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Chahár Gulzár Shujá'í, of Hari Charan Dás (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of Chahar gulzar-i Shujaʿi (Chahār gulzār-i Shujāʿī)

Language
English
Date
1877 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
32 passages, 7,861 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

In 1160 a.h. (1747 a.d.) A'ppáji, Malhar Rao, and other Mahrattas, having collected a large force from Málwa and Gujarát, poured like a torrent upon Dig and Kumbher, then held by Súraj Mai Jat. They laid siege to those forts, and devastated the country. The war continued for several months, and ended in the death of Khandi Rao, who was killed in an action with Suraj Mai.
After the death of this chief, the Mahrattas, finding themselves unable to stand against the Jats, turned their arms towards the country of Raja Bakht Singh and other Rathor chiefs, and demanded a contribution from the Raja, who, immediately on receiving the message, assembled a council of war, and thus resolutely addressed all his chiefs: "Alas! how deplorable is the condition of Rajputs, that a mean and contemptible tribe from the Dakhin demands tribute from them! Where are those Rajputs gone who were so brave, that only ten of them could oppose a thousand of the enemy, and who once with the edge of their sword not only punished the rebels who occupied the most secure and impenetrable valleys of Kabul, but drove them out and became masters of their strongholds? While the Rajputs occupied the road between Kabul and India, no power could force its way into this country from that direction, nor did any people there dare to disturb the peace of the subjects or rise in rebellion against the throne. Surely, the blood of true Rajputs is altogether extinct." He uttered many such inflammatory sentences before the assembly, and a Rajput, roused by his speech, broke silence and said, "The Rajputs of this time possess more courage than those of former ages; but the Rajas of the present time are not so brave or so judicious in command as they were of old." "Of course," replied the Raja, "if the soldiers of an army be cowards, blame is thrown upon the weakness and inability of its leader."
In short, after a long discussion, the Rajput rose up with six other persons, two of whom were his sons, two his nephews, and two his friends. They all mounted their horses, and spurring them on, proceeded direct to Appaji's camp, which was at the distance of thirty kos from that of Raja Bakht Singh. They alighted from their horses, and at once entered the tent of Appaji, turning a deaf ear to the guards who stood at the door and tried to prevent them from going in. The chief of these brave Rajputs, dauntlessly approaching the Mahratta chief, sat close to his cushion, and freely entered into a conversation with him. He asked him, in the name of his Raja, what he meant by coming into this territory, and demanding contribution from the Ráthor chief. "I came here," replied Appaji, "by the force of my arms, and I demand the tribute by right of might. If God pleases, I will penetrate in a few days to the very palaces of your Raja." "No, no," said the Rajput, "you must not be too sure of your bravery and power. God has made other men stronger than you."
On hearing these words, Appaji's indignation knew no bounds, and at once breaking out into passion, he began to abuse him and the Raja. The Rajput could not restrain himself, and, inflamed with anger, drew out his dagger, and stabbing the Mahratta chief, put an end to his existence with one blow. Having severed his head from his body, he made off with it, and took it to Raja Bakht Singh, while his other companions engaged with the Mahrattas, who, with loud shouts, ran towards them, to avenge the death of their chief. Three of these Rajputs were slain, and three, though much wounded, escaped from the hands of the enemy. After the death of Appaji, the Mahrattas were obliged to decamp, and return to their country.

2

'Aliwardi Khan, the Governor of Bengal, Maksudabad and Patna, having no son, and seeing that his end was fast approaching, appointed his daughter's son as his successor, and enjoined on him the observance of two precepts. First, that he should never enter into hostilities with the English. Secondly, that he should never exalt Ja'far 'Ali Khan to any great rank, or entrust him with such power as to involve himself in difficulty, in case of his revolt.
Siraju-d daula, however, soon forgot these precepts, and when, after the death of 'Aliwardi Khan, he succeeded to power, he took Ja'far 'Ali Khan into his favour, and conferred on him a jagir, to which he also attached a troop of horse and foot, and placed his whole army under his command. The English at Calcutta punctually paid their annual tribute, according to the fixed rate. But Siraju-d daula, through his covetousness and pride of power, demanded an increase of tribute from them, and became openly hostile towards them. Actuated by his vanity and presumption, he suddenly attacked them in Calcutta, and having plundered their property and cash, put several of their officers to death, and returned to Murshidabad.
As the English had taken no heed of his movements, they could not oppose him at the time with success; but afterwards they collected a large army, and marched boldly towards Murshidabad. They also brought over Ja'far 'Ali Khan to their interest, upon the promise of making over the province of Bengal to him. When their army reached within one or two marches from Murshidabad, Siraju-d daula advanced to oppose them. Ja'far 'Ali Khan, who had the command of all his forces, wished to capture and surrender him to the English without any battle being fought; but Siraju-d daula soon became acquainted with his intentions, and seeing himself in a helpless situation, secretly embarked alone in a boat and fled.
After his flight the English assigned the province of Bengal to Ja'far 'Ali Khan, who established his rule there, and appointed his deputies in all its districts. All the property of Siraju-d daula was taken and divided between him and the English. When Siraju-d daula had gone thirty kos from Murshidabad, he stopped for a while, and ordered his servant to land in the jungle, and try to get some fire for his hukka. Accordingly the servant disembarked, and seeing the cottage of a darwesh, he approached it, and asked the occupant for some fire.
It is said that the darwesh had been a servant of Siraju-d daula, and, being ignominiously turned out by him for some fault, he had become a fakir, and taken up his abode in this jungle. When he saw the servant of Siraju-d daula, with a chillam in his hand studded with gems, he instantly recognized him, and asked him how he happened to be there. The servant, who was a simpleton, discovered the whole matter to him; and the darwesh, quietly leaving him there, went with all speed to the governor of the neighbouring town, and informed him of Siraju-d daula's arrival. As orders for capturing the Nawab had been issued by Ja'far 'Ali Khan and the English, and the governor had received them on the same day, he immediately embarked on a boat, and, having seized the Nawab, sent him under the custody of some trusty servants to Ja'far 'Ali Khan, who put him to death in A.H. 1160 (1747 A.D.).
Having so far gratified his ambition, Ja'far 'Ali Khan with a settled mind devoted his attention to the management of Bengal, and took possession of all the wealth and royal equipage of Siraju-d daula, who had involved himself in this danger by not observing the wise advice of his grandfather.

