The Book of Akbar 376: MARCH OF THE SHAHINSHAH FROM THE PANJAB TO AGRA, HIS CASTING THE SHADOW OF FORTUNE OVER DELHI, AND FROM THENCE PROCEEDING BY WATER TO THE CAPITAL.
The Akbarnama (H. Beveridge), vols. I–II 376
- Language
- English
Contents
MARCH OF THE SHAHINSHAH FROM THE PANJAB TO AGRA, HIS CASTING THE SHADOW OF FORTUNE OVER DELHI, AND FROM THENCE PROCEEDING BY WATER TO THE CAPITAL.
376.1.1
When H. M. the Shahinshah had by the might of soaring fortune removed one screen from the face of his actions and had set before himself the management of political and financial affairs, when the shops of the short-sighted and ill-fated had been overset, and each one of them had retired to a corner, ashamed and downcast, and when the holy soul was by heavenly aids freed from these affairs, he turned his rein towards the capital. His object was that by increasing his attention to the administration of justice, new vigour might be given to the perturbed universe, and that certain regulations should be established which should be codes for the use of administrators, present and future. As the standards of fortune were pitched at Sihrind the order was issued that the camp should proceed by the direct road to Delhi, while his own cavalcade should, for the purpose of hunting, proceed towards Hisar Fīrūza. When Hisar Fīrūza became the seat of the standards, the huntsmen represented that there were in the neighbourhood jungles containing yūz, which in Hindi are called cīta, and that the method of catching that ravening animal was one of the most remarkable of the arts of hunting. Accordingly the sacred heart, which is a decorated mansion of sports, mental and physical, turned its attention towards this charming spectacle. An order was given for making the necessary arrangement.
376.1.2
In a short time all the apparatus was got ready, and sundry pits, which in Hindi are called odī were dug according to a special plan (of Akbar’s, see Blochmann 286). Several heads of cīta were caught there and then, and the cavalcade moved towards Delhi. Though before this many cīta had been collected for the royal establishment, this was the first time that H.M. hunted them in person, On 11 Azar, Divine month corresponding to Saturday 4 Rabi‘al-awal 968, 24th November, 1560, the standards were set up in Delhi, and mortals attained the materials of tranquillity.
376.1.3
Among the occurrences of this time was the despatch of a body of troops under the command of Abu-l-fath, brother’s son of Mun‘im Khan to Kabul. The short account of this is that at the time when Mun‘im Khan came to the foot of the throne under the pressure of the Shahinshah’s commands, he made over Kabul to his son Ghani Khan, and appointed him in his own stead. In order to help him and instruct him he left Haidar Muhammad Akhtabegi. Owing to the incapacity and childishness of both of them things fell into disorder. When the imperial cavalcade alighted at Delhi, a petition from Ghani Khan came to court disclosing the unsatisfactory character of Haidar Muhammad Akhtabegi. Accordingly, on the recommendation of Mun‘im Khan, Haidar Muhammad was summoned to court, and in order to help Ghani Khan, Shagun the son of Qaraca, Darvesh Muhammad, Khwaja Dost, Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, brother of Muhammad Qasim Khan and a large body of troops were sent to Kabul under Abu-l-fath’s command. In short, H.M. the Shahinshah after passing some days in Delhi proceeded on the day of Azar 9 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 2 Rabi‘-as-sani, 21st December, to Agra, and he made the journey by water. The nobles and pillars of the empire accompanied him, while the great camp proceeded in the same direction by land. H.M. arrived at Agra on the day of Farwardin 19 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 12 Rabi‘-as-sani, 31st December. The gardens of the hopes of the sincere bloomed.
