[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Mughals (1526–1857)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal) › [Akbar (1556–1605)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar) › [Akbarnāma](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama) › [The Akbarnama (H. Beveridge), vols. I–II](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge) › 324 # The Book of Akbar 324: CHAPTER IX. The Akbarnama (H. Beveridge), vols. I–II 324 - **Language:** English ### CHAPTER IX. ### [324.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.1) victories of this wretch (Hemū) over the opponents of Mubāriz Khān—those giddy ones of the baiting place of destruction—had led him into evil imaginings, and when the news of the unavoidable event of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī’s death reached the provinces, he, out of short-sightedness, took into consideration the confusion of the time and had the audacity to determine that he would give battle to the sublime army of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, for whom the Divine aid is security. That shallow superficialist made the youthful years of the great one, over whose might a luminous veil had been cast, a cause of increasing his courage. The abundant wealth, and the numbers of soldiers and munitions of war, which had been left by so many rulers of India, added to his boldness and daring, as also did the evacuation by victorious officers of the cities and towns of the dominions. At length he set off on his evil enterprise with 50,000 cavalry, 1,000 elephants, 51 cannon, and 500 falconets. ### [324.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.2) Tardī Beg Khān prepared the materials of resistance in Delhi, and having called together the officers who had come in from their posts, made arrangements for battle. He both made his own heart strong in courage, and heartened those who were deficient. At length on 24 Mihr, Divine month, of the first year, corresponding to Tuesday 1 Zī-l-ḥijja 963, (6th October, 1556), Hemū the wretch arrived near Delhi with all his equipments and encamped in Tughlaqābād; the officers assembled and deliberated. Many from motives of prudence, and some out of cowardice, were not willing to fight. They said that until the Shāhinshāh’s army arrived they should by every possible means strengthen the fort and should seek an opportunity of making a night attack. Some recommended waiting till the arrival of ‘Alī Qulī Khān and the officers of that country (Sambhal). Some heroes who would give their lives for fame, and to whose loyal minds the battlefield was more attractive than the banquet-hall, were saying, “Let us regard the opportunity as a boon and engage.” Verse. Fortune cries “quits” to him Who does to-day’s work to-morrow. At length they all decided upon giving battle, and all girded up the loins of courage. On the day of Ārād 25 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to 2 Zī-l-ḥijja, (7th October, 1556), both armies drew up. ### [324.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.3) The centre was commanded by Tardi Beg Khan, Afzal Khan, Ashraf Khan, and Maulana Pir Muhd. Shirwani, who had come there as Bairam Khan’s agent to look after the affairs of the imperial servants, or with malicious intent and in order to confound Tardi Beg Khan’s prosperity, were also in the centre. Haidar Muhd. Khan, Qasim Mukhlis, Haidar Bakhshi, ‘Ali Dost Khan Barbegi, and a number of others were on the right wing, and Iskandar Khan and another body were on the left wing. ‘Abdullah Uzbeg, Qiya Khan, L‘al Khan and a number of others formed the vanguard. On the side of the enemy also the troops were drawn up in martial style, and they came forward and made manful endeavours. The heroes on both sides cast the thought of life from their hearts, and did great deeds. The intrepid spirits of the vanguard and left wing of the army of fortune displayed valour, and drove off before them the vanguard and right wing of the enemy, and followed in pursuit of them. Their deeds and valour were such that the souls of Rustam and Isfandiyar sang their praises, and that the voice of the Age and of mankind extolled them a thousand times. Four hundred noted elephants were among the spoil, and Rai Husain Jalwani, a leading man among the enemy, was overwhelmed in the ocean of annihilation. More than three thousand of the ill-fated foe descended in the fight to the dust of non-existence. ### [324.