[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Mughals (1526–1857)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal) › [Akbar (1556–1605)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar) › [Tārīkh-i Alfī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi) › Táríkh-i Alfí (extracts) # Táríkh-i Alfí (extracts) Translation of [Tarikh-i Alfi (Tārīkh-i Alfī)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi) - **Language:** English - **Date:** 1873 CE - **Translators:** [Henry Miers Elliot](https://indike.org/pramana/person/elliot), [John Dowson](https://indike.org/pramana/person/dowson) - **Extent:** 23 passages, 5,572 words - **Text:** complete digital text - **Source:** archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930) ## Contents - [1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.1) - [2 Anno 426 after the death of Muhammad (436 h. = 1044 a.d.).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2) — 9 parts - [3 Anno 698 after the death of Muhammad (708 h. = 1308 a.d.)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.3) - [4 Gwalior.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.4) - [5 Málwa.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.5) - [6 Conquest of Garha (Year 958 Rihlat ; 968 H. = 1560 A.D.).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.6) - [7 Capture of Chitor (Year 965 Rihlat; 975 Hijra = 1567 A.D.).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7) — 8 parts - [8 Conquest of Rantambhor (966 Rihlat; 976 Hijra = 1568 A.D.).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.8) ## Text ### [1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.1) Anno 68 after the death of Muhammad (Hijra 78=697 A.D.). When 'Abdu-lla, the son of Abubakr, arrived at Nimroz, Hajjaj sent a message, requesting him not to linger in Sijistan, but to march without delay towards Kabul, as signs of rebellion and disaffection had exhibited themselves in the chief, Raibal. He had formerly entered into a treaty with the Muhammadans, and agreed to pay a tribute annually into the treasury, and as long as he found the Muhammadans powerful, he paid the tribute, but whenever they were engaged in other affairs, or exhibited weakness, he withheld it. 'Abdu-lla, in obedience to the commands of Hajjaj, turned towards Kabul with the armies of Kufa and Basra, and as fast as the Muhammadans advanced, Raibal retreated towards Hindustan. Dadah Sharaih, one of the officers of 'Abdu-lla, pursued Raibal seventeen parasangs. At this time, the ruler of Kabul sent persons to some of the nobles and well-wishers of the State, desiring them to secure those roads, by which the Muhammadans had entered the country, in such a manner that they should neither obtain any supplies, nor have the opportunity of retracing their steps. The consequence was, that after a few days such a famine broke out in the Muhammadan camp, that every one despaired of life. Upon this, 'Abdu-lla said to Sharaih Hani, "It is advisable for us to treat with the infidels, and to offer them 70,000 dirhams to remove from our way, so that we may betake ourselves to a place of security." Sharaih replied, "Whatever amount you offer to the infidels, the diwan will place to your individual account." 'Abdu-lla rejoined, "Such a demand even would be preferable to the alternative of starvation in these dreadful places." Sharaih said, "My age exceeds a hundred years, and I never expected to arrive at this period of existence. It has long been my prayer before the throne of God that I might suffer martyrdom, and the time for its accomplishment has now arrived." Saying this, he mounted his horse, and exclaimed, "O Musulmans, ye who have a desire to be martyrs, follow me!" Upon which, a few men came forward, and joined him, and with boldness rushing to the battle-field, they charged the infidels, and kept on fighting till they were slain. 'Abdu-lla, after paying 70,000 dirhams to the enemy, returned with his followers. When they arrived at the Muhammadan frontier, food was served out to them; and so famished were they, that those who satisfied their appetite died immediately. When this was known, they appeased their hunger more moderately, and were thus by degrees restored to their former strength. ### Anno 426 after the death of Muhammad (436 h. = 1044 a.d.). ### [2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.1) One of the events of this year was, that three of the principal Rajas of Hind, having formed a confederacy, with an intent to deliver Lahore from the Muhammadans who had risen up in rebellion against Maudud, son of Mas'ud, laid siege to the city. Upon seeing this, the commander of the Muhammadan forces in Lahore again made submission to Maudud, and collected together the entire Muhammadan force. When the Rajas learnt that the Muhammadans had again submitted to Maudud, son of Mas'ud, two of them, in dread of him, withdrew to their country, but the third, whose name was Deopal Harnama, delayed his retreat a little, in order to try his strength