄） 須摩提菩薩經一卷（第二出與寶積妙慧會等同本見長房錄） 自在王菩薩經二卷（或無菩薩字初出與奮迅王經同本弘始九年於尚書令姚顯第 出僧叡筆受并製序見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 莊嚴菩提心經一卷（第四出與法護菩薩十地經等同本房云見別錄） 十住經四卷（或五卷是華嚴十地品異譯什與佛陀邪舍共出見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 妙法蓮華經八卷（僧祐錄云新法華經初為七卷二十七品後人益天授品成二十八弘始 八年夏於大寺出僧叡筆受并製序第五譯見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 維摩詰所說經三卷（一名不可思議解脫或直云維摩詰經僧祐錄云新維摩詰經弘 > (Yao Qin) Śramaṇa Zhu Fonian (twelve works, seventy-four fascicles of sūtra, vinaya, and compilations) > Śramaṇa Kumārajīva (seventy-four works, three hundred eighty-four fascicles of sūtras, vinayas, śāstras, and compilations) > Śramaṇa Puṇyatāra (one work, fifty-eight fascicles of vinaya) > Śramaṇa Buddhayaśas (four works, eighty-four fascicles of sūtras and vinaya) > Śramaṇa Dharmayaśas (three works, twenty-four fascicles of sūtras and śāstras) > Shizhu duanjie jing, ten fascicles (initially called Zuishang wen pusa shizhu chugou duanjie jing, also titled Shiqian riguang sanmei ding, also called Shidi duanjie, sometimes in eleven fascicles or fourteen fascicles; second translation; seen in the Sanqin lu, Gaoseng zhuan, and Sengyou lu) > Pusa yingluo jing, twelve fascicles (also titled Xianzai bao; second translation; sometimes in thirteen fascicles, fourteen fascicles, or sixteen fascicles; produced in the seventh month of the twelfth year of Jianyuan of the Fu Qin; seen in the Erqin lu, Gaoseng zhuan, and Sengyou lu) > Pusa chutai jing, five fascicles (initially called Pusa cong doushutian jiangshen mutai shuo guangpu jing, also simply called Taijing, sometimes in four fascicles or eight fascicles; seen in the Erqin lu, Gaoseng zhuan, and Sengyou lu) > Zhongyin jing, two fascicles (seen in the Erqin lu, Gaoseng zhuan, and Sengyou lu) > Pusa yingluo benye jing, two fascicles (or simply titled Yingluo benye jing; first translation; seen in Changfang's catalogue) > Binaiye lü, ten fascicles (also titled Jie yinyuan jing, also called Binaiye jing, also called Jieguo yinyuan jing; scribed by the śramaṇa Tanjin; seen in Master Daoan's preface to the sūtra; produced on the twelfth day of the first month of the fourteenth year, renyu, of Jianyuan of the Fu Qin) > Chuyao jing, twenty fascicles (also called Chuyao lun, sometimes in nineteen fascicles; produced in the nineteenth year of Jianyuan of the Fu Qin; seen in the Erqin lu, Gaoseng zhuan, Sengyou's catalogue, Baochang's catalogue, etc.) > The above are extant. Those below are lost. > Chiren pusa jing, three fascicles (second translation; same text as Dharmarakṣa's Chiren and Kumārajīva's Chishi; seen in Changfang's catalogue) > Dafangdeng wuxiang jing, five fascicles (also titled Dayun jing, sometimes in four fascicles; same text as Dharmakṣema's Fangdeng dayun; first translation; seen in Changfang's catalogue) > Pusa puchu jing, three fascicles (seen in Changfang's catalogue) > Shisong biqiuni jie suochu benmo, one fascicle (third translation; Sengchun obtained the Sanskrit manuscript in the country of Kucha, and Fonian translated it; because the phrasing was cumbersome, Zhu Fatai later edited and corrected it; seen in Baochang's catalogue) > Wangzi Fayi huaimu yinyuan jing, one fascicle (or called Ayu wang xi huaimu yinyuan jing; third translation; seen in Sengyou's catalogue) > The above twelve works in seventy-four fascicles (from the Chuyao above, seven works in sixty-one fascicles are extant; from the Chiren below, five works in thirteen fascicles are lost). > Śramaṇa Zhu Fonian was a native of Liangzhou. He renounced household life in his youth, and his aspirations and achievements were pure and resolute. Externally gentle and internally lucid, he possessed penetrating discernment. He chanted and studied numerous sūtras and dabbled broadly in non-Buddhist texts. He was particularly proficient in the philological glosses of the Cang\[jiepian\] and \[Er\]ya. In his youth he was fond of traveling widely, thoroughly observing local customs. His family had resided for generations in Xihe, so he thoroughly comprehended regional dialects. In the sounds and meanings of both Chinese and the barbarian languages, there were none he could not interpret. Therefore, although he lacked renown for doctrinal exegesis, his reputation for erudition was extremely prominent. During the Jianyuan era of the Fu clan, Dharmadhara, Kumārabodhi, Saṅghabhūti, Devanandi, and others arrived in Chang'an. Master Daoan, Zhao Zheng, and others requested the translation of various sūtras, but among the eminent figures of that time none could interpret them. The assembly all recommended Fonian as an insightful master. Since An Shigao and Zhi Qian, none surpassed Fonian. Across the two dynasties of Fu and Yao, he was the leader of translators; hence the saṅgha of Guanzhong all praised him together. In the two dynasties of Fu and Yao, Fonian himself translated twelve works, including the Shizhu duanjie jing (in Changfang's catalogue, separately preserving a Shidi duanjie jing in ten fascicles is an error; "abode" \[zhu\] and "stage" \[di\] have no difference in meaning; I now preserve Shizhu and delete Shidi). Later he fell ill and passed away in Chang'an. Both the clergy and the laity near and far lamented and grieved without exception. > Mohe bore boluomi jing, forty fascicles (also titled Dapin bore jing; Sengyou calls it the New Large Prajñā Sūtra; third translation; same text as the Fangguang and others; sometimes in thirty fascicles, twenty-four, or twenty-seven fascicles; translation began on the twenty-third day of the fourth month in the fifth year, guimao, of Hongshi, and was completed on the twenty-third day of the fourth month of the sixth year; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Xiaopin bore boluomi jing, ten fascicles (titled Mohe bore boluomi without the words "Xiaopin"; Sengyou calls it the New Small Prajñā Sūtra; same text as the Daoxing, Mingdu, etc.; seventh translation; sometimes in seven fascicles; translation began on the sixth day of the second month of the tenth year of Hongshi and was completed on the thirtieth day of the fourth month; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Jingang bore boluomi jing, one fascicle (also called Jingang bore jing; the one preached by the Buddha in Śrāvastī; first translation; same text as the translation by \[Bodhi\]ruci of the Northern Wei and others; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Renwang huguo bore boluomi jing, two fascicles (also called Renwang bore jing, or said to be in one fascicle; second translation; different translation of the same text as those translated by Dharmarakṣa of the Jin and Paramārtha of the Liang dynasty; Changfang says it is seen in the Bielu) > Mohe bore boluomi damingzhou jing, one fascicle (also called Mohe damingzhou jing; first translation; same text as the Heart Sūtra translated in the Tang, etc.; seen above the sūtra title) > Pusazang jing, three fascicles (also titled Fulouna wen jing, also titled Dabeixin jing; now compiled into the Ratnakūṭa, corresponding to the seventeenth assembly, titled the Assembly of Pūrṇa; produced in the seventh year of Hongshi, sometimes in two fascicles; second translation; same text