The Book of Akbar 237: CHAPTER XLI.
The Akbarnama (H. Beveridge), vols. I–II 237
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CHAPTER XLI.
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of this in his early years, for at that time his holy soul kept aloof from inappropriate teaching. These truthful remarks will make it clear to the wise and the admonished that it is in the eyes of the superficial that such facts are regarded as arising from abundance of instruction and a surplus of knowledge, while in the eyes of those who see the truth they are but the inevitable refulgence of a personality imbued with wisdom from of old. And whenever the bitter waters of affliction are to be poured into the lips of one who stands afar off from the courts of Unity, and is a bewildered wanderer in the desert of astoniedness, there is in the first place a curve (lit. a fold or wrinkle) of magnificence cast into his forehead of acceptance and he is made the originator of divers act of ingratitude, and the shower-forth of varieties of injustice and tyranny, till he be flung into eternal wrath and everlasting punishment. This is a figure of the condition of M. Kamran who fell out with his benefactor and elder brother, his eternal superior, chosen one of God, king of the age, and just ruler, and wrought the destruction in life, estate and honour, of many a servant of God.
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In fine, a strange disaster occurred during this time of enjoyment, when the capacious soul of his Majesty was a palatial garden of mirth and rejoicing. A desolating report came that M. Kamran was strife-mongering and that he had suddenly fallen upon the city of Kabul and brought it into his possession, and that Sherafkan had, heedless of the end of things, gone over to the Mirza. His Majesty Jahanbani’s sanctified heart was troubled, firstly, by the fate of his Majesty the Shahinshah; secondly, by sympathy for the citizens and subjects, who are a trust from the Creator, and who should be tended not less carefully than the children; thirdly, by the rebellious proceedings of the Mirza and the results thereof. He addressed himself with celestial genius to the remedying of these disturbances, and displayed suitable solicitude for putting an end to the outbreak. And Abul Fazl, the writer of this noble record, turns away from amplitude of language, in order that he may give an account of events, and hastens towards narration, and gives a brief and parenthetical account of the circumstances so that the lips of those athirst for the waters of words may be satiated. The description of the occurrence is as follows.
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When the army of fortune took Qandahar and came to the environs of Kabul, and all the Kabul army and all the people of that country were delighted at the good tidings of his Majesty Jahanbani’s advent, and separated from the Mirza and came in crowds and did homage, the Mirza turned away from the path of advice and the road of obedience and loyalty and becoming a bewildered wanderer in the desert of perturbation and want took the road to Ghaznin. He forsook the blessing of service and absconded. M. Hindal, Musahib Beg and a number of others were sent after him, as has been related in the account of the taking of Kabul. But when no trace of him could be found, and it was not known which way he had gone (lit. no dust rose up from his path) the pursuers returned in obedience to the royal commands and came to Kabul. This Mirza brought himself in all haste to Ghaznin. The rulers and inhabitants of that place were favoured by fortune, they strengthened the fort and did not open the gate of inclination for him. The Mirza’s false representations were unsuccessful; so he hastened from these to the house of Khizr Khan Hazara. He treated the Mirza with hospitality and brought him to Tiri, and from thence to Zamin Dawar. Hisamu-d-din ‘Ali, the son of Mir Khalifa, was in Zamin Dawar. He strengthened the fort and fought bravely, and courageously guarded the fort. When this news was brought to his Majesty he made over Ghaznin to M. Hindal and Zamin Dawar and its appurtenances to M.
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Ulugh, giving him also a standard, a kettle-drum and a tūman togh. He also sent an order to Bairam Khan to join Yadgar Nasir M., who had come there (Qandahar) to act loyally, to M. Ulugh and to send them against M. Kamran. He also sent a rescript to Yadgar Nasir M. to act in concert with M. Ulugh in putting down M. Kamran and by means of this service to move upwards on the steps of amendment of his past crimes. The Mirzas went together from Qandahar to Zamin Dawar, and when the news of their approach reached the Mirza’s camp, the Hazaras dispersed into the wilds and M. Kamran withdrew. He hurried off to Bhakkar and took refuge with Shah Hasan Arghun. M. Ulugh Beg took firm possession of his fief; and Yadgar Nasir M. made as it were, a pilgrimage to the service of his Majesty. In Kabul he learnt the bliss of service as has already been stated. M. Kamran came to a halt in Sind and married the daughter of the Ruler of Tatta, who had already been betrothed to him. He had stayed there for some time devising mischief when the news came of his Majesty Jahanbani’s illness, which had occurred in Badakhshan. After that there came other bad news. The Mirza asked help from the Ruler of Tatta and resolved to go to Kabul. The ruler of Tatta thought this a great opportunity and sent a body of troops with the Mirza. Some were of opinion that he should first seize Qandahar, and then go to Kabul.