3

When Safdar Jang was appointed chief minister by Ahmad Shah, the districts which, according to the established custom, comprised the jagir of a minister, were also granted to him. Faridabad, which is twelve kos distance from Shah-Jahanabad, had been formerly a part of this jagir; but since the time of the late minister, I'timadu-d daula, Balram, a near relation of Suraj Mal Jat, having put the officers of the minister to death, had made himself master of this district, and gave him only what he liked out of its revenues. The magnanimous spirit of Safdar Jang could not brook this usage, and he demanded in strong terms the surrender of the district by Suraj Mal Jat and Balram; but they still retained it, and answered him evasively.
At last, in A.H. 1160 (1747 A.D.), he marched to Dehli to punish them for their delay, and soon recovered Faridabad from Balram. Having pitched his tents there, he also demanded that Suraj Mal should resign all the places which belonged to the Emperor; but the Jat chief, on receiving this demand, began to fortify his posts of Dig, Kumbher and other places with strong garrisons, guns, and all the munitions of war, and having prepared himself for an engagement, addressed the minister sometimes with promises of surrender and sometimes with threats of vengeance.

4

In 1162 A.H. (1749 A.D.), when Safdar Jang was endeavouring to recover possession of the districts which belonged to the Emperor, a misunderstanding arose between Kaim Khan, etc., the sons of Muhammad Bangash Afghan, and Sa'du-llah Khan and other sons of 'Ali Muhammad Khan Rohilla; and the two parties, the Afghans and the Rohillas, went so far in their animosity towards each other that they both had recourse to arms. Many battles took place between them, and at last the contest ended in the destruction of Kaim Khan, the eldest son of Muhammad Khan Bangash. The Afghans, after the death of their chief, took to flight; and the Rohillas returned victorious to their homes.
When the news of Kaim Khan's death became known, Safdar Jang left the matter with Suraj Mal Jat unsettled, and immediately came to Dehli. With the permission of the Emperor, he soon marched to Farrukhabad, the residence of Kaim Khan, and confiscated all the property of the Afghans, leaving only a few villages sufficient for the maintenance of Ahmad Khan and the other sons and relatives of Muhammad Khan. He placed the estates of the Afghans under the management of Raja Nuwul Rai, who acted as the Nawab's deputy in the governorship of the province of Oudh and Allahabad, and himself returned to Dehli.

5

Ja'far 'Ali Khan, who had joined with the English, put Siraju-d daula, his sister's son, who governed Murshidabad, to death, and himself became governor of the province. Kasim 'Ali Khan, who was one of his near relations, acquired great strength, and collected a large force on the strength of his connexion with the governor. Miran, son of Ja'far 'Ali Khan, became deputy of his father, and, having assembled a large army, engaged in managing the affairs of the provinces. He resolved on punishing Khadim Husain Khan, governor of Puraniya, who refused submission to Ja'far 'Ali Khan. Having marched from Maksudabad, he reached the banks of the river which flows on the other side of Puraniya, and pitched his tents there. After a bridge of boats was made, Miran determined to cross the river next morning, and make a sudden attack upon Khadim Husain Khan. As he had collected a very large army, and was himself exceedingly bold and enterprising, Khadim Husain Khan was greatly alarmed, and prepared to escape during the night, leaving the city of Puraniya to the invader. But, accidentally, about the middle of the night, Miran, who was sleeping in his tent, was struck dead by lightning. When his army was left without a leader, many fled away for fear of Khadim Husain Khan, and the rest, with the camp, returned to Ja'far 'Ali Khan at Murshidabad. It is said that Miran was very generous. One day [having had no occasion to bestow alms] he said, "Some evil is about to befall me," and the same night he was struck by lightning and died.
Ja'far 'Ali Khan, after Miran's death, became weak and embarrassed. Kasim 'Ali Khan, his son-in-law, who through his kindness had been enabled to obtain power, and collect an army, joined with the English, and having invited them from Calcutta, took Ja'far 'Ali Khan prisoner. The English made Kasim 'Ali Khan governor of Bengal and 'Azimabad Patna, instead of Ja'far 'Ali Khan in 1170 A.H.