as that translated by Dharmarakṣa; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Shanbi pusa jing, two fascicles (now compiled into the Ratnakūṭa, corresponding to the twenty-sixth assembly; seen in Fashang's catalogue) > Xumoti pusa jing, one fascicle (second translation; same text as the Sumati Assembly in the Ratnakūṭa, etc.; seen in Changfang's catalogue) > Zizaiwang pusa jing, two fascicles (sometimes without the word "Bodhisattva"; first translation; same text as the Fenxunwang jing; produced in the ninth year of Hongshi at the residence of Yao Xian, Minister of the Department of State Affairs; scribed and prefaced by Sengrui; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Zhuangyan putixin jing, one fascicle (fourth translation; same text as Dharmarakṣa's Pusa shidi jing and others; Changfang says it is seen in the Bielu) > Shizhu jing, four fascicles (sometimes in five fascicles; a different translation of the "Daśabhūmika" chapter of the Avataṃsaka; translated jointly by Kumārajīva and Buddhayaśas; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Miaofa lianhua jing, eight fascicles (Sengyou's catalogue calls it the New Saddharmapuṇḍarīka; originally seven fascicles and twenty-seven chapters, later someone added the "Devadatta" chapter to make twenty-eight; produced in the summer of the eighth year of Hongshi at the Great Monastery; scribed and prefaced by Sengrui; fifth translation; seen in the Erqin lu and Sengyou lu) > Weimojie suoshuo jing, three fascicles (also titled Bukesiyi jietuo, or simply Weimojie jing; Sengyou's catalogue calls it the New Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa; Hong\[shi\]... > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) ### [4.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5.2) 始八年於大寺出僧肇筆受叡製序第六譯見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 大樹緊那羅王所問經四卷（亦云說不可思議品或直云大樹緊那羅經第 二出與支讖伅真陀羅經同本見長房錄） 集一切福德三昧經三卷（與竺法護等集眾德經等同本異出第三譯見真寂 寺錄） 思益梵天所問經四卷（或直云思益經僧祐錄云思益義經弘始四年十二月一 日於逍遙園出第二譯與法護持心留支勝思惟並同本見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 持世經四卷（一名法印經或三卷第三出與法護持人經等同本見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 諸法無行經二卷（或一卷與隋崛多諸法本無經等同本初出見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 阿彌陀經一卷（亦名無量壽經弘始四年二月八日譯初出與唐譯稱讚淨土經等同本見二 秦錄及僧祐錄） 彌勒成佛經一卷（第二出與法護彌勒成佛經同本弘始四年出見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 彌勒下生經一卷（一名彌勒受決經初云大智舍利弗與彌勒來時經同本第四出亦 云彌勒成佛經亦云下生成佛或云當下成佛見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 文殊師利問菩提經一卷（亦直云菩提經一名伽耶山頂經一名菩提無行經 初出與伽邪山頂經象頭精舍經等同本見僧祐錄經圖中別載菩提經一卷者誤也） 孔雀王呪經一卷（第四出亦名大金色孔雀王經在逍遙園出并結界場法悉備具房云見 別錄） 首楞嚴三昧經三卷（或二卷亦直云首楞嚴經僧祐錄云新首楞嚴經第九出與方等首 楞嚴勇伏定經等同本見僧祐錄） 不思議光菩薩所問經一卷（亦云不思議光菩薩所說經亦云無思議光孩 童菩薩經第二出與竺法護無思議孩童經同本見長房錄） 華手經十三卷（或為華首一名攝諸善根經亦名攝諸福德經或十卷或十一卷或十二卷弘 始八年譯見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 佛垂般涅槃略說教誡經一卷（亦云佛臨般一名遺教經見僧祐錄） 千佛因緣經一卷（見法上錄） 梵網經二卷（第二出弘始八年於草堂寺三千學士最後出此一品梵本有六十一品譯訖融影等 三百人一時共受菩薩十戒僧肇受見經前序） 佛藏經四卷（一名選擇諸法經或三卷或二卷弘始七年六月十二日出見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 清淨毘尼方廣經一卷（與文殊淨律經等同本第三出見法上錄） 大智度論一百卷（或云大智度經論亦云摩訶般若釋論或七十卷或一百一十卷弘始四 年夏於逍遙園出七年十二月二十七日訖見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 中論四卷（亦云中觀論或八卷弘始十一年於大寺出僧叡製序見二秦錄及僧祐錄兼前智度論並龍 樹菩薩造） 十二門論一卷（龍樹菩薩造弘始十年於大寺出僧叡製序見僧祐錄及寶唱錄） 百論二卷（提婆菩薩造弘始六年出僧肇製序見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 十住毘婆沙論十四卷（或無論字龍樹菩薩造或十二卷或十五卷見長房錄） 大莊嚴經論十五卷（或無經字馬鳴菩薩造或十卷見長房錄） 發菩提心論二卷（或云發菩提心經亦云經論見李廓錄） 放牛經一卷（亦云牧牛經出增一阿含第四十六卷異譯房云見別錄） 海八德經一卷（第三出與法海經等同本見法上錄） 禪祕要經三卷（或云禪秘要法無經字或四卷與支謙等出者同本第二出房云見別錄） 燈指因緣經一卷（見李廓錄） 十誦比丘戒本一卷（亦云十誦波羅提木叉戒第三出與曇摩持等出者同本見僧祐錄） 成實論二十卷（或二十四或十六或十四弘始十三年九月八日尚書令姚顯請出至十四年 九月十五日訖曇晷筆受佛滅後九百年訶梨跋摩造見僧祐錄） 坐禪三昧經三卷（一名菩薩禪法經初出或直云禪經或云禪法要或云阿蘭若習禪法 三名同是一本弘始四年正月五日出至九年閏五月重校正見二秦僧祐寶唱三錄） 菩薩訶色欲法一卷（或云菩薩訶色欲經或直云菩薩呵色欲初出見僧祐錄） 禪法要解二卷（或云禪要經初出見僧祐錄） 思惟要略法一卷（或云思惟要略法經或直云思惟經第二出見長房錄） 雜譬喻經一卷（弘始七年十月出道略集） 馬鳴菩薩傳一卷（見長房錄） 龍樹菩薩傳一卷（見長房錄） > \[Translated in\] the eighth year of Hongshi at the Great Temple; transcribed by Sengzhao, with a preface composed by Sengrui; sixth translation; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu.) > > \*Da shu jinnuoluo wang suowen jing\* (Druma-kinnara-rāja-paripṛcchā-sūtra), four fascicles (also called \*Shuo bukesiyi pin\*, or simply \*Da shu jinnuoluo jing\*; second translation; same text as Lokakṣema's \*Dunzhentuoluo jing\*; appears in Changfang's catalogue). > > \*Ji yiqie fude sanmei jing\* (Sarva-puṇya-samuccaya-samādhi-sūtra), three fascicles (same text as Dharmarakṣa and others' \*Ji zhongde jing\*, but a different translation; third translation; appears in the Zhenji Temple Catalogue). > > \*Siyi fantian suowen jing\* (Viśeṣacintā-brahma-paripṛcchā-sūtra), four fascicles (or simply \*Siyi jing\*; the Sengyou lu calls it \*Siyi yi jing\*; translated on the first day of the twelfth month in the fourth year of Hongshi in Xiaoyao Garden; second translation; same text as Dharmarakṣa's \*Chixin\* and \[Bodhiruci's\] \*Sheng siwei\*; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Chishi jing\* (Lokadhara-sūtra), four fascicles (also called \*Fayin jing\*, or in three fascicles; third translation; same text as Dharmarakṣa's \*Chiren jing\*; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Zhu fa wuxing jing\* (Sarvadharma-pravṛtti-nirdeśa), two fascicles (or in one fascicle; same text as Jñānagupta's \*Zhu fa benwu jing\* under the Sui; first translation; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Amituo jing\* (Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra), one fascicle (also called \*Wuliangshou jing\*; translated on the eighth day of the second month in the fourth year of Hongshi; first translation; same text as the Tang translation \*Chengzan jingtu jing\*; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Mile chengfo jing\* (Maitreya-vyākaraṇa), one fascicle (second translation; same text as Dharmarakṣa's \*Mile chengfo jing\*; produced in the fourth year of Hongshi; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Mile xiasheng jing\*, one fascicle (also called \*Mile shoujue jing\*; the beginning states: "Śāriputra of Great Wisdom..."; same text as \*Mile lai shi jing\*; fourth translation; also called \*Mile chengfo jing\*, \*Xiasheng chengfo\*, or \*Dang xiasheng chengfo\*; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Wenshushili wen puti jing\* (Gayāśīrṣa-sūtra), one fascicle (also simply called \*Puti jing\*; also called \*Gaya shan ding jing\*, or \*Puti wuxing jing\*; first translation; same text as \*Gaya shan ding jing\* and \*Xiangtou jingshe jing\*; appears in the Sengyou lu; that the \*Jingtu\* lists separately a \*Puti jing\* in one fascicle is an error). > > \*Kongque wang zhou jing\* (Mahāmāyūrī-vidyārājñī), one fascicle (fourth translation; also called \*Da jinse kongque wang jing\*; produced in Xiaoyao Garden, fully equipped with the method for establishing the ritual boundary; Fei Changfang says it appears in the Bie lu). > > \*Shouleng'yan sanmei jing\* (Śūraṅgama-samādhi-sūtra), three fascicles (or in two fascicles; also simply called \*Shouleng'yan jing\*; the Sengyou lu calls it \*Xin shouleng'yan jing\*; ninth translation; same text as \*Fangdeng shouleng'yan yongfu ding jing\* and others; appears in the Sengyou lu). > > \*Bukesiyi guang pusa suowen jing\* (Acintyaprabhāsa-nirdeśa), one fascicle (also