The Book of Akbar 152: MARCH OF THE ARMY OF HIS MAJESTY JAHANBANI JANNAT-ASHIYANI FOR THE SUBJUGATION OF BENGAL, ABANDONMENT OF THE DESIGN, AND RETURN TO THE CAPITAL.
The Akbarnama (H. Beveridge), vols. I–II 152
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- English
MARCH OF THE ARMY OF HIS MAJESTY JAHANBANI JANNAT-ASHIYANI FOR THE SUBJUGATION OF BENGAL, ABANDONMENT OF THE DESIGN, AND RETURN TO THE CAPITAL.
152.1
When the mind of his Majesty Jahanbani was at leisure from the affairs of his dominions, he, in 941 (1534), turned the rein of intent towards the eastern quarter and the conquest of Bengal. The standards of felicity had reached the town of Kinar, within the limits of Kalpi, when it came to the royal hearing that Sultan Bahadur, under the pretext of besieging Citor, had gathered a large body of men under Tatar Khan, son of Sultan ‘Ala’u-d-din, and that he was entertaining wild projects. His Majesty after an enlightened consultation, despatched, in Jumada’l-awwal 941 (November-December, 1534,) a force to quell the enemy, and himself beat high the drum of return. It is not unknown to the circumspect that Sultan Bahadur was ever engaged in high-flying imaginings, and was always holding in his palate the bruised thorn of evil wishes. But as, before he became the ruler of Gujrat and was but a private individual, he had seen with the eye of warning a specimen of his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makani’s way of fighting in the campaign against Sultan Ibrahim; he could not bring himself for any consideration to resolve on encountering the soldiers of that illustrious family. And this view he repeatedly expressed to his confidants. When Tatar Khan came and waited upon him, he was continually filling his mind with vain propositions and was representing that it was easy for him to advance beyond the sacred ground of respect.
152.2
For a time Sultan Bahadur was not caught, but at length he one day laid bare the truth, and said to Tatar Khan: “I have been a witness of the superiority of those splendid soldiers; the Gujrat army is no match for them, so I shall by craft and contrivance win over his (Humayun’s) army to myself.” Accordingly he opened the doors of his treasuries and lavished gold and thereby gained over as many as 10,000 men, who had the skill to appear as soldiers without being in reality such. During this time Muhammad Zaman Mirza escaped from confinement by the connivance of his custodians, the servants of Yadgar Beg Taghai, and came to Gujrat. The lord of that country, on account of the crude plans that he was concocting, regarded the arrival of the Mirza as a gain and treated him with great consideration. His Majesty Jahanbani wrote to Sultan Bahadur that treaties and engagements required that all who had turned obligations (huquq) of service into disobligations (‘uquq) and had fled to his (Bahadur’s) dominions, should be sent back or at least be driven out from his presence, so that their unanimity (his own and Bahadur’s) might be evidenced to the world. Sultan Bahadur, either from inexperience or the intoxication of the world, wrote in reply “Should a high-born man take refuge with us and be treated with consideration, there could not be in this any breach of good feeling or of sincerity, nor any detriment to treaties.
152.3
For instance, in the days of Sikandar Lodi, there was perfect friendship betwixt him and Sultan Muzaffar (Bahadur’s father), yet his brother Sultan ‘Ala’u-d-din and many Sultans’ sons came upon occasions from Agra and Dehli. to were received with kindness. Never did this cause a breach of friendship!” His Majesty Jahanbani sent a suitable missive in reply, to this purport, “The note of steadfastness in the path of observance of treaties is simply this, that any act which can shake the pillars of loyalty be utterly eschewed so that the cheek of concord be not scratched by the nail of enmity.” He also enclosed these two couplets in the rescript. Verse I. O Thou who vauntest a loving heart Hurrah a million times, if heart and tongue accord. Verse II. Plant the tree of friendship that the heart’s desire may bear fruit, Uproot the sapling of enmity that yields countless ills.