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.4) The proud Hemu, who joined extreme daring to craft was ever following feline stratagems. He collected 300 chosen elephants and a body of life-sacrificing men, and separated them from the rest of his army and awaited the moment for flight or for fight. At the time when the victorious army had gained such an advantage and were pursuing the fugitives, and while a body of them was busied in plundering and in carrying off the spoil, Tardi Beg Khan, who held the post of honour on this field of bravery, was standing with a small force contemplating the scene. The cunning Hemu saw his opportunity and attacked them. The comrades of Khwajah Sultan ‘Ali, who had the title of Afzal Khan, and of Mir Munshi, who was called Ashraf Khan, and a number of others—altogether they were but few—did not behave with courage; and Maulana Pir Muhammad Shirwani also chose flight in order to ruin the Commander-in-chiefship of Tardi Beg Khan. Tardi Beg Khan, the time of whose retribution for past disloyalty was near at hand, reckoned his life as dear, and chose the ignominy of flight. Thus when things were so far advanced, and such a victory had displayed her countenance, there came a catastrophe. Whoever shall, out of a disordered intellect, enter upon such a no-thoroughfare (berāh), abandons his own interest—let alone sincerity and loyalty—and shows a disregard for his own reputation, which substantially consists in guarding his master's sovereignty. ### [324.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.5) Assuredly, there is no need for me to say that in this crisis his blood was spilt and that his honour was spilt. The fate of this lover of his life became a warning to the wise. I need not mention magnanimity in connection with this matter. Why should I search for that rare and priceless jewel in dust-bins? I'm not so inexperienced! But this I can say; it has been proved by a succession of utterances by sages, and is abundantly clear, that a runaway receives more wounds than the brave man who endures the stress of battle, and that lovers of their lives and fliers from death are trampled upon by the forces of destruction sooner than those who covet death and are intrepid in fight. If a man will exercise a little moderation, and not show depression in time of adversity, or intoxication in time of prosperity, he will never see an evil day. A number of the reckoners up of registers of deeds think that Tardi Beg Khan's coming to such disgrace is a kind of expiation for the disloyalty which he showed towards H.M. Jahanbani Jinnat Ashiyani in the beginning of the journey to Persia. Go to, could this be an expiation for disloyalty? And can a disgrace such as this be placed in the balance of justice as a counterpoise to the shameful act? ### [324.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.6) Because he saw the Lord of the Age, who had been brought for the perfecting of the visible and invisible, in the disguise of boyhood, and did not pay regard to him, and wanted to show off his own greatness, the world-adorning God inflicted such punishment on this self-approver. Alas! Alas! What short-sightedness this was! Or rather the stewards of fate increased the arrogance and intoxication of Hemū in order to show the majesty of the Shāhinshāh, so that that self-conceited self-worshipper appeared great in the eyes of the short-sighted, of whom the world is full. Afterwards he was seized and cast down to the ground of overthrowal so that his disgrace might become collyrium to the eyes of the short-sighted, and that by drawing somewhat nigh to the glory of the Lord of the Age, they might be more careful to obey his commands, which compose the arrangements of the visible and invisible. In fine, Hemū, who was seeing his own large army thrown into confusion and scattered, regarded this strange event (Tardi Beg's flight) as a trick of his enemy, and did not pursue Tardī Beg Khān, but proudly drew up his forces on the very field of battle. The rank-breaking heroes who had followed the fugitives were amazed when they returned, and hastened off in the same direction as Tardī Beg Khān. After this Hemū entered Delhi and increased his arrogance, so that his intoxication became madness. ### [324.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.7) When this unnatural occurrence was made known to the sublime Court, H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the strength of his far-seeing wisdom was not affected by it, and issued orders to the embroiderers of honour's carpet and the battle-field-adorners, that they should set forth in a propitious hour and chastise that arrogant blockhead. He lighted up the face of royal majesty with the colouring of submission and surrender to the Divine will, and cast the shadow of favour on the management of the affairs of world-government. As his mind was not satisfied about the matter of Sikandar, he left a force under the charge of Khizr Khwāja Khān, who belonged to the race of the rulers of Moghulistān, and who having been exalted by an alliance with the sublime family, was highly honoured among the Amīrs, to put order into the distracted affairs of the Punjab and to quell the disturbances caused by Sikandar. He then addressed himself to the overthrowal of Hemū. ### [324.