376.1.4
The wounded ones of the age obtained healing plasters. The market of justice grew brisk. Fortune embraced the truthful, and a time of joy came to the good. The sapling of fortune shot up. The bud of prestige began to expand. The world-adorning mind of the Shahinshah gave its attention to the education of the spiritual and temporal world under the guise of inattention. He took up his abode in the fort, which is the best building in the city. The foundations of delightful dwellings were laid. The house of Bairam Khan was given to Mun‘im Khan Khan-Khanan. All the other courtiers and servants commenced to build pleasant houses on both banks of the Jamna, and so the city became adorned. In the interval Mun‘im Khan Khān-Khānān gave a royal feast and begged that H.M. would honour it by his presence. His prayer was granted, and his mansion received celestial glory by the radiance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh’s advent. The Khān-Khānān tendered rare and exquisite presents and stood ready to sacrifice his life for H.M. (lit. stood with the coin of life in his palm). One of the instructive events which occurred at this time and was an eye-salve to the fortunately-minded was the killing of M. Ibrahim, the son of M. Sulaiman, and the latter’s having recourse to the world-protecting court.
376.1.5
Inasmuch as the truth-founded purpose of the Shahinshah is the portico to fortune’s summit, it follows that whoever opposes and contends with him, receives punishment therefor from the superintendents of fate, even though H.M. the Shahinshah courteously passes such opposition by, and apparently takes no notice of it, and is compelled to take help from his court. For the punishment for raising the head of disaffection, and for letting stream the flag of pride is that such an one receives fitting chastisements and is brought into the ignominious abode of want, so that he may awake from the sleep of negligence and be active in service. The state of M. Sulaiman is an instance of this. In the beginning of the reign he displayed such improper conduct, as has already been mentioned, and the world-adorning Deity placed the retribution thereof in his bosom, and inflicted so great a defeat upon him, and made him a suppliant of this court. He sent a petition by one of his confidants, who was distinguished for his knowledge of affairs. At this time the said ambassador had arrived and was waiting to pay homage. He obtained leave for an audience after H.M. had alighted at Mun‘im Khan’s house and was exalted by performing the prostration. The petition of M. Sulaiman was presented along with appropriate presents. The purport of it was the expression of shame and contrition for past offences, an account of the killing of M. Ibrahim, and a request for assistance against his enemies.
376.1.6
The account of the event is briefly this. M.M. Sulaiman and Ibrahim had in the beginning of the reign taken the road of destruction and sown the seed of their own overthrow, though victory had several times shown her face to them in their contests with the Uzbegs, and also was a cause of increasing their arrogance. Among these successes was the falling into their hands of the son of ‘Abbas Sultan who was continually coming from Hisār and making forays on behalf of Tīmūr Khān who was the ruler of Hisār, and was his cousin. At length they brought an army against Hisār and captured the outer fort. Tīmūr Khān shut himself up in the citadel, and was spending his days in stratagems. He was waiting in expectation of assistance from the Uzbegs, who had been summoned from various quarters. As the Mīrzās knew that help was near at hand they returned from Hisār to Badakhshān. In the fifth year of the Divine Era corresponding to 967 of the lunar year, the Mīrzās collected an army of their servants and Aimāqs and marched against Balkh. The shrewd and far-seeing were not favourable to this expedition, as the march against Balkh was unreasonable. For the army of Balkh was larger than the army of Badakhshān, and their military leaders were more numerous. A lesser army may engage with a greater if it have more leaders, but in the Badakhshān army there were only two, viz., Mīrzās Sulaimān and Ibrāhīm; while in the hostile army there were Pīr Muhammad Khān, and many princes.
376.1.7
It was therefore not right to make this expedition. Though what the acute said was reasonable, their words did not find admission to the ear of reason, as the Mīrzās were drunken with the wine of arrogance. Rather their haughtiness was increased and they pressed on the expedition more than ever. The truth is that the eternal managers wished to punish them for their improper behaviour to H.M. the Shāhinshāh, so that by becoming intoxicated with insouciance they might with their own hands throw themselves into the pit of destruction.