6

His Majesty, the asylum of the world, Shah 'Alam Badshah, having subdued the Deputy Subadar of the province of 'Azimabad, and taken a contribution from him, returned to the province of Oudh, which belonged to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula. The Nawab advanced to receive him with honour. The Emperor, accompanied by him, went towards Jhansi and the fort of Kalinjar, which were very strong places, and in the possession of the Bundela Rajas and Mahrattas. Shuja'u-d daula with his army went as far as Mahoba, which is near the fort of Kalinjar, and overran the country. The Raja of Kalinjar was obliged to pay him a contribution and also to promise an annual tribute.
The districts of Jhansi, Kalpi, etc., which belonged to the Bundelas and others, were after many battles and struggles taken from them, and annexed to the dominions of the Emperor and Nawab Shuja'u-d daula. * * Afterwards they crossed the Ganges, and proceeded to Mahdi-ghat, where they encamped in 1177 A.H. (1763 A.D.).

Kasim 'Ali Khan invites Shah 'Alam and Nawab Shuja'u-d daula to 'Azimabad, and a battle is fought with the English.

7.1

When Kasim 'Ali Khan, Governor of the province of Bengal, Maksudabad and 'Azimabad Patna, having fled from the English, reached the vicinity of Benares, which belonged to Shuja'u-d daula, Shah 'Alam and the Nawab were encamped on the banks of the Jumna, at the ghat of Bibipur, within the boundary of Karra, to settle terms about the fort of Kalinjar, and correspondence was going on about the matter with Raja Hindupat. At that place a petition was received by the Emperor and a letter by the Nawab from Kasim 'Ali Khan, soliciting an interview, and requesting assistance, with promises of remuneration. Satisfactory replies were sent on the part of the Emperor and the Nawab. Kasim 'Ali Khan therefore left Benares, and when he arrived at the ghat of Bibipur, pitched his tents near the royal camp.

7.2

After an interview with the Emperor and Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, he presented them with a large donation in cash, valuables and curiosities, and derived encouragement and consolation from them. But as in those days a question was under dispute with Raja Hindupat, the Emperor and the Nawab could not attend to any other matter till that was settled. Kasim 'Ali Khan, seeing that the Raja would not come to amicable terms, and that the Emperor and the Nawab could not go to 'Azimabad and Bengal until the dispute was adjusted, offered his mediation, and after an interview with the Raja, settled the question. A part of the contribution money, which the Raja had become liable to pay, was realized, and for the remainder Kasim 'Ali Khan became surety. After this, he entreated the Emperor and the Nawab for assistance, and represented his desperate circumstances to them. He also promised to pay monthly all the expenses of their armies, till such time as he might obtain victory over the English, and reinstate himself in the provinces of Bengal and 'Azimabad.

7.3

Though some say that the Emperor did not wish to engage in hostilities, nevertheless it was at last determined that the provinces of Bengal and 'Azimabad should be taken from the English and given to Kasim 'Ali Khan, and also that the English should be punished. Accordingly, on the 1st of Zi-l ka'da, 1178 A.H. (20th April, 1765 A.D.), the Emperor, Shuja'u-d daula Waziru-l Mamalik and Kasim 'Ali Khan marched towards 'Azimabad, as far as Benares. The English who were at 'Azimabad Patna trembled like an aspen at the fear of His Majesty Shah 'Alam Badshah and Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, and they sent petitions to them, soliciting forgiveness for their conduct. They deputed Shitab Rai on their part, promising to give up 'Azimabad, pay whatever might be demanded as a contribution, and obey any orders that might be given, praying also that the Emperor and the Nawab would return from Benares without attacking them. The request of the English was not acceded to, Shitab Rai was turned out of the camp, and the royal army marched on from Benares. The English, being informed of this, left the city of Patna, and having assembled at Bach Pahari, six kos from that city, on the road to Benares, fixed their batteries there. Relying upon destiny, they resolved to offer opposition, and prepared to fight.

7.4

The Emperor and the Nawab, having marched from Benares, proceeded by rapid marches, like an arrow shot from a bow, and encamped at five kos from Bach Pahari. The action commenced with the shooting of arrows and firing of muskets, and it continued for two days. The third day the brave and bold warriors of Shuja'u-d daula's army, making a vigorous attack, advanced their batteries close to Pahari, and engaged with the English, who also spared no effort in resistance, and exerted themselves to fight. The whole day the warriors of both sides stood firm fighting in the field. At the close of the day, when the sun approached the horizon, the brave soldiers of both parties ceased to combat, and the batteries remained fixed in their first positions. But Shuja'u-d daula, by the advice of some ignorant and inexperienced men who were with him, recalled the warriors of his army from Pahari to his own tents. Although Shuja' Kuli Khan and others who were at the batteries remonstrated with him, and remarked that to remove them from their position would be highly inexpedient, because they had been fixed there with great difficulty and pains, and in case of retreat it would be very difficult to regain the position, yet the Nawab would not listen to them, and having recalled the soldiers from Pahari, ordered the batteries to be fixed near his camp. The English, considering this a favour of God, occupied the position where the batteries of the enemy had been.