called \*Bukesiyi guang pusa suoshuo jing\*, or \*Wusiyi guang haitong pusa jing\*; second translation; same text as Dharmarakṣa's \*Wusiyi haitong jing\*; appears in Changfang's catalogue). > > \*Huashou jing\* (Kuśalamūla-saṃparigraha-sūtra), thirteen fascicles (or written as \*Huashou\* \[with head\]; also called \*She zhu shangen jing\*, or \*She zhu fude jing\*; or in ten, eleven, or twelve fascicles; translated in the eighth year of Hongshi; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Fo chui ban niepan lüeshuo jiaojie jing\* (Buddha-paścimāvavāda-sūtra), one fascicle (also called \*Fo lin ban\*; also known as \*Yijiao jing\*; appears in the Sengyou lu). > > \*Qianfo yinyuan jing\*, one fascicle (appears in Fashang's catalogue). > > \*Fanwang jing\* (Brahmajāla-sūtra), two fascicles (second translation; in the eighth year of Hongshi, at Caotang Temple, \[before\] three thousand scholars, this single chapter was translated last; the Sanskrit text had sixty-one chapters; when the translation was completed, three hundred people including Daorong and Sengying simultaneously received the ten bodhisattva precepts; Sengzhao received \[them too\]; see the preface preceding the sūtra). > > \*Fozang jing\* (Buddhapiṭaka-duḥśīla-nigraha-sūtra), four fascicles (also called \*Xuanze zhu fa jing\*; or in three fascicles, or two fascicles; translated on the twelfth day of the sixth month in the seventh year of Hongshi; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Qingjing bini fangguang jing\* (Upāliparipṛcchā), one fascicle (same text as \*Wenshu jing lü jing\*; third translation; appears in Fashang's catalogue). > > \*Da zhidu lun\* (Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa), one hundred fascicles (also called \*Da zhidu jing lun\*, or \*Mohe bore shi lun\*; or in seventy fascicles, or one hundred and ten fascicles; translated in Xiaoyao Garden in the summer of the fourth year of Hongshi, and completed on the twenty-seventh day of the twelfth month in the seventh year; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Zhong lun\* (Mūlamadhyamakakārikā), four fascicles (also called \*Zhongguan lun\*; or in eight fascicles; translated in the eleventh year of Hongshi at the Great Temple; Sengrui composed the preface; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu; this together with the preceding \*Zhidu lun\* were composed by the Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna). > > \*Shi'ermen lun\* (Dvādaśamukha-śāstra), one fascicle (composed by the Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna; translated in the tenth year of Hongshi at the Great Temple; Sengrui composed the preface; appears in the Sengyou lu and Baochang lu). > > \*Bai lun\* (Śata-śāstra), two fascicles (composed by the Bodhisattva Āryadeva; translated in the sixth year of Hongshi; Sengzhao composed the preface; appears in the Er Qin lu and Sengyou lu). > > \*Shizhu piposha lun\* (Daśabhūmika-vibhāṣā), fourteen fascicles (or without the word \*lun\*; composed by the Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna; or in twelve or fifteen fascicles; appears in Changfang's catalogue). > > \*Da zhuangyan jing lun\* (Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā / Mahālaṃkāra-śāstra), fifteen fascicles (or without the word \*jing\*; composed by the Bodhisattva Aśvaghoṣa; or in ten fascicles; appears in Changfang's catalogue). > > \*Fa putixin lun\*, two fascicles (also called \*Fa putixin jing\*, or \*Jing lun\*; appears in Li Kuo's catalogue). > > \*Fangniu jing\*, one fascicle (also called \*Muniu jing\*; an alternate translation from the forty-sixth fascicle of the \*Ekottarika-āgama\*; Fei Changfang says it appears in the Bie lu). > > \*Hai bade jing\*, one fascicle (third translation; same text as \*Fahai jing\*; appears in Fashang's catalogue). > > \*Chan miyao jing\*, three fascicles (also called \*Chan miyao fa\* without the word \*jing\*; or in four fascicles; same text as that produced by Zhi Qian and others; second translation; Fei Changfang says it appears in the Bie lu). > > \*Dengzhi yinyuan jing\*, one fascicle (appears in Li Kuo's catalogue). > > \*Shisong biqiu jieben\* (Sarvāstivāda-bhikṣu-prātimokṣa), one fascicle (also called \*Shisong boluodimuxa jie\*; third translation; same text as that produced by Dharmamati and others; appears in the Sengyou lu). > > \*Chengshi lun\* (Tattvasiddhi-śāstra), twenty fascicles (or twenty-four, sixteen, or fourteen fascicles; on the eighth day of the ninth month in the thirteenth year of Hongshi, Yao Xian, Director of the Department of State Affairs, requested its translation, which was completed on the fifteenth day of the ninth month in the fourteenth year; transcribed by Tan'gui; composed nine hundred years after the Buddha's parinirvāṇa by Harivarman; appears in the Sengyou lu). > > \*Zuochan sanmei jing\*, three fascicles (also called \*Pusa chanfa jing\*, first translation; or simply \*Chan jing\*, or \*Chanfa yao\*, or \*Alanruo xi chan fa\*; these three titles are all the same text; produced on the fifth day of the first month in the fourth year of Hongshi, and re-collated in the intercalary fifth month of the ninth year; appears in the three catalogues of Er Qin, Sengyou, and Baochang). > > \*Pusa he seyu fa\*, one fascicle (also called \*Pusa he seyu jing\*, or simply \*Pusa he seyu\*; first translation; appears in the Sengyou lu). > > \*Chanfa yaojie\*, two fascicles (also called \*Chan yao jing\*; first translation; appears in the Sengyou lu). > > \*Siwei yaolüe fa\*, one fascicle (also called \*Siwei yaolüe fa jing\*, or simply \*Siwei jing\*; second translation; appears in Changfang's catalogue). > > \*Za piyu jing\*, one fascicle (translated in the tenth month of the seventh year of Hongshi; compiled by Daolüe). > > \*Maming pusa zhuan\* (Biography of Bodhisattva Aśvaghoṣa), one fascicle (appears in Changfang's catalogue). > > \*Longshu pusa zhuan\* (Biography of Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna), one fascicle (appears in Changfang's catalogue). > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) ### [4.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5.3) 提婆菩薩傳一卷（見長房錄） 法界體性無分別經二卷（與寶積法界體性會同本初出見法上錄） 從此下闕。 大善權經二卷（與寶積大乘方便會等同本第四出見李廓錄） 大方等大集經三十卷（或加新字或二十四卷與支讖無讖所出者同本見二秦 錄及李廓錄） 大方等頂王經一卷（與法護等出者同本第二出見長房錄） 阿闍世經二卷（與支讖等出者同本第五譯房云見別錄） 睒本起經一卷（亦直云睒經出六度經異譯第三出見李廓錄） 請觀世音經一卷（初出與竺難提出者同本見李廓錄） 寶網經一卷（第二出與法護出者同本見李廓錄） 稱揚諸佛功德經三卷（一名集華經初出弘始七年譯見二秦錄及僧祐錄） 觀普賢菩薩經一卷（第二出見李廓錄） 未曾有因緣經二卷（初出見法上錄） 賢劫經七卷（第二出弘始四年三月五日出與法護譯者同本曇恭筆受見二秦錄及僧祐錄一名 賢劫三昧經一名賢劫定意經凡三名祐錄云新賢劫經） 善信摩訶神呪經二卷（見李廓錄） 持地經一卷（見長房錄） 觀佛三昧經一卷（見李廓錄） 菩薩戒本一卷（初出見長房錄今疑此菩薩戒本即梵網下卷是） 文殊悔過經一卷（第二出見長房錄） 舍利弗悔過經一卷（第三出見法上錄） 十住論十卷（龍樹菩薩造弘始年譯未訖第八末似六度集見二秦錄及僧祐錄今疑此十住論即 十住婆沙是） 檢諸罪福經十卷（房云見別錄） 十二因緣觀經一卷（見長房錄） 婆藪盤豆傳一卷（初出見翻經圖） 右七十四部三百八十四卷（提婆菩薩傳上五十二部三百二卷 見在法界體性經下二十二部八十二卷闕本）。 沙門鳩摩羅什。秦言童壽（一名鳩摩羅耆婆外國製名多以父母為本 什父鳩摩羅炎母字耆婆故兼取為名也）。 天竺人也。家世國相。什祖父達多。倜儻不群 名重於國。父鳩摩炎聰明有懿節。將嗣相 位乃辭避出家。東度葱嶺。龜茲王聞其棄榮 捨俗。甚敬慕之。自出郊迎。請為國師。王有妹 年始二十。才悟明敏。過目必能。一聞則誦。且 體有赤黶法生智子。諸國娉之並不行。及見 炎心欲當之。王聞大喜逼以妻焉。遂生於 什。什之在胎其母慧解倍常。往雀梨大寺聽 經。忽自通天竺語。難問之辭必窮淵致。眾 咸歎異。有羅漢達摩瞿沙曰。此必懷智子。為 說舍利弗在胎之證。既而生什。岐嶷若神。什 生之後還忘前語。頃之其母。出家修道學得 初果。什年七歲亦俱出家。從師受經日誦千 偈。偈有三十二字。凡三萬二千言。誦毘曇既 過師授。其義即自通解無幽不暢。時龜茲國 人。以其母王女利養甚多。