376.1.8
When Pīr Muhammad Khān heard of the enterprise of the Mīrzās he sent messengers to call for help, and at the same time sent an experienced ambassador to the Mīrzās and proposed an agreement. The ambassador declared that Pīr Muhammad Khān would surrender Khulm and Aibak to the Mirzās. They sent M. Beg Barlas, who was an old and confidential servant, on an embassy, and said that if Pīr Muhammad Khān would give them Khulm and Aibak, and put peace on a firm foundation, there would be an end of disputes. When they themselves marched out of Badakhshān they decided that for two reasons it would not be right to proceed against Balkh. First, because they had sent an ambassador. Second, because they would go and take along with them the Aimāqs of Balkh, the hill-country of which is towards Khurāsān, and get them into their power. Then the affair of Balkh would easily take shape. If they did not take this course, Pīr Muhammad Khān would strengthen the fort, and collect troops from all sides. In pursuance of this design and in palpable oblivion of rectitude, they took their route by the foot of the hills, left Balkh behind them and proceeded towards Khorasan, and brought under their control the Aimāqs who inhabited the wolds (sahrānishīn).
376.2.1
Meanwhile news came that M. Beg had been killed, and that Pīr Muhammad Khān had collected an army and was preparing for war. The story of this catastrophe is that the Mīrzās had on their march to Khurāsān advanced to near the Cūl-i-Zardak (the brownish desert ?) which is known by the name of San’ Cirek, and had passed the Casma-i-Gazarin, and were purposing to go on still further when the news came that M. Beg had left Pir Muhammad Khan’s house after finishing a great piece of work, when at a sign from Pir Muhammad Khan, Khusri had killed him with a sword. (Pir Muhammad’s view was) “what weakness is there in us that we should give up our own territory,” and his whole intention in proposing peace was to procrastinate, and to collect his forces. Now that assistance had come he had marched across country and headed the Mirzās. When the Mirzas heard this news they took counsel among themselves. Men of experience said that the proper course was to bend round qurib shuda) and make a rapid march to the shrine (Ribat) of Mir Rizadar. The Uzbegs would be left behind. If it should come to a fight that too would be advantageous. But to march on to meet them was in no way expedient. The Mirzas did not accept this opinion and went on to meet the enemy.
376.2.2
The Uzbegs with great dexterity struck the bank of the Casma-i-Gazaran, which has a winding course and dug trenches, and constructed a wall in front of their position, and having lined them with musketeers and archers remained ready for battle. The Mirzas quickly put their troops into fighting order and were approaching the spring (sar-i-casma) in ignorance of the fortification; M. Sulaiman coming by the low ground near the river, and M. Ibrahim by the upper route. M. Sulaiman advanced against the enemy but could make no impression. As he did not know what to do he retreated, and perceived that to go on towards Khurasan and its neighbourhood would lead to nothing but his being captured. Then he turned round and by great management got out of the ravines (jarha), and passing the enemies’ rear (arqa,—the back, the rear, Turki) went on to the desert (dasht-i-cul) which is on the side of Badakhshan. Many of his men perished. M. Ibrahim came to the spring and attacked, but could make no impression. He drew bridle and stopped, and many of his men were killed by bullets and arrows. Muhammad Quli Shighali ran up to him and said, “What time for standing is this? Your father has got out.” The Mirza asked his own people what they advised. Many of his warriors said, “It will be very difficult to get out.