152.4
Beware, a hundred thousand times beware; listen to my advice with the ear of understanding and send that abandoned one (makhzūl) to the foot of the throne, or withdraw the hand of favour from him, and let him not abide in thy dominions. Else how can reliance be put on thy friendship? Strange it is that you liken this matter to those of ‘Alā’u-d-dīn and others like him. What analogy is there between the two? That affair was one thing, and this is another. Mayhap you have learnt from books of history that in spite of the refractoriness of Ildarim Bayazid, his Majesty Sahib Qarani (Timur) was constitutionally indisposed to invade Rum, inasmuch as Bayazid was engaged in a war with the Franks. But as Qara Yusuf Turkman and Sultan Ahmad Jalair had fled to him, his Majesty by sundry good counsels forbade him to entertain them. When Bayazid refused to accede to this, his Majesty showed what his might was.” Sultan Bahadur out of a weak head and foolishness did not write a sensible reply. Meanwhile Tatar Khan kept saying vain things to Sultan Bahadur, calculated to deceive narrow intellects, and kept urging that he himself might be sent towards the imperial dominions, representing that the royal army had grown pampered and comfort-loving, and was no longer such as the Sultan had seen.
152.5
In consequence of the misrepresentations of strife-mongers, Sultan Bahadur made preparations for despatching Tatar Khan and sent to the fort of Ranthanbhur twenty krors of the old coinage of Gujrat—equal to forty krors of the current Dehli coinage—to be used under Tatar Khan's instructions for the hiring of new soldiers. He also sent Sultan ‘Ala'u-d-din, father of Tatar Khan, with a large force towards Kalinjar, to stir up a disturbance in that quarter. Likewise he deputed Burhanu-l-mulk Banyani and a body of Gujratis to proceed to Nagor and make an attempt on the Panjab, dividing his forces with the idea that the imperial army would thereby be thrown into confusion. Though able and experienced men told him that his march in one direction, they were not successful, and though hints and plain speech they delineated on the board of mani- the inauspiciousness of treaty breaking, it was of no avail, way to the vain thought that as the Ludiyan party claimed reignty of Hindustan, the supporting of them (talash-i- d not interfere with his promises, and that the consequences ation of engagements would not recoil upon himself. He Khan on a bootless quest towards Dihli and, keeping both i and in touch with him, addressed himself to the siege of that he might both capture the fortress and be an inter- or helping the Lftdiyans when occasion offered. Be it known In LAla’u-d-dm bore the name of r Alam Khan.
152.6
He was Sikandar Lodi and paternal uncle of Sultan Ibrahim, tan Sikandar’s death he contended with Sultan Ibraiym, <3 territory of Sihrind set up a claim to the sovereignty and rnself the title of Sultan ‘Ala’u-d-dTn, marched towards ha force of double-faced Afghans. Sultan Ibrahim came jht, and the two factions met near Hodal. Sultan L4hVu-d- fmding himself strong enough to engage in a pitched battle night attack, but was unsuccessful and had to return with > ’’audulently and with evil intent he went to Kabul, and in v with Ibrahim he was with the victorious army. After the 'st of India his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdhus-makani became ant of his hidden motives and sent him to Badakhshan. With the help of Afghan traders he escaped from Qil'a Zafar and came to Afghanistan, and from thence to Balucistan, and finally into Gujrat. In short, when the armies set out Tatar Khan laid hold of treasure and set about recruiting soldiers. Nearly 40,000 horse, Afghans and others, gathered round him, and he came to Bayana and took it. When this news was brought to his Majesty Jinnat Ashyani who had marched to subdue the eastern countries, he turned the reins of attention, and with the greatest rapidity arrived at Agra, the capital. He despatched Mirza ‘Askari, Mirza Hindal, Yadgar Nasir Mirza, Qasim Husain Sultan, Mir Faqir ‘Ali, Zahid Beg and Dost Beg with 18,000 horse to put down this disturbance.
152.7
His Majesty remarked that the putting down of this large army which was approaching Dihli with evil designs, would be in reality the extirpating of the other armies; it was therefore best to direct one’s efforts to the subduing of it. When the victorious army drew near the opposing force, fear fell on the latter and there were great desertions, so that it gradually decreased and in brief space of time came down to 3,000 horse. As Tatar Khan had obtained his army great importunity and had spent vast sums of money on it, he neither could make up his mind (rái) to retire, nor could he make head (ras) in war; At last he washed his hands of life, and came to an engagement at Mandrail. After having for a while struggled hand and foot, he became handless and footless and was made the target of fatal arrows, and the harvest of blood-shedding heroes. On the dispersal of this army what the inspired mind had foreseen came to pass, for the two other forces broke up of themselves on the report of the victory and felicity of the conquering army.