乃携什避之。什年 九歲進到罽賓。遇名德法師槃頭達多。即罽 賓王之從弟也。淵粹有大量。三藏九部莫不 縷貫。亦日誦千偈。名播諸國。什既至仍師事 之。遂誦雜藏中長二阿含。凡四百萬言。達多 每與什論議深推服之。聲徹於王。王即請 入。集外道論師。共相攻難。言氣始交。外道輕 其幼稚言頗不順。什乘其隙而挫之。外道折 服愧惋無言。王益敬異。日給鵝腊一雙粳麵 各三斗酥六升。此外國之上供也。所住寺僧 乃差大僧五人沙彌十人。營視灑掃有若弟 子。其見尊崇如此。至年十二其母携還龜茲。 至月氏。北山有一羅漢。見而異之。謂其母言。 常當守護。此沙彌若至三十五不破戒者。當 大興佛法度無數人。與優波毱多無異。若戒 不全無能為也。正可才明俊詣法師而已。 什進到沙勒國頂戴佛鉢。心自念言。鉢形甚 大何其輕耶。即重不可勝。失聲下之。母問其 故。答曰。我心有分別故鉢有輕重耳。什於沙 勒國誦阿毘曇。六足諸門。增一阿含。及還龜 茲名蓋諸國。時龜茲僧眾一萬餘人疑非凡 夫。咸推而敬之莫敢居上。由是不預燒香之 次。遂博覽四韋陀五明諸論外道經書。陰陽 星算莫不究曉。妙達吉凶言若符契。為性率 達不厲小檢。修行者頗非之。什自得於心未 嘗介意。後從卑摩羅叉學十誦律。又從須利 > Biography of Bodhisattva Deva, in one fascicle (recorded in Changfang's catalogue). > Sūtra on the Dharmadhātu's Intrinsic Nature Free from Conceptual Discrimination, in two fascicles (same text as the Assembly on the Intrinsic Nature of the Dharmadhātu in the Ratnakūṭa; first translation; recorded in Fashang's catalogue). > From here down, lost texts: > Sūtra of Great Skill-in-Means, in two fascicles (same text as the Upāyakauśalya Assembly of the Ratnakūṭa; fourth translation; recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Mahāvaipulya Mahāsaṃnipāta Sūtra, in thirty fascicles (sometimes with "New" added, or in twenty-four fascicles; same text as those produced by Lokakṣema and Dharmakṣema; recorded in the Two Qin Catalogues and Li Kuo's catalogue). > Mahāvaipulya Mūrdharāja Sūtra, in one fascicle (same text as that produced by Dharmarakṣa and others; second translation; recorded in Changfang's catalogue). > Ajātaśatru Sūtra, in two fascicles (same text as that produced by Lokakṣema and others; fifth translation; Changfang notes it is found in the Classified Catalogue). > Sūtra on the Past Life of Śyāma, in one fascicle (also simply called the Śyāma Sūtra; extracted from the Saṭpāramitā-sūtra as a variant translation; third translation; recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Sūtra on Invoking Avalokiteśvara, in one fascicle (first translation; same text as that produced by Zhu Nandi; recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Ratnajāla Sūtra, in one fascicle (second translation; same text as that produced by Dharmarakṣa; recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Sūtra Praising the Virtues of the Buddhas, in three fascicles (also called the Collection of Flowers Sūtra; first translation; translated in the seventh year of Hongshi; recorded in the Two Qin Catalogues and Sengyou's catalogue). > Sūtra on the Contemplation of Bodhisattva Samantabhadra, in one fascicle (second translation; recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Sūtra on Unprecedented Karmic Nidānas, in two fascicles (first translation; recorded in Fashang's catalogue). > Bhadrakalpika Sūtra, in seven fascicles (second translation; produced on the fifth day of the third month of the fourth year of Hongshi; same text as that translated by Dharmarakṣa; scribe was Sengong; recorded in the Two Qin Catalogues and Sengyou's catalogue; also named Bhadrakalpa Samādhi Sūtra, and Bhadrakalpa Fixed Concentration Sūtra, altogether three titles; Sengyou's catalogue calls it the New Bhadrakalpika Sūtra). > Mahādhāraṇī Sūtra of Wholesome Faith, in two fascicles (recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Dhāraṇībhūmi Sūtra, in one fascicle (recorded in Changfang's catalogue). > Sūtra on the Contemplation of the Buddha Samādhi, in one fascicle (recorded in Li Kuo's catalogue). > Bodhisattva Prātimokṣa, in one fascicle (first translation; recorded in Changfang's catalogue; it is now suspected that this Bodhisattva Prātimokṣa is the lower fascicle of the Brahmā Net). > Mañjuśrī's Confession Sūtra, in one fascicle (second translation; recorded in Changfang's catalogue). > Śāriputra's Confession Sūtra, in one fascicle (third translation; recorded in Fashang's catalogue). > Daśabhūmika Śāstra, in ten fascicles (composed by Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna; translated in the Hongshi reign era, unfinished; the end of the eighth fascicle resembles the Ṣaṭpāramitā Collection; recorded in the Two Qin Catalogues and Sengyou's catalogue; it is now suspected that this Daśabhūmika Śāstra is the Daśabhūmika-vibhāṣā). > Sūtra on Examining Sins and Blessings, in ten fascicles (Changfang notes it is found in the Classified Catalogue). > Sūtra on the Contemplation of the Twelve Links of Dependent Origination, in one fascicle (recorded in Changfang's catalogue). > Biography of Vasubandhu, in one fascicle (first translation; recorded in the Translation Illustrated Catalogue). > The above are seventy-four works in 384 fascicles (from the Biography of Bodhisattva Deva and above, fifty-two works in 302 fascicles are extant; from the Sūtra on the Dharmadhātu's Intrinsic Nature and below, twenty-two works in eighty-two fascicles are lost texts). > Śramaṇa Kumārajīva, translated in Qin as Tongshou ("Youth of Long Life"; also named Kumārajīva; names in foreign countries are mostly based on those of the parents; Jīva's father was Kumārāyana and his mother was named Jīvā, hence he combined both to form his name). > He was a man of Tianzhu. For generations his family had been state ministers. Jīva's grandfather, Datta, was distinguished and extraordinary, widely celebrated throughout the state. His father, Kumārāyana, was intelligent and of noble character; when on the verge of succeeding to the prime minister's office, he resigned, renounced worldly life, and crossed the Congling mountains eastward. The King of Kucha, hearing that he had abandoned glory and renounced mundane life, deeply revered and admired him. He personally went out to the outskirts to welcome him and invited him to be the State Preceptor. The king had a younger sister who was just twenty years old. Highly gifted and keen of intellect, whatever caught her eye she instantly mastered, and upon hearing something once she could recite it. Moreover, she had a red mole on her body, which was an auspicious mark indicating she would give birth to a wise son. When envoys from various states came to seek her hand, she refused them all; yet upon seeing \[Kumār\]āyana, her heart wished to marry him. Hearing this, the king was overjoyed and compelled \[Kumārāyana\] to take her as his wife. She subsequently gave birth to Jīva. While Jīva was in the womb, his mother's wisdom and understanding doubled beyond the ordinary. Going to the Quele Great Monastery to listen to the sūtras, she suddenly became fluent in the Indic tongue on her own, and in debates and questioning her words thoroughly penetrated profound depths. Everyone marveled at this in admiration. An arhat named Dharmaghoṣa said: "She must be carrying a wise son," and recounted for them the signs of Śāriputra while in the womb. Soon after, she gave birth to Jīva, who was extraordinarily intelligent, like a spirit. After Jīva was born, she forgot the Indic tongue as before. Shortly thereafter, his mother renounced worldly life to cultivate the Path, studied, and attained the first fruit \[of stream-entry\]. When Jīva was seven years old, he also renounced worldly life alongside her. Following his master to receive the scriptures, he recited one thousand gāthās a day. Each gāthā had thirty-two syllables, totaling