7.5

The next day the Nawab could not drive the English from it. In these same days, the wet season commenced, and rain began to fall. The place where the tents of the Emperor and Shuja'u-d daula were pitched being low, and water having collected there, it was considered unfit for the camp, and His Majesty and the Nawab retreated to Baksar, which is thirty kos east of Benares. When the rains were over, in consequence of the war having been prolonged for several months, and the collection of the revenues from the provinces which belonged to Shuja'u-d daula having been delayed on account of the expedition, and as the army which was newly enlisted by the Emperor and the Nawab for this war with the English, as well as the veteran troops, began to demand their pay, the Emperor and the Nawab asked Kasim 'Ali Khan for the money which he had promised for the expenses of the army. But he evaded payment by frivolous excuses. As the demand for arrears created a mutinous spirit in the army, and as Kasim 'Ali Khan, notwithstanding that he was importuned and entreated to pay the money, would not come to a right understanding, but resorted to unfair and dishonest expedients, the Emperor and the Nawab took harsh measures against him, and having called him from his tent, put him under the custody of a guard. Whatever property of his they could lay their hands on, such as elephants and horses, they sold, and paid the army from the proceeds.

7.6

When the rainy season was over, the English, having marched from 'Azimabad, pitched their tents near Baksar, opposite the Emperor's and the Nawab's camp, at a distance of five or six kos. Lines of intrenchment were prepared on either side, and the action commenced with guns and muskets. As Nawab Shuja'u-d daula had heavy artillery with him, the English army could not stand against it, and they at last prepared to engage in close combat. When recourse was had to this kind of warfare, both parties stood their ground firmly, and the warriors of both sides, expertly using their swords, bows and arrows, destroyed their opponents, and increased the business in the market of the angel of death. The brave and intrepid warriors of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula's army, having overcome the enemy, fell upon his camp, and stretched out their hands to plunder. They put a great number of them to the sword, and beat the drums of triumph and conquest. The Nawab ordered his soldiers not to let any one escape alive. The army of Shuja'u-d daula surrounded the enemy on all sides, and the English, having no way left for flight, collected at one spot, and having resolved to die, made a very desperate attack upon their opponents. Shuja' Kuli Khan, alias 'Isa, who was a slave of the Nawab, and had 4000 horse under his command, observed the furious attack of the English, and cried out to his soldiers, "Friends! it was for such a day as this that you put on those arms.

7.7

Form a compact body, and at once charge the enemy, and put them to the sword." His followers seemed ready to obey the command. They read the fátiha, and lifted up their hands in prayer, 'Isa, thinking that they would follow him, galloped his horse towards the English front, but only five horsemen out of four thousand followed him. Of those cowards who remained behind, some took to flight, and others stood idle on their ground. 'Isa with his drawn sword furiously attacked the enemy like a Rustam. He killed many, and after astonishing feats of valour, drank the cup of martyrdom. Having shown his loyalty, he met with the mercy of God.

7.8

When Shuja' Kuli Khan, alias 'Isa, was slain, all his cavalry at once took to flight, and caused great confusion in the army of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula. The English, being informed of this, with great impetuosity attacked the division of Rája Beni Bahadur, the deputy of the Nawab. The Raja, who had never been in action, could not stand his ground, and fled without attempting to fight. As he commanded several thousands, both of horse and foot, his flight caused the defeat of the armies of the Emperor and the Nawab. The English took possession of the intrenchments of the fugitives. Although the Nawab tried much to rally them, and cried out (in the words of Sa'di), "Ye brave men, exert yourselves to fight, and do not put on the clothes of women," yet none returned, all sought safety in flight. When the Nawab and the Emperor's forces fled, the English fell upon their camps, and began to plunder them. The Nawab hastened in confusion towards Benares, and halted when he arrived there. The English took possession of his tents, guns and other property. The Emperor also fled to Benares. The Nawab, after some days, hastened to Allahabad, and stayed there three months collecting a large army.

7.9

The English, in the mean time, laid siege to Chunar. Sidi Muhammad Bashir Khan, the Governor, offered opposition, and, opening his artillery from the ramparts, fought very bravely. But when several days had passed, and nobody came to reinforce him (for the fort was near Benares, and the Nawab was at Allahabad), he was obliged to capitulate, and leave the fort in their possession. He was allowed to go to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula at Allahabad. The English made an alliance with Shah 'Alam, who was at Benares, and marched with him from that place to Jaunpur. The Nawab moved towards the same place at the head of a large army, with the intention of hazarding a battle.