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.8) As the festival of the Id Qirban was near at hand, the preparations for holding it were made, and in an auspicious hour on the day of Bahman 2 Aban, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 10, Zi-l-hajja, which was the ‘Id Qurban, there was an assemblage in the ‘Idgah, and after the rites of the feast had been performed, H.M. took up his quarters there. An order (farman) was addressed to Tardi Beg Khan, and the other officers, directing them to keep up their hearts and to stand firm. The gist of it was that they should not despair on account of an occurrence which, in accordance with the Divine decree, had emerged into light from the chamber of secrecy; that the Divine Artificer of wonders uses a variety of colours; and that they should, as a matter of extreme caution, assemble at the town of Thanesar and there await the arrival of the imperial army. Next day he moved from there under the guidance of Divine wisdom and on Aban the 10th of Aban, the Divine month, corresponding to Friday the 18th Zihajja encamped at Sahrind. The defeated officers and ‘Ali Quli Khan Shaibani had come to the neighbourhood of Sahrind before the receipt of the imperial orders, and after paying their homage were favourably dealt with. One of the occurrences of this time was Bairam Khan’s putting Tardi Beg Khan to death. The account of this affair is as follows: Bairam Khan recognised Tardi Beg Khan as his rival and was always apprehensive of him. ### [324.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.9) Tardi Beg too regarded himself as leader of the army and was lying in wait for an opportunity to overthrow Bairam Khan. Each, too regarded points of bigotry as of the essence of religion, and made them additional reasons for watching for opportunities to ruin one another. In spite of such mutual antagonism, the origin of which was want of understanding and envy, they from motives of feigning and deception stood in the relation of tuqan to one another, and tuqan means in Turki brother (hamzad). Bairam Khan thought that this occasion, when Tardi Beg Khan was defeated and ashamed, was opportune, and so renewed his friendship and affection and brought him to his house through the exertions of Maulana Pir Muhammad Khan. Alleging a purpose of purification (tahārat), he left him in his pavilion and went out, and his myrmidons entered and put Tardi Beg to death. Khwāja Sultān 'Alī and the Mīr Munshī, who were suspected of treachery and privity, were imprisoned along with Khanjar Beg who was related to Tardi Beg. H.M. the Shāhinshāh from policy and wisdom had ostensibly withdrawn himself from the management of affairs and was engaged in hunting. Or his motive was to screen himself for a time from the evil thoughts of the short-sighted, and to observe the degrees of good service, and the stages of fidelity in men, and to fix them in his acute mind, and that the stratagems of the evil-minded might become clear to his heart without the intervention of others. ### [324.10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.10) On the very day that this thing occurred he, according to his usual custom, was enjoying the pastime of hawking in the pleasant plains of Sihrind. ### [324.11](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324.11) When he heard the facts he, out of his plenitude of wisdom, expressed no astonishment. He left the retribution to God, and uncomplainingly contemplated the decrees of Providence. When he returned in the evening from the hunting-ground, the Khān-Khānān sent Maulānā Pīr Muhammad Shirwānī to him and represented that "the cause of his presumption was solely his devotion to the throne. Tardi Beg Khān had knowingly and treacherously elected in this battle the ignominy of flight. His insincerity and hypocrisy were known to all, for from first to last he had behaved badly. If such offences were passed over, the enterprises which H.M. had in view would not be accomplished. He was much ashamed of his presumption in not taking permission. The cause of this daring was that H.M. was a mine of kindness, and a fountain of benevolence. Certainly he would not have agreed to his (Tardi Beg) being killed. Under these circumstances if an order forbidding the deed had come from H.M., it would have been presumptuous beyond all bounds to act in opposition to it, while to obey the order, would have caused disorder in the country, and sedition in the army. He hoped that he would approve of him with the glance of pardon so that other evildoers might take warning.” The lord of the world, visible and invisible, graciously received Bairām Khān’s messenger and accepted the excuses of the Khān-Khānān. He soothed him by marks of favour and confidence, and addressed himself to the extirpation of contention. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.akbarnama~en-beveridge.324) · Pramāṇa