thirty-two thousand words. Having recited the Abhidharma, as soon as his master gave the transmission, he understood its principles on his own without any obscurity left unclarified. At that time, the people of Kucha gave abundant offerings because his mother was a royal princess; she therefore took Jīva away to avoid this. When Jīva was nine years old, he proceeded to Jibin, where he met the renowned and virtuous Dharma master Bandhudatta, who was the paternal cousin of the King of Jibin. Deeply refined and endowed with great capacity, there were none among the three baskets and nine divisions of texts that he had not mastered in full detail; he also recited one thousand gāthās a day, his fame spreading across all states. Upon arriving, Jīva became his disciple, subsequently reciting the Saṃyukta- and Dīrgha-āgamas from the Miscellaneous Basket, totaling four million words. Whenever Bandhudatta debated with Jīva, he profoundly deferred to him. Word of this reached the king, who immediately summoned Jīva to court and assembled non-Buddhist debaters to cross-examine him. As their debate commenced, the non-Buddhists belittled his youth and spoke rather disrespectfully. Jīva exploited their flaws and subdued them; humiliated and regretful, the non-Buddhists were struck speechless. The king respected and marveled at him all the more, granting him a daily provision of a pair of cured geese, three dou each of non-glutinous rice and flour, and six sheng of ghee—the highest level of offerings in foreign lands. The monks of the temple where he stayed assigned five fully ordained monks and ten novices to attend to and sweep for him just like disciples; such was the veneration he received. By the age of twelve, his mother took him back to Kucha. Arriving at the northern mountains of the Yuezhi, an arhat saw him and was astonished, telling his mother: "You must guard him diligently. If this novice monk does not break the precepts before the age of thirty-five, he will greatly propagate the Buddha-Dharma and save countless people, no different from Upagupta. If his precepts are not kept whole, he will achieve nothing significant, but merely be an exceptionally talented and brilliant Dharma master." Jīva proceeded to Kashgar, where he placed the Buddha's bowl upon his head. He thought to himself: "The bowl is very large; why is it so light?" Immediately it became too heavy to bear, and crying out, he set it down. His mother asked the reason, and he replied: "It is only because my mind gave rise to conceptual differentiation that the bowl became light or heavy." In the state of Kashgar, Jīva recited the Abhidharma, the various treatises of the Six Feet (Ṣaṭpādābhidharma), and the Ekottara-āgama. When he returned to Kucha, his fame surpassed all the kingdoms. At that time, the sangha of Kucha numbered over ten thousand monks; suspecting he was no ordinary mortal, they all deferred to and respected him, none daring to take a seat above him. For this reason, he did not take part in the order of burning incense. Subsequently, he extensively studied the four Vedas, the treatises on the five sciences, and non-Buddhist scriptures. In yin-yang and astrological divination, there was nothing he did not fathom; he miraculously grasped good and bad fortune, his prognostications matching like tallies. Being frank and easygoing by nature, he did not strictly constrain himself with petty observances, and practitioners criticized him somewhat. Jīva, confident in his own mind, never took it to heart. Later, he studied the Daśādhyāya-vinaya under Vimalākṣa, and also studied under Sūrya… > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) ### [4.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5.4) 耶蘇摩諮稟大乘。乃歎曰。吾昔學小乘。譬人 不識金以鍮石為妙矣。於是廣求義要。誦中 百二論及十二門等。有頃什母辭往天竺。謂 龜茲王白純曰。汝國尋衰吾其去矣。行至天 竺進登三果。什母臨去謂什曰。方等深教應 大闡真丹。傳之東土唯爾之力。但於自身無 利。其可如何。什曰。大士之道利彼亡軀。若必 使大化流傳洗悟矇俗。雖復身當鑪鑊苦而 無恨。於是留住龜茲。止王新寺得大品經。始 就披讀魔來蔽文。唯見空牒。什知魔所為誓 心逾固。魔去字顯仍誦習之。後於雀梨大寺 讀大乘經。忽聞空中語曰。汝是智人何以讀 此。什曰。汝是小魔宜時速去。我心如地不可 轉也。停住二年。廣誦大乘經論洞其祕奧。龜 茲王為造金師子座。以大秦錦褥鋪之。令什 陞而說法。後往罽賓。為其師槃頭達多具說 一乘妙義。師感悟心服。即禮什為師。言我 是和上小乘師。和上是我大乘師矣。西域 諸國服什神俊咸共崇仰。每至講說。諸王長 跪座側。命什踐而登焉。其見重如此。什道 震西域聲被東國。符氏建元十三年歲次丁 丑正月。太史奏有星見外國分野。當有大 德智人入輔中國。堅素聞什名乃悟曰。朕聞 西域有鳩摩羅什。將非此耶。十九年堅遣驍 騎將軍呂光等。率兵七萬西伐龜茲及烏耆 諸國。臨發謂光曰。聞彼有鳩摩羅什。深解 法相善閑陰陽。為彼學之宗。朕甚思之。若 剋龜茲即馳驛送什。光軍未至。什謂其王 白純曰。國運衰矣。當有勍敵。日下人從東方 來。宜恭承之勿抗其鋒。純不從而戰。光遂破 龜茲殺純獲什。光性疎慢未測什智量。見其 年尚少乃凡人戲之。什被逼既至。遂虧其節。 或令騎牛及乘惡馬。欲使墮落。什常懷忍辱 曾無異色。光慚愧而止。光還中路置軍於山 下。將士已休。什曰。不可在此必見狼狽。宜徙 軍隴上。光不納。至夜果雨洪潦暴起。水深數 丈死者數千。光始加敬異。什謂光曰。此凶亡 之地不宜淹留。推數揆運應速言歸。中路必 有福地可居。光從之。至涼州聞符堅已死。遂 割據涼土制命一隅焉。什停涼積年。數言未 然後皆如說。呂光父子既不弘道。故蘊其經 法無所宣化。符堅已亡竟不相見。姚萇聞其 高名虛心要請。諸呂以什智計多解。恐為姚 謀不許東入。及萇卒子興（諡為文祖皇帝）襲位復遣敦 請。弘始三年歲次辛丑三月有樹連理生于 廟廷。逍遙一園葱變為茞。以為美瑞。謂智 人應入。其年十二月二十日什至常安。興待 以國師之禮。甚見優寵。悟言相對則淹留 終日。研微造盡則窮年忘勌。自大法東被始 於漢明。歷涉魏晉經論漸多。而支竺所出多 滯文格義。興少崇三寶銳志講集。什既至止。 仍請入西明閣及逍遙園。譯出眾經。什率多 闇誦無不究達。轉解秦言音譯流利。既覽舊 經義多乖謬。皆由先譯失旨不與梵本相應。 興使沙門僧肇僧䂮僧邈僧叡等八百餘人。 諮受什旨更令出大品。什持梵本。興執舊經。 以相讎校。其新文異舊者義皆圓通。眾皆 愜服莫不欣讚焉。興以佛道冲邃其行唯善 信為出苦之良津。御世之洪則。故託意九經 遊心十二。乃著通三世論。以勗示因果。王公 已下並欽贊厥風。興宗室常山公顯。安成侯 嵩。並篤信緣業。屢請什於常安大寺講說新 經。什以弘始四年壬寅。至十四年壬子。譯大 品小品金剛等經七十四部三百八十餘卷。 並暢顯神源發揮幽致。于時四方義學沙門 不遠萬里。名德秀拔者。才暢二公乃至道恒 僧標慧叡僧敦僧弼僧肇等三十餘僧。稟 訪精研務窮幽旨。廬山慧遠道業冲粹。乃遣 使修問。龍光道生慧解洞微。亦入關諮稟。盛 業久大至今仰則焉。初沙門慧叡才識高朗。 常隨什傳寫。什每為叡論西方辭體。商略同 異云。天竺國俗甚重文藻。其宮商體韻以入 絃為善。凡覲國王必有讚德。見佛之儀以歌 歎為尊。經中偈頌皆其式也。但改梵為秦失 > \[Sūryasoma\] consulted and received instruction in the Mahāyāna, whereupon \[Kumārajīva\] sighed and said: "Formerly, when I studied the Hīnayāna, I was like a person who did not recognize gold and took brass to be exquisite!" Thereupon he broadly sought out the essential meanings, reciting the Madhyamaka-śāstra, Śata-śāstra, and Dvādaśanikāya-śāstra. Shortly thereafter, Kumārajīva's mother took her leave to go to Tianzhu. She said to Bai Chun, King of Kucha: "Your kingdom will soon decline; I am going." Arriving in Tianzhu, she advanced and attained the third fruit \[of ananāgāmin\]. Before departing, Kumārajīva's mother said to Kumārajīva: "The profound teachings of the Vaipulya should be broadly proclaimed in China. Transmitting them to the Eastern Land relies solely on your efforts. Yet for your own person there will be no benefit; what can be done?" Kumārajīva said: "The path of a great being is to benefit others and sacrifice oneself. If only the great transformation can be made to spread and wash away the ignorance of the worldly, even if my body should suffer the torments of the furnace and cauldron, I shall have no regrets." Thereupon he remained in Kucha, staying at the King's New Monastery, where he obtained the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra. When he began to unroll and read it, Māra came and obscured the text, so that he saw only blank tablets. Kumārajīva knew this was Māra's doing, and his vow became ever firmer. When Māra departed, the characters reappeared, and he continued to recite and practice it. Later, while reading Mahāyāna sūtras at the Queli Great Monastery, he suddenly heard a voice in the air say: "You are a man of wisdom; why do you read this?" Kumārajīva said: "You are a minor demon; you should depart at once! My mind is like the earth and cannot be moved." He remained there for two years, extensively reciting Mahāyāna sūtras and treatises and penetrating their secret