7.10

Both parties encamped near Jaunpur, at the distance of two or three kos from each other, and skirmishes took place between them. Two or three English officers fell into the hands of the Mughals of the Nawab's army, and this obliged the English to propose terms of peace through the Mughal chiefs, who at their request advised the Nawab to accept the terms. Beni Bahadur, and some other short-sighted and ignorant people dissuaded him from liberating the English officers, and he would not agree to peace. This created enmity and disaffection in the minds of the Mughal chiefs against the Nawab, and they accordingly entered into an understanding with the English, that if they delivered the Nawab into the hands of the English on the day of battle, they should be rewarded with appointments in the provinces. The Nawab, being apprised of this, was greatly alarmed, because the Mughals were the most powerful body in his army. When the armies prepared to engage, the Mughals stood aloof, and as the Nawab's affairs were reduced to a desperate condition, and a battle could not be hazarded, he broke up his camp near Jaunpur, and retreated towards Lucknow.

7.11

When he reached that place, Simru Gardi, who was at the head of ten or twelve thousand Gardi Telingas soldiers; Gusain Anup Gir, who commanded several thousand horse; and 'Ali Beg Khan, Shitab Jang, and Agha Bakir, who, though Mughals, had not joined with the insurgents, hastened to meet the Nawab. Najaf Khan, Muhammad 'Ali Khan, Agha Rahim and other Mughal chiefs, went over to the English, and the rest of the army fled. On the 9th of Sha'ban, A.H. 1178 (1 Feb. 1765), the Nawab with his whole family, and all the property which he could collect, marched from Lucknow towards Bareilly, which belonged to Hafiz Rahmat Rohilla. On leaving Lucknow, the Nawab encamped at baoli (well), near Rustam-nagar. Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, having reached Bareilly, which formed the ta'luka of Hafiz Rahmat Rohilla, left his family there with Samru Gardi, who was at the head of several thousand horse and foot soldiers. He himself proceeded to Garh Muktesar, which is situated on the banks of the Ganges, thirty kos from Shah-Jahanabad. He met there the chiefs of the Mahratta army, and made an alliance with them. Having returned thence, he came to Farrukhabad. Gusain Anup Gir, who was a great general and one of the oldest servants of the Nawab, quarrelled with him while encamped on the banks of the Ganges near Garh Muktesar, on account of the pay of his regiments, and having deserted him, went over to Jawahir Singh, son of Suraj Mal Jat.

7.12

When Nawab Shuja'u-d daula arrived at Farrukhabad, he requested Ahmad Khan and Muhammad Khan Bangash, Hafiz Rahmat, Dundi Khan, Najib Khan, and other Rohilla and Afghan chiefs, to lend him their aid; but through fear of the English they all refused to accompany him. Ghaziu-d din Khan 'Imadu-l Mulk, who was in those days with Ahmad Khan at Farrukhabad, accompanied Shuja'u-d daula from Farrukhabad to the Mahrattas at Kora. The Mahrattas went with them to the ferry of Jajmau, on the banks of the Ganges. The English left Allahabad, and came to the same place, when Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, Ghazi-u-d din Khan and the Mahrattas resolved to oppose them.

7.13

After an obstinate battle, the army of the Mahrattas took to flight, and having plundered on their way the city of Kora, arrived at Kalpi. Ghaziu-d din, with a few men, fled to Farrukhabad. Shuja'u-d daula, disappointed in obtaining help and assistance in every quarter, determined to venture alone to the English, and make peace with them, rather than wander from place to place in a state of embarrassment. He accordingly came unattended to Jajmau, where the English had encamped. When he approached the camp, and the English were informed of his coming, their chiefs, who were very polite and affable, immediately came out of their tents, and proceeded on foot to meet him. They showed him great hospitality and respect, and, accompanying him to their tents with due honour, promised to restore to him the provinces which had been in his possession, and told him that he was at liberty to place his family wherever he liked. The Nawab, having taken his leave from the English, pitched his tents at the distance of four kos from theirs. He summoned his family from Bareilly, and sent them to Lucknow.

7.14

Simru, commander of the Gardi regiment, who was now in the service and in charge of the family of the Nawab, had been formerly in the employ of the English; and, taking some offence at them, had entered the service of Kasim 'Ali Khan, Governor of Bengal, and when the Khan was ruined, had entered at Baksar into the service of Nawab Shujau-d daula. As peace was now made, the English demanded his surrender by the Nawab; but the Nawab, respecting his bravery and courage, did not consider it proper to comply, but dismissed Simru from his service. Simru, who was coming with the family of the Nawab from Bareilly to Lucknow, learnt the news of his dismissal on the way. On this he petitioned for the arrears of his pay, and resolved to take severe measures in the event of refusal. The Nawab Begam, mother of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, and Beni Bahadur, paid him what was due to him near Shahabad, and then dismissed him. Having received his pay, he went to Jawahir Singh Jat at Dig and Kumbher. The family of the Nawab, with the Khanam Sahiba and others, arrived at the baoli (well), near Lucknow, on the 9th Muharram, A.H. 1179 (28 June, 1765 A.D.), and pitched their tents there.