376.2.3
The proper thing is to fight in this very place and see what the result will be.” Muhammad Quli spoke roughly and said, “It is a fixed principle with military men that whenever soldiers have gone a bowshot away from the enemy it is difficult to come to close quarters with him again. Why do you unnecessarily bring the Mirza into destruction.” After much talk the Mirza came out from that place and proceeded to retreat. He fell into the enemies’ country and many of his men dispersed. He shaved his head and face and went on with a few men, thinking that in this way they might perhaps get out. When they had gone some way their horses became tired out. They took to their feet and marched for two days more. Then getting ponies they came to a village in order to get something to eat. Meanwhile the brother of Kul Kafir recognised the Mirza and arrested him with the aid of the villagers and took him before Pir Muhammad Khan. He confined him for some days and spoke of releasing him. The impure wretches of Transoxiana came in numbers to visit the Mirza on account of a similarity of disposition. Pir Muhammad Khan grew suspicious and hastened to put him to death. The chronogram of this occurrence was Kirak kusht (Kirak killed, 967) Karak was the name of an executioner. M. Sulaiman found the chronogram Ko nakhl-i-umed-i-pidr (“where is the sapling of a father’s hope,” 967). Two days before this event M. Ibrahim composed an ode (qasida) of which the opening lines were—
376.2.4
Verse. I went to the land of regret like a tulip with a scar on my heart, At the resurrection I’ll rise from the clay with a scarred heart ! A wonderful thing was that before this march M. Ibrahim was always troubled about a dream which he had had, and was divided between fear and hope. M. Ibrahim used to describe the dream as follows: “One night I came to wait upon H.M. Jahanbani Jinnat Ashiyani. I was gazing on his beautiful countenance, and was in a reverie, being much in contemplation of the Divine halo. From time to time a longing to have his features took possession of my heart. One night I saw myself in a dream, possessed of his features, and was rejoicing thereat, but when I put my hand on my beard and eyebrows, I found that they were all rotten and came to pieces, so that in a short space of time I had no beard, or eyebrows or eye-lashes. I awoke grieving at this, and the sorrow for it will not leave me. It appears that some harm will come to me.”
376.2.5
When M. Sulaiman had crossed the ravines (jarhā) he went towards Badakhshan by way of Wakhsh and the desert of Mahmūd. With a few men he came amongst the people of the Hazārajāt and had to fight. He gave proof of courage and went on attacking, whatever loss he incurred (kushta kushta). Two and thirty times they blocked his progress. He personally fought and gained deliverance. When he reached Badakhshan, he got the news of the Mirza’s mishap. The gates of sorrow were opened on his days. Especially did Haram Begam, the daughter of Sultan Wais Qibcaq and mother of the Mirza fall into prolonged sorrow. She put on blue clothes and wore them as long as she lived. One of the eloquent recited this quatrain— Verse. Ah, ruby of Badakhshan, thou has gone from Badakhshan, Thou wentest shining from the protection of the sun; Thou wert in the world like Sulaiman’s ring, Alas, thou hast gone from Sulaiman’s hand.
376.2.6
Assuredly whoever fails to recognise the power of the lord of the age, and becomes intoxicated with the heady wine of the world, will see such days. This is the first stage that has been reached. Give ear to me, for among the occurrences I shall describe the downfall of M. Sulaiman, so that the wise may take warning. The brief statement now is, that on the day when Mun‘im Khan, the Khan-Khanan gave his feast the ambassadors were introduced. And when the protestations, the laments and the apologies for crimes of the Mirza had been made known, the heart of the Shahinshah, which is an ocean of kindness, accepted the excuses, and after making kind inquiries he expressed compassion for the Mirza. He used lofty utterances, and the whole of that joyful day was spent in mental and physical pleasures. During this auspicious year a large number of aspirants left their homes and came to prostrate themselves at the threshold of fortune, being attracted by the reports of the justice and liberality of the Khedive of the age. They succeeded in their objects and made the eulogium of H.M. the Shahinshah the amulet of their faith and fortune. Among them came the blessed feet of that bowl of knowledge and deposit of truths—Khwaja Abdu-shahid, the son of Khwaja ‘Abdulla, who is known as Khwajagan-Khwaja, who again was the son of Khwaja Nagiru-d-din Ubaidullah, who is known as Khwaja Ahrar. Khwaja Abdu-shahid had external accomplishments and also internal gifts.
376.2.7
He obtained the exultation of joining the sublime assembly, which is an auspicious elixir of things temporal and spiritual, and H.M. the Shahinshah who was inwardly a student in the Divine school, came forward with reverence and did him honour. That reservoir of instruction, Maulana S‘aid Turkistani, who was at the head of the learned men of Transoxiana, and who had spent a lifetime in the society of Maulana Ahmad Junaid also made the acquaintance of H.M. the Shahinshah. The Maulana also was imbued with inward knowledge. Though he had not plunged so far into the niceties of Divine wisdom, or into physics and mathematics, yet he had attained a high rank in those sciences which are current in Transoxiana, and had not made his knowledge a cause of trouble and disturbance. At this auspicious time, when the management of political and financial affairs and the expansion and contraction of the affairs of the Sultanate were illuminated by the radiancy of H.M.