depths. The King of Kucha made a golden lion throne for him, spread it with Da Qin brocade cushions, and had Kumārajīva ascend it to preach the Dharma. Later, he went to Jibin, where he fully explained the wondrous meaning of the One Vehicle to his teacher Bandhudatta. His teacher was moved to comprehension and was convinced in his heart; he bowed to Kumārajīva as his teacher, saying: "I was the Upādhyāya's Hīnayāna teacher, but the Upādhyāya is my Mahāyāna teacher." The various kingdoms of the Western Regions admired Kumārajīva's divine talent and all revered him together. Whenever he came to preach, the kings would kneel beside the throne and ask Kumārajīva to step on them to mount it. Such was the honor he received. Kumārajīva's way shook the Western Regions, and his fame reached the Eastern Land. In the first month of the thirteenth year of the Jianyuan era of the Fu clan (a dingchou year), the Grand Astrologer memorialized that a star had appeared in the division of foreign lands, indicating that a person of great virtue and wisdom would enter to assist the Central Kingdom. Fu Jian had long heard of Kumārajīva's name and realized: "I have heard that in the Western Regions there is Kumārajīva; could it be him?" In the nineteenth year, Fu Jian dispatched General of Valiant Cavalry Lü Guang and others leading an army of seventy thousand to march west and conquer Kucha and Karasahr. Upon their departure, he told Guang: "I have heard that they have Kumārajīva, who deeply understands the characteristics of dharmas and is well-versed in yin and yang, being the master of their learning. I long for him deeply. If you conquer Kucha, immediately dispatch a post relay to send Kumārajīva." Before Guang's army arrived, Kumārajīva said to King Bai Chun: "The state's fortune is declining; there will be a formidable enemy. Men from beneath the sun will come from the east; you should respectfully submit to them and not oppose their spearhead." Chun did not comply and fought; Guang then defeated Kucha, killed Chun, and captured Kumārajīva. Guang was negligent and haughty by nature, and did not fathom the measure of Kumārajīva's wisdom. Seeing that he was still young, he treated him with the jests of an ordinary man. Kumārajīva was forced to the extreme and thus compromised his discipline. Guang also ordered him to ride cows and vicious horses, intending to make him fall off. Kumārajīva constantly harbored forbearance and never showed any sign of distress. Guang was ashamed and stopped. On Guang's return, half-way on the journey, he encamped the army at the foot of a mountain. When the officers and soldiers were already resting, Kumārajīva said: "We must not stay here; we will certainly meet with disaster. The army should be moved up onto the ridge." Guang did not heed him. When night came, heavy rain indeed fell and a torrent suddenly arose, several fathoms deep, drowning several thousand people. Guang then began to revere him with wonder. Kumārajīva told Guang: "This is an ominous place of doom; you should not linger. Calculating the signs and assessing destiny, you should quickly return. Midway there must be an auspicious land where you can dwell." Guang complied. Upon reaching Liangzhou, he heard that Fu Jian had already died, whereupon he carved out Liang territory and held power over a corner \[of the empire\]. Kumārajīva remained in Liang for many years. Frequently his predictions seemed unfulfilled at first, but later all proved as he had said. Because Lü Guang and his sons did not promote the Way, his sūtras and teachings remained concealed with nowhere to propagate. Fu Jian had already perished, so in the end they never met. When Yao Chang heard of his high reputation, he humbly invited him; but the Lüs, believing Kumārajīva possessed abundant wisdom and stratagems, feared he would plot for Yao and did not permit him to go east. When Chang died, his son Xing (posthumously titled Emperor Wenzu) succeeded to the throne and repeatedly sent earnest invitations. In the third year of the Hongshi era (a xinchou year), in the third month, trees with entwined branches grew in the ancestral temple courtyard, and the scallions in Xiaoyao Garden turned into angelica. These were considered auspicious omens indicating that a wise man was about to enter. On the twentieth day of the twelfth month of that year, Kumārajīva arrived in Chang'an. Yao Xing treated him with the etiquette due to a National Preceptor and showered him with great favor. When converse resonated between them, they would linger together all day; delving into subtleties and fathoming the profound, whole years passed without weariness. Ever since the Great Dharma was brought east starting under Emperor Ming of the Han, through the Wei and Jin dynasties the sūtras and treatises gradually increased; however, what was produced by Zhi and Zhu mostly clung to the words and used conceptual matching (geyi). When Yao Xing was young, he revered the Three Jewels and was keenly bent on preaching and assembling texts. Once Kumārajīva had arrived, he invited him to the Ximing Pavilion and Xiaoyao Garden to translate various sūtras. Kumārajīva could recite most of them from memory, understanding all thoroughly; translating into the Qin language, his spoken translations were fluent. Having surveyed the older sūtras, he found their meanings full of errors, all caused by earlier translators missing the purport and failing to correspond with the Sanskrit originals. Yao Xing ordered more than eight hundred śramaṇas—including Sengzhao, Sengqie, Sengmiao, and Sengrui—to consult and receive Kumārajīva's explanations, and had the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā re-translated. Kumārajīva held the Sanskrit original while Yao Xing held the older translation to collate and compare them. Where the new text differed from the old, the meaning was in every case fully resolved and coherent. The assembly was thoroughly persuaded and pleased, and none did not rejoice and praise it. Yao Xing, considering the Buddhist Way to be profound and fathomless, its practice exclusively virtuous, and faith to be an excellent ford for escaping suffering and a grand principle for governing the world, therefore lodged his intention in the nine classes of scriptures and roamed his mind in the twelve divisions. He composed the Treatise on Penetrating the Three Times to encourage and demonstrate cause and effect. From the princes and dukes on down, all admired and praised his standard. Of Xing's imperial clan, the Duke of Changshan, Xian, and the Marquis of Ancheng, Song, both had firm faith in conditions and karma, and repeatedly invited Kumārajīva to lecture on the new sūtras at the Great Monastery of Chang'an. From the fourth year (renyin) to the fourteenth year (renzi) of the Hongshi era, Kumārajīva translated seventy-four works in over three hundred and eighty fascicles, including the Large and Small Prajñāpāramitā and the Vajracchedikā. All clearly unfolded the divine source and brought to light the abstruse purport. At that time, śramaṇas studying doctrinal tenets came from the four quarters, not regarding ten thousand li