7.15

As by this time the Nawab, in company with the English, had reached Phuphamau, near Allahabad; his family followed him to the same place. * * But the English intimated to him that he should leave the ladies of his family at Faizabad, and himself accompany them to Maksudabad, where their chief resided. The Nawab acted according to their request, and, having embarked in a boat, accompanied them to that city by water, with only a few attendants. When an interview took place between the English and the Nawab on the way between 'Azimabad and Maksudabad, they showed him great hospitality and kindness, and wrote him a letter, in which they restored to him both the provinces which had been in his possession. They took from him the district of Allahabad, with several other mahals, the annual revenue of which amounted altogether to twelve lacs of rupees, and also the district of Kora, and they gave these places to Shah 'Alam Badshah. They also promised to pay the Emperor annually a sum of fifty lacs of rupees on account of the provinces of Bengal and 'Azimabad, and having placed their officers in the fort of Allahabad, they erected a factory there. From the 13th of Rabi'u-l awwal, A.H. 1179, the Nawab's rule was again established in the provinces of Oudh and Allahabad. The Emperor took up his residence in Sultan Khusru's garden at Allahabad. The English garrisoned the fort of Allahabad, and erected a factory in Benares. Mr. Hooper was appointed Resident at the Court of the Nawab.

8

How can I sufficiently extol the courage, generosity, and justice of the English? In bravery Rustam cannot be compared to them, because, with only 10,000 foot soldiers, they marched from Maksudabad to 'Azimabad, fighting against the army of Kasim 'Ali Khan, consisting of 100,000 horse and foot, and never showed their backs in battle. In the same manner they engaged four times with the armies of Shuja'u-d daula and the Emperor, which amounted to more than 100,000 infantry and horse, and yet never retreated from the field. Moreover, they have fought against the Mahrattas and Ghkzia-d din Khan, and always with a similar result. Hatim Tai, who is said to have been the very model of generosity, had not perhaps such a liberal mind and magnanimous spirit as they have, because, after obtaining victory over Siraju-d daula, they gave the provinces of Bengal and 'Azimabad to Ja'far 'Ali Khan, and afterwards to Kasim 'Ali Khan, and after conquering the provinces of Oudh and Allahabad, they restored them both to Nawab Shuja'u-d daula. Naushirwan is mentioned as most just and equitable, but in justice and equity the English are not inferior to him. When they entered the city of Lucknow, and other cities and towns in the provinces of Oudh and Allahabad, as conquerors, they did not hurt there even an ant, and in no way injured or troubled any person. Notwithstanding that many turbulent and seditious characters instigated them, and pointed out to them the riches of the people, told them that certain bankers possessed great wealth, and urged that it should be exacted from them, yet these righteous people allowed no mischief to be done, but on the contrary, punished these low informers, and cautioned them against spelling such words again. They strictly ordered their soldiers to commit no act of oppression or extortion upon any individual. Mr. Hooper was long a Resident at the Court of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, and yet, during the period of seven or eight years he was so accredited, neither he himself nor any of his servants committed a single act of violence against any person. Monsieur Laintin (?), a Firingi, who was one of the greatest of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula's followers, conducted himself in the same exemplary manner; and although he sent Syam Lal, his diwan, to prison at the instigation of the diwan's enemies, still he gave him no unnecessary pain. In short, the goodness of these people is beyond all bounds, and it is on account of their own and their servants' honesty that they are so fortunate and wealthy.

Jawahir Singh and Ratan Singh, sons of Suraj Mal Jat, and their successors.

9.1

In the month of Jumada-s sani, 1181 A.H. (Oct. 1767), Jawahir Singh, son of Suraj Mal Jat, marched from Dig and Kumbher, which were his residences, to bathe in the tank of Pokhar, a great sacred place of the Hindus. It is situated near Ajmir, within the territory of Raja Madhu Singh, son of Raja Jai Singh Kachhwaha; and Jawahir Singh, on reaching the boundary of the Raja's possessions, began to ravage the country and plunder the people. He overran most places in the territory. When he reached within two stages from Pokhar, he learnt that Raja Bijai Singh, son of Raja Bakht Singh Rathor, had also come to bathe. Fearing on account of the outrages he had committed on his way, he wrote to Bijai Singh that he was suspicious of Madhu Singh, and that, if he would permit him, he would come to bathe. The Raja wrote in reply that he should come only with 2000 horse; but Jawahir Singh, contrary to this desire, proceeded with all his forces, which consisted of about 60,000 horse, one lac of foot, and one thousand large and small guns. On the 13th of Jumada-s sani he bathed in the tank, and having halted a few days there, returned.