376.2.8
Shahinshah’s supervision, various ranks of men and skilful persons of every country came and were successful spiritually and temporally. By the felicity of the attention of God’s shadow the transactions of the Sultanate took an upward course. The market of administrations became brisk. A lofty foundation was given to faith. The world’s springtime became more adorned. The masters of religion received support. Slanderers lost their trade. Worshippers of the creature received eyes to see with. The morning of auspiciousness breathed for the worshippers of God. The real world became revealed. The outer world acquired splendour.
376.3.1
Among the events of this time was the marriage of M. Sharafud-din Husain. The auspicious-minded Shahinshah, who from outward signs knows secrets constantly distinguishes by royal favours and raised to lofty rank a number of persons who come before him, and are noted for good services and loyalty, and in whom high lineage adds to their intrinsic merits. By causing them to revolve continually in his presence he observes and studies their character. For the well-founded idea of the Shahinshah is, “Perchance a knave has put on the garments of the honest and has come into the lists of the elect, and there may occur a fault and a fissure in the pillars of the sovereignty through his wickedness.” It was on the same principle that the sages of old, when they would strip the veil of secrecy from hearts, poured reason-robbing wine into their mouths and made them intoxicated, so that their weak heads gave out from drunkenness whatever secret there was in their minds. Verse. Men try man by the test of wine. And when the intention is right, to give wine of this kind as approved by the dicta of the wise. To overthrow such knavish intelligence and to test it is befitting to world-adorning religion.
376.3.2
In the same manner the principle of this world-adorning Shahinshah is that when he desire to know the calibre of anyone’s talents and disposition he primes him with the man-overthrowing wine of the world (i.e., prosperity) and makes him mad with the world’s inebriety, and then reads with the eyes of insight the nature of his character. Short-sighted men, whose eyes do not fall on the object and are whirled round in the trough of error shoot out the tongue of reproach saying, "Why was such confidence reposed without inquiry?" While they who know the degrees of perfection recognise in this practice the use of the mirror of characters and eulogise such testing. An instance of this testing is M. Sharafu-d-din Husain, who was of very exalted lineage, and whom H.M. looked upon with the eye of promoting, and to whom he gave lofty rank in order that he might be a prop of the Sultanate. As the high connections and the reputation of the Mirza were visible to all the world, some of the imperial servants, who only looked to external rank, judged him to be sound inwardly as well as externally, and gave him in marriage the cupola of chastity, the holy fruit of the Sultanate, Bakhshi Banu Begam, who was H.M. the Shahinshah's pure sister. By this alliance the position of the Mirza was enormously exalted. Soon afterwards he obtained leave to go to Sarkar Nagor which was his fief. One of the occurrences of this year was the sending M. Qara Bahadir Khan, the brother of M.
376.3.3
Haidar Girgan, to conquer Kashmir. As it is a proper part of the rules of the administration of justice and of world-sway that whenever a ruler engages in his own pleasures, and spends his time in gratifying his lusts, and does not attend to the cherishing of his subjects and to sympathising with the oppressed, and to overthrowing the oppressors, the Lord of the Age, to whom Almighty God has given power and made him the governor of the terrene and terrestrials, should for the sake of thanksgiving to God, strive to uproot that tyrant, and to make over the inhabitants of his country to the prudent and just-minded, and should consider that as the preamble of elect devotion; so, acting upon this principle, an order was issued this year that a force be put under the command of M. Qara Bahadir, a relative of M. Haidar, and one who was acquainted with the country, and that he be sent to conquer Kashmir. inasmuch as the disturbances by intriguing Kashmiris, and the injustice of Ghazi Khan, the ruler of Kashmir, had been brought to the royal ears. A large body of men were nominated to assist Qara Bahadir. At this time Ghazi Khan, the son of Kaci Cak, was the ruler of Kashmir, for the government thereof had come to him after his father. But the truth is that he was the son of Husain Cak the brother of Kaci Cak. When the measure of Husain Cak’s days was filled, Kaci Cak, either swayed by lust, or influenced by political considerations, took to himself his pregnant wife.