as distant. Those of outstanding fame and virtue—the two masters Daochang and Sengbiao, down to Daohang, Sengbiao, Huirui, Sengdun, Sengbi, Sengzhao, and more than thirty other monks—consulted him and conducted refined investigations, striving to fathom the hidden meanings. Huiyuan of Mount Lu, whose practice of the Way was vast and pure, sent messengers to convey inquiries. Daosheng of Longguang, whose insightful understanding penetrated subtleties, also entered the passes to inquire and receive instruction. This magnificent achievement has endured long and is revered as a model down to the present. Formerly, the śramaṇa Huirui was of lofty intelligence and discernment, and constantly accompanied Kumārajīva to copy the translations. Kumārajīva frequently discussed the literary styles of the Western Regions with Huirui, assessing similarities and differences: "The customs of the kingdom of Tianzhu place great value on literary embellishment. For their tones and rhymes, suitability for stringed instruments is deemed finest. Whenever one has an audience with a king, there must be praises of his virtue; the etiquette for seeing the Buddha takes singing and chanting in praise as most venerable. The verses (gāthās) in the sūtras all follow this form. But changing Sanskrit into Chinese loses \[their beauty\]." > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) ### [4.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5.5) 其藻蔚。雖得大意殊隔文體。有似嚼飯與人 非徒失味。乃令人歐噦也。什嘗作頌贈沙門 法和云。心山育德薰。流芳萬由旬。哀鸞鳴 孤桐。清響徹九天。凡為十偈辭喻皆爾。什 雅好大乘志存敷演。嘗歎曰。吾若著筆作 大乘阿毘曇。非迦旃延子比也。今在秦地深 識者寡。折翮於此將何所論。乃悽然而止。唯 為姚興著實相論二卷。出言成章無所刪改。 辭喻婉約莫非淵奧。什為人神情映徹傲岸 出群。應機領會鮮有其匹。且篤性仁厚汎愛 為心。虛己善誘終日無勌。時有沙門僧叡。興 甚嘉焉。什所譯經叡並參正。昔竺法護出正 法華受決品云。天見人人見天。什譯經至此。 乃言曰。此語與梵本義同。但在言過質。叡應 聲曰。將非人天交接兩得相見乎。什大喜曰。 實然。而叡與什共相開發皆此類也。嘗聽秦 僧道融講新法華。什乃歎曰。佛法之興融其 人也。俄而師子國有一婆羅門。聰辯多學。西 土俗書罕不披誦。而為彼國外道之宗。聞什 在關大行佛法。乃即慨然謂其徒曰。寧可偏 使釋氏之風獨傳震旦。而令吾等正化之典 不洽東國。因遂乘駝負書遠涉來入常安。姚 興見其口眼便僻。頗亦惑之。而婆羅門乃啟 興曰。至道無方各尊其事。今故遠來。請與秦 僧捔其辯力。隨有優者即傳其化。興即許焉。 于時關中四方僧眾相視缺然。莫敢當者。什 謂融曰。此之外道聰明殊人。捔言必勝。豈可 得使無上大道。在於吾徒為彼而屈。良可悲 矣。若使外道肆情得志。則是我等法輪摧軸。 豈可然乎。如吾所覩在君一人。道融自顧才 力不減。而彼西域外道經書未盡披讀。乃密 令人寫婆羅門所讀經目。一披即誦。其後剋 日將就論義。姚興自出公卿皆會。關中僧眾 四遠必集。爾時道融與婆羅門擬相詶抗。鋒 辯飛玄彼所不逮。時婆羅門雖自覺知辭理 已屈。然意猶以廣讀為誇。道融乃列其所讀 書。并更通論秦地經史名目。卷部三倍多之。 什仍乘勢因嘲之曰。君可不聞大秦廣學。那 忽輕爾遠來。婆羅門心生愧伏頂禮融足。旬 日之中無何而去。像運再顯鳩摩羅什道融 力焉。又杯度比丘在彭城。聞什在常安。乃歎 曰。吾與此子戲別三百餘年。杳然未期。遲有 遇於來生耳。什臨終力疾與眾僧告別曰。因 法相遇殊未盡伊心。方復異世惻愴何言。自 以闇昧謬充傳譯。若所傳無謬。使焚身之後 舌不燋爛。以秦弘始中卒。即於逍遙園依外 國法焚尸。薪滅形化唯舌不變。信弘法之有 徵也（什公卒時諸記不定。高僧傳云。弘始十一年八月二十日卒於常安。或云七年。或云八年。傳取十一為正。 此不然也。准成實論後記云。大秦弘始十三年歲次豕韋九月八日尚書令姚顯請出此論。至來年九月十五日訖。准此 十四年末。什仍未卒。又准僧肇上秦主姚興涅槃無名論表云。肇在什公門下十有餘載。若什四年出經十一年卒始經 八載。未滿十年。云何乃言十有餘載。故知但卒弘始年中。不可定其年月也）然什出經部卷。 眾說多少不同。長房錄中其數彌廣。今細參 驗多是別生。或有一本數名。或是錄家錯上。 具件如左。今悉刪之。 十誦律六十一卷（僧祐錄云是什譯出今以前五十八卷是什度語非什正翻後之三卷 卑摩羅叉續出置之於後已備餘錄此不存之） 放光般若波羅蜜經二十卷（房云第二出見別錄今以放光梵本與大品同 譯大品時興執舊經什出新本若言放光什譯舊經何者是耶故知大品為新放光為舊重載二本誤之甚也） 般若經論集二十卷（房云見吳錄今謂此集乃是廬山遠法師以大智度論文句繁積初 學難尋乃刪煩剪亂令質文有體撰為二十卷亦云大智論要略亦云釋論要抄此乃遠公撮略前論非什別翻也） 禪法要三卷（下注云先譯弘始元年重校正叡製序既云先譯重校不合存其二名准僧叡經序即坐 禪三昧經是也） 阿蘭若習禪法經二卷（房云見別錄或無經字與坐禪三昧同本異出今謂不然 > their elegance. Though they convey the general meaning, they are quite removed from the literary style. It is like chewing rice to feed to someone: not only is the flavor lost, it even makes them vomit." Kumārajīva once composed a hymn presented to the śramaṇa Fahe, saying: "The mountain of the mind nurtures the fragrance of virtue, / its scent wafting across ten thousand yojanas. / The sorrowful luan-bird calls on an isolated wutong tree, / its clear note reaching the nine heavens." He composed ten gāthās in all, and their diction and metaphors were all of this kind. Kumārajīva was deeply fond of the Mahāyāna and his aspiration lay in its propagation. He once sighed and said: "Were I to put brush to paper and compose a Mahāyāna abhidharma, Kātyāyanīputra would be no match for me. Now that I am in the Qin land, those of profound discernment are few. With my wings clipped here, what is there to expound?" And so he desisted in sorrow. He only composed the two-fascicle Treatise on the True Nature of Reality (Shixiang lun) for Yao Xing. His words became literature as soon as uttered, with nothing deleted or altered; its phrasing and metaphors were delicate and concise, and none were not profound and abstruse. In person, Kumārajīva possessed a radiant and penetrating spirit, lofty and surpassing the crowd. His intuitive grasp of circumstances had few rivals. Moreover, he was earnest and kind by nature, taking universal love as his mind; humble and skilled at guiding others, he never tired all day long. At that time there was the śramaṇa Sengrui, whom \[Yao\] Xing greatly praised. Sengrui assisted in revising all the sūtras translated by Kumārajīva. Formerly, when Dharmarakṣa translated the chapter on Receiving Predictions in the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra, it read: "Gods see humans; humans see gods." When Kumārajīva reached this point in translating the sūtra, he said: "This phrase agrees in meaning with the Sanskrit text, but in phrasing it is overly plain." Sengrui immediately responded: "Could it be, 'Humans and gods mingle together, and both behold one another'?" Kumārajīva was overjoyed and said: "Indeed it is so!" Sengrui's mutual enlightenment with Kumārajīva was invariably of this kind. Once, listening to the Qin monk Daorong lecture on the new Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra, Kumārajīva sighed and said: "The revival of the Buddha's teaching lies in this man!" Shortly thereafter, there was a brāhmaṇa in the Lion Country (Siṃhala) who was clever, eloquent, and erudite; there were few worldly texts of the Western Lands that he had not read, and he was the leader of the non-Buddhists in that country. Hearing that Kumārajīva was extensively promoting the Buddha's teaching in Guanzhong, he indignantly said to his disciples: "How can we allow the tradition of the Śākyan only to spread in China, while the scriptures of our own correct teachings do not reach the Eastern Lands?" Thereupon, mounting a camel and bearing his texts, he traveled afar to enter Chang'an. Yao Xing, seeing his glib speech and lively gaze, was also somewhat swayed by him. The brāhmaṇa then addressed Yao Xing, saying: "The ultimate Way is limitless, each honoring its own practice. Now I have come from afar, requesting to contest debating power with the Qin monks. Whichever is superior, their teaching shall be transmitted." Yao Xing granted this. At that time, the monastic assembly from the four directions in Guanzhong looked at each other in bewilderment, none daring to face him. Kumārajīva said to \[Dao\]rong: "This non-Buddhist's intelligence is extraordinary; in a contest of words he is certain to triumph. How can we let the unsurpassed great Way bend before him on account of our fellows? This would be truly lamentable! If this non-Buddhist is allowed to have his way, the axle of our wheel of Dharma will be broken. How could we let this happen? As I see it, the task rests on you alone." Daorong considered his own talent and strength to be no less, but he had not thoroughly read the scriptures and texts of those Western non-Buddhists. He secretly sent someone to copy the catalogue of scriptures read by the brāhmaṇa, and memorized them as soon as he