9.2

The news of his outrages and plundering having reached Madhu Singh and other Rajput chiefs, they considered it a great insult, and contrary to custom. All the Rajputs having assembled together, went to Madhu Singh, * * proposing to take revenge. Madhu Singh replied that he did not think it worthy of himself to oppose Jawahir Singh, whose forefathers had been of the lowest dependents and creatures of his ancestors, but that whosoever liked might go against him. Accordingly Dalel Singh and other Rajputs, to the number of about 20,000 horse, and an equal body of foot soldiers, went to oppose Jawahir Singh, who, finding it difficult to force his way, resolved to fight. A battle ensued. The Rajputs showed such bravery and courage, that they destroyed about 20,000 horse and foot of the army of Jawahir Singh. Many also drank the cup of death on their part. Jawahir Singh, not being able to stand before the cruel sword of the Rajputs, took to flight alone, and with great difficulty and pain reached Dig and Kumbher. His guns, elephants, horses, treasure, and all the furniture of pomp, fell into the hands of the Rajputs, who, after staying a few days on the field, returned to their respective residences.

9.3

Jawahir Singh felt great shame of this defeat, and much of the vanity and pride which he had entertained was reduced. It is said that Jawahir Singh had made a soldier his associate and had great friendship for him. * * This soldier, having been guilty of some improper act, was disgraced. * * One day, when the Jat chief had gone hunting with only a few attendants, that soldier, taking his sword and shield, went to the place where Jawahir Singh was standing carelessly with a few men, and struck him a blow with his sword, saying, " This is the punishment of the disgrace I have received." In one blow there was an end of Jawahir Singh's existence, who departed to the world of eternity in the month of Safar, 1182 a.h. (June, 1768 a.d.). He was succeeded by his brother Ratan Singh. * * When Ratan Singh was killed by a fakir, the ministers of the State elevated his infant son, Ranjit Singh, to his place, and seated him upon the masnad of the chiefship. Nuwul Singh and Bhawani Singh, sons of Suraj Mal, but by another wife, rose in opposition, and collected an army of Mahrattas and others, to the number of about 30,000 horse, and an equal number of foot soldiers. The ministers of Ranjit called the Sikh forces from Lahore. These forces then entered the territories of the Jat, and stretched out their hands to plunder. Although the Jats opposed them, yet they did not withhold their hands.

9.4

At last, the armies of Ranjit Singh, being collected, fought with the Sikhs, and drove them out of his possessions. Nuwul Singh and Bhawani Singh went with the Mahratta army towards Malwa and Ujjain. The son of Ballu Jat, who had raised a rebellion in the territory, and wished to alienate a part from it, and make himself its master, was also baffled in his schemes, and could not succeed in his object. In the month of Safar, 1183 A.H. (June, 1769 A.D.), the town of Dig Kumbher twice caught fire, and about twelve or thirteen thousand men were burnt. No account was taken of the animals and houses which were consumed.

9.5

In the same year Tukkaji Holkar, son-in-law of Malhar Rao, Ram Chand Ganesh and other Mahrattas proceeded with a formidable army of one lac of horse and foot from the Dakhin, and reached the territory of Ranjit Singh. A great conflict took place between the Jat and Mahratta forces, and numerous men on both sides fell in the field. But the gale of victory blew in favour of the Mahratta army, and the Jats took refuge in the most fortified of their strongholds. The Mahratta army overran and spread devastation in the country which belonged to Ranjit Singh Jat, from Agra to Kol and Jalesar. The Jats, having assembled their forces, prepared to oppose them, and at last peace was made between the parties. The Jats gave a contribution of about forty-five lacs of rupees to the Mahrattas, and saved the country from their depredations. Being restored to their possessions, they banished the fear of the Mahrattas from their minds. Civil feuds had broken out among Nuwul Singh, Ranjit Singh, and other sons and grandsons of Suraj Mal Jat, and great disturbances took place, in consequence.

9.6

Najaf Khan, in the commencement of the year 1187 A.H. (1773 A.D.), made an irruption into the territories of the Jats; the Biluchis, Mewattis, and other tribes also joined with him. He brought many places which belonged to them into his possession, and has continued to spread disturbances in their territories up to this day, the 9th of Jumada-s sani, 1189 A.H. (Aug. 1775 A.D.). He subdued the Jats, and reduced the Rajas to subjection, as we have particularized in the chapter which gives his history. Najaf Khan took the fortress of Dig by storm from the Jats, who, according to some, also lost possession of Kumbher. This place, as well as Agra, Mathura, Bindraban, Kol, Jalesar and Kama, beside many other mahals, fell into the possession of Najaf Khan, who at the present day, the 1st of the month of Jumada-l awwal, 1192 A.H. (1 June, 1778 A.D.), has been engaged for some time in besieging the fort of Machehri.