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But as Qandahar was secure under the control of Bairam Khan, Kamran set before himself the capture of Kabul and boldly hastened there. Near Qilat he fell in with a number of Afghan merchants who were bringing horses. He arbitrarily took the horses from them and gave them to his men. From thence he hastened to Ghaznin, and arrived there unexpectedly. Zahid Beg was holding the fort for M. Hindal and was spending his time in drunkenness and negligence. He was completely intoxicated on the night when the Mirza arrived. By the help of the butcher ‘Abdu-r-rahman, the Mirza’s men secretly ascended, and got possession of the fort. Zahid Beg was brought drunk before the Mirza, and the wretches cast him in his drunkenness from the pinnacle of life into the abyss of annihilation. The Mirza left his son-in-law Daulat Sultan in Ghaznin, and leaving there also a number of men from Bhakkar under the leadership of Mulk Muhammad, who was a confidential servant of the Ruler of Tatta he went as rapidly to Kabul. He arrived there at dawn without warning. He first went to the headdress-maker’s gate. He learnt that Muhammad Taghai was in the hot bath, and it would appear that there too (referring to what occurred at Ghaznin) drunkenness had brought him into the stupor of cropsickness. ‘Ali Quli Ughli, one of the Mirza’s bodyguard, entered the bath and brought out Muhammad ‘Ali naked. The Mirza gave him his ablution with the water of the sword, and entered the fort.
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Pahlwan Ashtar, who had charge of the Iron Gate, opened it in accordance with a compact, and the Mirza entered the city, which now came into his possession. On the morning when this occurrence took place, Haji Muhammad ‘Asas came and saluted the Mirza. The latter said ‘How have I gone and how have I come back’! ‘Asas replied “You went in the evening and you came in the morning.” The Mirza went up to the citadel and took up his quarters there. Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Khan Atka brought his Majesty the Shahinshah with all reverence before M. Kamran. The Mirza, on beholding that theatre of miracles involuntarily became gracious and gentle. He shewed him various favours, but from short-sightedness put his Majesty, who was under the shadow of the protection of God, into the charge of his own men. When M. Kamran had brought Kabul into his possession, he practised various kinds of cruelty and opened his hands to shed people’s blood and to seize their property. He caused Mihtar Wasil and Mihtar Wakil, who were special royal slaves, to be blinded. Hisamu-d-din ‘Ali, son of Mir Khalifa, whom his Majesty had summoned to his personal service, and whose fief he had transferred to Ulugh Mirza, had come about this time to Kabul and Kamran in revenge for his firmness at Zamin Dawar had him castrated and put to death in a most horrible manner.
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Culi Bahadur too, who was a loyal and approved servant, was put to death, and Khwaja Mu'azzam, Bahadur Khan, Atka Khan, Nadim Koka and many other household servants were put into prison. The Mirza thus prepared for himself spiritual and temporal ruin, and an evil name in realm and religion. He was continually tempting and ruining men by deceitful letters. Among such was Sherafkan who was induced to desert; and Hasan Beg Koka and Sultan Muhammad Bakhshi were by lies brought to separate themselves (from Humayun). Insincere, low dispositioned ones of narrow capacity for the idea of a small advantage put the dust of the world into the cup of their avarice and trod the path of disloyalty. And it appears that the main cause of the capture of Kabul was the discord of men and their negligence and want of vigilance and circumspection. For at that time Muhammad ‘Ali Taghai was Darogha of the city for his Majesty Jahanbani, but he continually took the path of carelessness, and did not apply the rules of wariness. Fazil Beg too set up for himself a separate scheme (lit. a separate shop) in the city and had ideas of becoming independent (of Muhammad ‘Ali). From smallness of capacity and inefficiency they opposed one another and struck an axe on their own foot. When Kabul fell into the hands of the Mirza he set about collecting troops and in arranging for sedition. A large number collected round him.
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One day he was seated on the top of the citadel, and Walad Beg, Abul Qasim and many others of the Shah's bodyguard, who had got leave and were proceeding towards Persia came to pay their respects to the Mirza. His Majesty the Shahinshah was also adorning the Mirza's banquet with the light of his presence. All the Mirza's confidential servants were set upon rapacity (darpai akl & jar), and the men round about, who were like flies at the stall of a sweetmeat-seller, were falling upon one another. A good service presented itself to Abul Qasim, and he whispered to Walad Beg that it would be a loyal act if they who were thirty active men should do a brave deed in unison, finish off the Mirza, and glorify this young plant of the springtide of dominion and fortune, to wit, his Majesty the Shahinshah. Walad Beg, who was not a man of war, showed backwardness towards this proposal and said “We are travellers, why should we intermeddle"? As the top-thread of every act is bound to some special point of time what possibility was there of its appearing before that ?