376.3.4
Two or three months after the marriage Ghazi Khan was born. As Qara Bahadir was not skilful nor laborious he proceeded on his service after long delay, and arrived at Rajauri in the height of the hot season. Nasrat Khan, Fatah Cak, nephew of Daulat Cak, Lohar, Ankari, Naji Rina, the brother of Idi Rina, Yusuf Cak, son of Ramaki Cak, and Khwaja Haji came and joined him. As they saw that the army was not well constituted, Nasrat Khan, Fatah Cak, Lohar and Ankari fled to Kashmir. The army remained for three months in Lali Khokar, near Bimbhar, waiting for the coming of the auxiliaries. As the leaders of the force were old servants, they took the longer time in arriving. It is not by such slowness and heaviness that the entrance into Kashmir is to be effected, for the roads of that country are of such a nature that if the ruler get news a few days before of the approach of strangers and seize the passes, it would be difficult, or rather impossible, for an army adorned with thousands of Rustams to get possession of the country. Ghazi Khan, who heard of the coming of the army, and some months had passed meanwhile, so strongly fortified the roads and passes that there could be no idea of getting through them. He also sent his infantry down from the hills. M. Qara Bahadir, after fighting for some days near Rajauri, was defeated and turned back. It was not solely the strength of the Kashmiris that effected this.
376.3.5
The season of ague, the beginning of the rains and the non-arrival of the auxiliary force were the principal causes of the defeat. A wonderful fight occurred on this occasion. On one side were musketeers, and on the other archers. Though the royal soldiers were few in number, yet by heavenly aid they did great things and gave proof of their courage. Kucak Bahādur, a Rustam-hearted man, specially distinguished himself. At last, as the thing was an impossibility and as the superintendents of fortune had reserved the conquest of this delightful country for another time when the world-cherishing Shāhinshāh should throw off the veil over his world-adorning beauty and undertake the management of affairs without the partnership of the destructive and contumacious, they did not on this occasion gather together the materials of victory. Qārā Bahādur made such arrangements as he could and came to the fort of Daira near Rājaurī. Kūcak Bahādur was wounded with an arrow. He became a prisoner and was brought before Ghāzī Khān. As the Kashmiris had seen his valour, Ghāzī Khān received him with kindness and made him over to the physicians. But as remedies were of no avail he took the path of annihilation. Next day Qārā Bahādur arrived at Naushahra.
376.3.6
At this time of increasing dominion H.M. the Shāhinshāh in accordance with the suitability of the time was engaged in Agra, the capital, in rendering thanks for the glorious favours of God and under the disguise of inattention to the affairs of the sovereignty, for every day the notes of fortune and felicity were coming into evidence. In every direction countries were being conquered, and the news of victories was arriving. From all quarters the lords of sincerity were congregating in crowds. Dominion was increasing, and fortune was adorning. Understanding was becoming far-sighted, and men were becoming devoted. What place in that holy festival could be held by such news as that of what had happened to Qārā Bahādur? And what dust of loss could it raise in that sublime sanctuary? Among the occurrences was the coming of the news that Bairām Khān had passed away. As the holy personality is a fountain of generosity and humanity he expressed regret at this event in spite of the things that had taken place, and of which a few out of many have been related. I do not know if this event was the retribution of past deeds, or if his mind was still polluted by evil thoughts, or if his prayer had been answered, or whether the favour of God released that good man from the heavy burden of shame. In truth Bairām Khan was in reality a good man, and of excellent qualities.