10

When the English had driven out Kasim 'Ali Khan from Bengal, Maksudabad and 'Azimabad Patna, they confirmed the son of Ja'far 'Ali Khan in the deputy-governorship of Bengal, and Shitab Rai in that of 'Azimabad Patna. The armies which were stationed in those provinces under the command of the former governors were all dismissed, and the necessary number of Telinga barkandazes were enlisted, to be kept at the disposal of the deputy-governors of the provinces. It is said that a very strange practice was introduced into the country, namely, that the English began to sell some articles themselves, and that they prohibited other traders from dealing in them according to former practice.
In the month of Shawwal, 1183 A.H. (Feb. 1770 A.D.), in the city of Calcutta, where the English resided, such a storm raged that many men were killed, and houses destroyed by the force of the hurricane. In the same year such a dreadful famine occurred in Calcutta, Bengal, and 'Azimabad, that in places where four maunds of grain had been sold for a rupee, even four sirs were not then to be obtained for the same money. Consequently many persons died of hunger. It is said that in Bengal and 'Azimabad about three million seven hundred thousand men were starved to death; and many sold their sons and daughters for grain, or for four or eight anas a piece. On account of this dearth, the English sent several hundred boats from Calcutta to Faizabad for the purpose of procuring grain. Thus the price of corn was also raised in Faizabad and Lucknow.
It is said that in the month of Muharram, 1183 A.H. (May, 1769 A.D.), such showers of hailstones fell, that the whole city of Calcutta, where the English resided, was reduced to ruins. Several men were killed, houses levelled to the ground, and only a few men survived. In the same month and the same year hailstones fell also in the city of Maksudabad.
It is said that the English are so just and honest, that they do not interfere with the wealth of any rich men, bankers, merchants and other people who reside in their cities, but, on the contrary, they are very kind to those who are wealthy. But from those who are powerful they manage to obtain money by their wisdom and adroitness, and even by force if necessary; but they are not oppressive, and never trouble poor people. They are a wonderful nation, endowed with equity and justice. May they be always happy, and continue to administer justice!

11

When, in 1198 A.H. (1784 A.D.), the news spread in Faizabad, Lucknow, and other places under the jurisdiction of the Nawab Waziru-l Mamalik A'safu-d daula, ruler of the provinces of Oudh and Allahabad, that the Governor General, Mr. Hastings, was coming from Calcutta towards Lucknow, Nawab Asafu-d daula, with a view to welcome him, marched from that city on the 9th of Rabi'u-s sani, and encamped at Jhusi, near Allahabad. When the intelligence of the Governor General's arrival at Benares was received, the Nawab despatched the minister, Haidar Beg Khan, accompanied by Almas 'Ali Khan, Governor of Kora and Etawa, an officer of great ability and influence. They met the Governor General at Benares, and having presented their nazars, remained in attendance on him. When the Governor General reached Allahabad, Nawab A'safu-d daula crossed the river, and after an interview had taken place between these magnates, they came together to Lucknow. Great rejoicings were made by the people on account of the arrival of the Governor General, for the English are very just, equitable and humane.

12

Every year, in the month of Baisakh (April), the people of India, particularly Hindus, resort to Hardwar, a place of great sanctity, for the purpose of bathing, and a fair lasts for several days. It is said that in Jumada-l awwal, 1198 a.h. (April, 1784 A.D.), in the (Hindi) month of Baisakh, when the people had collected as usual, such a deadly blast arose that fifteen hundred persons, men and women, died from it in less than two hours. In the same month and year thousands of persons lost their lives from starvation in Dehli in a space of five or six days, on account of the dearth of corn. The famine raged from Multan down to Bengal and Maksudabad, with such violence that people were reduced to a very deplorable state. They laboured under double difficulties, one the scarcity of grain, and the other the want of employment, which equally affected both the soldier and the tradesman.

13

Mr. Hastings, who some years previously had been appointed by the King of England as Governor of Bengal, Maksudabad, and 'Azimabad Patna, revolted from his obedience, and paid no attention to the King's orders, declaring that he was a servant of the Kings of India. The King of England sent another governor to Calcutta in his place; and when he arrived in Calcutta, and went to visit Mr. Hastings, that gentleman killed him by the power of his sorceries.
After this, the King of England despatched another officer to fill the place of Mr. Hastings at Calcutta; but that gentleman declined to resign charge of the government. At last they determined on fighting a duel, with the understanding that the victor should assume the office of Governor. A day was fixed, and on that day they fought a duel. Mr. Hastings escaped, but wounded his antagonist in the arm with a pistol-ball, who was consequently obliged to return to England.
The King of England then contrived a plot, and sent to Calcutta about four hundred European soldiers, in a vessel under the command of Mr. Macpherson, with a letter to Mr. Hastings, to the effect that, as in these days he had many battles to fight, Mr. Macpherson had been despatched with these soldiers to reinforce him, and to render service to him whenever exigency might require it. Secret instructions were given to Mr. Macpherson and the soldiers to seize Mr. Hastings and forward him to His Majesty's presence. When the ship reached near Calcutta, Mr. Macpherson sent the Royal letter to Mr. Hastings, and saluted him with the fire of guns of the ship. Mr. Hastings, having read the letter, embarked in a boat, and, in company of the other English officers who were with him in Calcutta, proceeded to welcome Mr. Macpherson. On his approaching the vessel, Mr. Macpherson paid a salute, and with a double guard of the European soldiers, went from the ship into Mr. Hastings's boat. Immediately on boarding the boat, he ordered the soldiers to surround Mr. Hastings, and having thus made him a prisoner, showed him the orders for his own appointment as Governor, and the warrant which His Majesty had given for the apprehension of Mr. Hastings, who saw no remedy but to surrender himself a prisoner. Mr. Macpherson sent him to England in a ship under the custody of the European guard which had come out for that purpose.