opened them. Later, when the appointed day for the debate arrived, Yao Xing attended in person, and the high officials all assembled; the monastic assembly of Guanzhong and from the four quarters gathered completely. At that time, Daorong prepared to confront the brāhmaṇa: his sharp eloquence and flying profundity were beyond what the other could match. Though the brāhmaṇa realized that his reasoning and phrasing were already bested, he still took pride in his extensive reading. Daorong then listed the texts he had read, and furthermore comprehensively discussed the titles of the classics and histories of the Qin land, which were three times greater in fascicles and works. Kumārajīva took advantage of the momentum to mock him, saying: "Have you not heard of the extensive learning of the Great Qin? Why have you come from afar so rashly?" The brāhmaṇa was filled with shame and bowed down to Daorong's feet; within ten days he left without doing anything more. That the image-teaching was manifested anew was due to the efforts of Kumārajīva and Daorong. Furthermore, when the monk Beidu was in Pengcheng, hearing that Kumārajīva was in Chang'an, he sighed and said: "It has been over three hundred years since I parted in jest with this fellow. The time has grown remote without an appointed meeting; I can only look forward to meeting him in a future life." When Kumārajīva was near death, he struggled against his illness to bid farewell to the assembly of monks, saying: "Meeting through the Dharma, my heart's wishes have not yet been fully realized. As I am about to pass to another world, what words can express my grief? Deeming myself ignorant, I have erroneously served as a translator. If what I transmitted is without error, let my tongue not be burned and decayed after my body is cremated." He died during the Hongshi era of the Qin. In the Xiaoyao Garden, his corpse was cremated according to foreign custom; when the firewood was consumed and his form transformed, only his tongue remained unchanged. Truly, this was a sign of his propagation of the Dharma! (The various records concerning the time of master Kumārajīva's death are inconsistent. The Gaoseng zhuan states: "He died in Chang'an on the twentieth day of the eighth month of the eleventh year of Hongshi." Others say the seventh year, or the eighth year; the biography takes the eleventh year as correct. This is not so. According to the postscript to the Satyasiddhi-śāstra: "On the eighth day of the ninth month of the thirteenth year of Hongshi of the Great Qin, the year being Shiwei, the Minister of the Department of State Affairs Yao Xian requested the translation of this treatise, which was completed on the fifteenth day of the ninth month of the following year." According to this, Kumārajīva had still not passed away at the end of the fourteenth year. Furthermore, according to Sengzhao's memorial presenting the Treatise on the Namelessness of Nirvāṇa to the Qin ruler Yao Xing: "Sengzhao has studied under master Kumārajīva for more than ten years." If Kumārajīva began translating sūtras in the fourth year and died in the eleventh year, it would only have been eight years, less than ten years; how then could he say "more than ten years"? Therefore, we know only that he died during the Hongshi era, and the year and month cannot be definitively fixed.) However, regarding the number of works and fascicles of sūtras translated by Kumārajīva, various accounts differ in number; in Changfang's catalogue the figure is even larger. Having closely checked and verified them now, many are extracts from texts, or multiple titles for a single work, or erroneous inclusions by cataloguers. These are detailed as follows, and are now all deleted: / The Ten Recitation Vinaya (Sarvāstivāda-vinaya), sixty-one fascicles (Sengyou's catalogue says this was translated by Kumārajīva. Now, since the first fifty-eight fascicles were Kumārajīva's oral rendering rather than his formal translation, and the remaining three fascicles were continued by Vimalākṣa, they are placed later and are already fully accounted for in other catalogues; they are not retained here). / Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (Fangguang bore boluomi jing), twenty fascicles (Fang says it is a second translation, seen in the Bielu. Now, as the Sanskrit text of the Fangguang is identical to that of the Dapin: when translating the Dapin, \[Yao\] Xing held the old sūtra while Kumārajīva produced the new text. If it is said that the Fangguang was Kumārajīva's translation, which one would the old sūtra be? Therefore, we know that the Dapin is the new and the Fangguang is the old; to list two texts redundantly is a great error). / Compilation of Prajñā Sūtras and Treatises (Bore jinglun ji), twenty fascicles (Fang says it is seen in the Wu lu. We now consider that this compilation was made by Master \[Hui\]yuan of Mount Lu because the phrasing of the Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa was voluminous and difficult for beginners to navigate; he therefore pruned the redundancies and clarified the confusions to give substance and style to the text, compiling it into twenty fascicles, also called Summarised Essentials of the Dazhidu lun or Selected Extracts of the Commentary. This was Master Yuan's condensation of the earlier treatise, not an independent translation by Kumārajīva). / Essentials of Dhyāna Methods (Chanfa yao), three fascicles (A lower note says: "Previously translated; re-collated in the first year of Hongshi, with a preface composed by \[Seng\]rui." Since it says "previously translated and re-collated," it is improper to retain both titles. According to Sengrui's preface to the sūtra, this is identical to the Zuochan sanmei jing). / Sūtra on the Method of Practicing Dhyāna in an Āraṇya (Aranruo xichan fa jing), two fascicles (Fang says it is seen in the Bielu; some lack the character jing; it is a different translation of the same text as the Zuochan sanmei. We now consider this not to be so > — English (machine translation) (machine translation) _First 5 of 9 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5)_ ## Translations (1) - [English (machine translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154~en-mt.4.5.1) — English, machine translation ## Linked texts (8) - [貞元新定釋教目錄](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2157.6.5) — 圓照, Classical Chinese - [歷代三寶紀](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2034.8.70) — Classical Chinese - [高僧傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2059.2.6) — 慧皎, Classical Chinese - [出三藏記集](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2145.14.4) — 僧祐, Classical Chinese - [神僧傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2064.2.16) — Classical Chinese - [翻譯名義集](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2131.1.209) — 法雲, Classical Chinese - [大唐內典錄](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2149.3.14) — Classical Chinese - [弘贊法華傳](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2067.2.21) — Classical Chinese --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.bauddha.taisho.2154.4.5) · Pramāṇa