376.3.7
On account of bad company, which is the worst evil for mortals, his excellencies were first perceived by him, and his infatuation was increased by excessive flattery. For, whenever one fixes his eye on his own goodnesses and abilities there becomes a brisk market of flatterers in the antechamber of his heart. And he takes every flattery that reaches him to be true, and becomes a self-worshipper, and a self-adorner. Consequently, when the time came, the true beauty of the Lord of the Age remained hidden from Bairām Khan, because it was screened by the tender age and the absence of practice in political matters. While searching for the defects of others he did not consider his own. But the house of flatterers did not do him so much harm as did his honest but inexperienced and short-sighted friends. At length, as he in reality belonged to the band of the auspicious of mind and awakened of fortune, he by good guidance did not end in rebellion and contumacy, and lived to repent. By the blessing of service and the grace of pardon he attained to happiness, and the king of the world became pleased with him and was gracious. He set off on a pilgrimage to the glorious places, with honour, accompanied by his family, and provided with goods. When he arrived at the city of Pattan, which is the nearest city of Gujrat, and used formerly to be called Nahrwala, he stayed for some days in that delightful neighbourhood in order to take repose.
376.3.8
At that time the governor of the city was Musa Khan Fuladi, and he was firmly established there. A number of Afghans had assembled round him, and were disturbers of the country. Among them was Mubarak Khan Lohani, whose father had been killed in the battle of Maciwara when Bairam Khan was in command. A desire for revenge took possession of that mad Afghan, and he resolved to kill Bairam Khan. Moreover a Kashmiri wife of Selim Khan, the son of Sher Khan, and her daughter by him, were in the caravan, and were intending to go to the Hijaz along with Bairam Khan. It had also been arranged that Bairam Khan should marry his son to the daughter; this too was displeasing to the Afghans.
376.4.1
While Bairam Khan was in Pattan he was continually visiting its gardens, &c., and one day he went on the great pond, which is a delightful excursion, and has within it a pavilion which can be reached by boat. At the time when he disembarked and was about to mount his equipage, that ignorant, unrighteous one and 30 or 40 other Afghan wretches came to the bank of the pond to attack Bairam Khan. It appeared as if they had come to pay their respects to him, and so he called them to him. When that villain went up to him he incontinently drew his dagger and struck Bairam Khan on the back with such force that the point came out at his breast. Another wretch struck him on the head with a sword and finished him. In such a condition did he, fortunate in his end, depart from this world with the words Allah Akbar (God is great) on his lips. He had the bliss of martyrdom which was ever his wish, and for which he asked in his morning prayers and for which he sought the prayers of the men of God. One day, in the very midst of his authority, one of the simple-minded Saiyids said, as he rose up to quit his levee, that he would say the Fatiha with the intention that the Nawab should obtain martyrdom ; Bairam Khan smiled and said, “My good Sir (Mir), why this commotion, and why this regret, we wish for martyrdom, but not in such a hurry.”
376.4.2
In fine, his companions were disconcerted and confused at this and dispersed, and Bairām Khan lay in the dust and in his blood till some faquirs and poor men lifted up his bloody corpse and committed it to earth in the precincts of the tomb of Shaikh Hisām who was one of the great Shaikhs of his time. On the day of Bad 22 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 14th Jumada-al-awal 968, 31st January 1561, this catastrophe occurred. Qasim Arslān made the following chronogram:— Verse. When Bairām donned the pilgrim’s dress to visit the K‘aaba His martyrdom by the way fulfilled his object. An invisible angel uttered this chronogram Shahid shud Muhammad Bairám. (Muhammad Bairám became a martyr, 968). Afterwards the body was removed to Mashhad by the exertions of Husain Quli Khan the Khan Jahan and buried there. On the occasion of this strange catastrophe the vagabonds of Pattan plundered Bairam Khan’s camp, and left nothing undone in the way of insolence. The horror of the murder produced great affliction among the people of the deceased. Muhammad Amin Diwana, Babai Zambur and Khwaja Mulk brought away ‘Abdu-r-rahim, Bairam Khan’s heir, and who was then four years old, from the scene of the catastrophe along with his mother and some servants, and went off to Ahmadabad. A crowd of Afghan wretches quickly followed them, and the unfortunate sufferers had to fight the whole of their way through to Ahmadabad.
376.4.3
They stayed there four months, and then Muhammad Amin Diwana and some servants took the proper course and set off for the mankind-protecting court, taking with them ‘Abdu-r-rahim. Before they had kissed the threshold, news of Bairam Khan’s death had reached H.M. the Shahinshah, and a gracious order was issued for the attendance of ‘Abdu-r-rahim. This order reached Jalor at the time of friendlessness and orphanage and was healing for broken hopes. The purport of the order was that he should come to Court and be reared by the Shahinshāh. Several true men such as Babai Zambūr, Yadgar Husain, brought that new fruit of loyalty to Agra in the middle of the sixth divine year, corresponding to the beginning of 969, September 1561, and submitted him to the testing eye of H.M., and exalted him by prostration on the threshold. H.M. the Shahinshah, in spite of evilspeakers and evil-thinkers received that child of lustrous forehead, in the lines of whose brow there were the notes of nobleness and truth, with inborn kindness, and reared him in the shadow of his own supervision. In a short time he was distinguished by the title of Mirzā Khan. Day by day his good manners and nobility of nature revealed themselves, and he attained to lofty eminence. He was raised to the very highest rank, that of Khan-Khanān. An account of this will be given in its proper place.
376.4.4
In the end of this year, beginning in fortune and ending in joy, the cupola of chastity Māham Anaga, who was linked to H.M. the Shāhinshāh by real and ostensible ties, and to whose knowledge and perspicacity the bridle for opening and closing all affairs, political and financial, was, through the blessings of the sublime regard to business, entrusted at this time, formed the design of marrying her elder son Baqi Muhammad Khān. As one daughter of Baqi Khan Baqlani had been married to Adham Khan, she wished that the other daughter should be united to her elder son and that she might prepare a delightful banquet in view of the holy advent (of Akbar). With this design she obtained leave from the sublime Court, and engaged herself in arranging this joy-giving festival. The marriage-feast was adjusted according to the rules of magnificent spirits, and alert and skilful attendants on the sublime threshold applied their arts to the fitting up of the premises and to the disposition of the entertainment. At the petition of this fortunate and approved servant H.M. the Shahinshah in his abundant grace and favour bestowed the light of his presence on that picture-gallery of delight. Every day there was a new arrangement of the festival, and all and sundry partook of excellence and joy. Among the melancholy occurrences of this time was the appearance in H.M. the Shahinshah’s holy person of some obstruction (sahra cand) from pustules.
376.4.5
The sincere loyalists and the superficial cognoscenti were grieved, but it was not hidden from the acute and far-sighted that the great Physician, upon whose will depend health and sickness, and of whose justice and equity, sorrow and joy are the manifestations, doth, for the purposes of prosperity and wisdom, make that servant whom he shall raise to high rank and bring to the garden of eternal joy, and make successful both in temporal and in spiritual matters, subject in the first instance to things repugnant in their nature. The design of this is to increase watchfulness, or to avert the evil eye, so that in recompense therefore he may ascend on the steps of desires and be filled with eternal joy. In accord with this wise design, the equable body of H.M. the Shahinshah became at this time somewhat heated, and his holy temperament declined from the centre of equability. What shall I say of how the hearts of the faithful bled, and how their livers melted? The shopkeeper spirits of business-men became disturbed. After some days some pimples, which were like rue to the disease, came out on the surface of the skin, and Almighty God decreed, as was fitting, the preservation of that great one whom He himself had formed. In a short space of time that commotion died down, and that note of loss was erased, and there was complete health. The sick world became well, and the troubled minds of the good were refreshed.
376.4.6
For the sake of thanksgiving for the Divine bounty, there were gifts and largesses. Want departed from the country of the poor, longing subsided in the hearts of the supplicants. The imperial servants showered gifts in proportion to their condition and loyalty, and were bestowers of joy on mankind.