with the Muhammadans. The latter, when satisfied of their superiority, made a sally, compelled the Raja to fly before them, and killed many infidels in the pursuit. The Raja retired within a stronghold, which the Muhammadans invested and pressed vigorously. The fort was a small one, and the troops which accompanied the Raja to that place amounted to 5000 horsemen and 70,000 foot soldiers. The infidels found themselves on the verge of destruction, and sent deputies to the Muhammadans begging for quarter; but the Muhammadans would not consent, unless the infidels surrendered every one of their fortresses. At length, when the infidels had no other alternative than to yield, they accepted the conditions, and saved their lives. ### [2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.2) The property and treasure of all their forts fell into the hands of the Muhammadans, together with 5000 Muhammadans who were imprisoned in them. These, having been set free, joined the victorious army. When the Muhammadan army had settled affairs with Raja Deopal Harnama, who was superior to all the kings of Hind in power and grandeur, they directed their attention to another Raja, named Mab Balri, who, when he received the intelligence thereof, set his troops in order, and advanced with a determination to fight with the Muhammadans. Upon the meeting of the two armies, the fire of battle was kindled; and notwithstanding the inferiority of the Muhammadan forces, which did not amount to one-tenth of those opposed to them, by the help of Providence their victorious banners prevailed. The Raja was sent to perdition, and 5000 of his army fell on the field of battle. The Muhammadans took considerable booty and many prisoners. When the chiefs of Hind were informed of these circumstances, they gave in their submission, and by assenting to pay tribute, kept themselves free from the destructive swords of the Muhammadans. Anno 471 after the death of Muhammad (481 H.=1088 A.D.). When Ibrahim, son of Mas'ud, was satisfied that there was no apprehension of any opposition from the Saljukians, he despatched an army towards Hindustan, and conquered several places that had not been captured by his predecessors, notwithstanding their power. ### [2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.3) One of the places which submitted to the conqueror was the fort of Jud, which surpassed all others in strength and extent. It was situated 120 parasangs distant from Lahore, and at the time when Ibrahim commenced operations against the fort, there was a garrison in it of 10,000 men, who fought long and valiantly against the invader. Finding Ibrahim's efforts and resources to capture the fort very great, the garrison became dispirited ; and although they had sufficient supplies and plenty of water, they nevertheless surrendered, on condition that their lives should be spared. After capturing this fort, Ibrahim directed his attention towards another, called Damal, which was situated on the summit of a high hill on the borders of Hindustan ; on one side of this fort there was a large river, reported to be impassable ; and on the other, a large thorny jungle, into which nothing but the rays of the sun could penetrate. The jungle was, moreover, infested with venomous serpents and flies, and abounded with elephants of enormous size. It was inhabited by a race of Hindus of gigantic form, and it was the most celebrated of all the places in Hindustan. At the foot of the hill there was no level ground suited for his operations. Ibrahim, nevertheless, with his usual courage, made an attempt to take the fort, and through the aid of God, soon captured it. He took possession of an immense quantity of property and jewels, the like of which had never been seen. ### [2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.4) Ibrdhim next marched towards Derapur, in Hindustan, a place which many great emperors had found it impracticable to conquer. Several trustworthy histories state that this place was inhabited by the descendants of the people of Khurasan, who, for their disloyal and rebellious conduct, had been long before banished the country by Afrasiab, Emperor of Turan. This place was densely populated, and was of considerable strength. There was a large reservoir of water in it, the diameter of which was half a parasang; and though both men and beasts used to drink of the water throughout the year, yet no decrease was perceptible. During the time the people alluded to dwelt in this place, the rulers of Hindustan never dared to attack it, from a conviction of its impregnable strength. When Sultan Ibrahim heard the account of this country, he resolved to conquer it, and marched against it with a large army. The inhabitants heard of his approach, and made ready to oppose him. A fierce struggle ensued, but Ibrahim at length gained the victory, and slew many of them. Those who escaped fled to the jungles. Nearly 100,000 of their women and children were taken prisoners, and an incalculable amount of booty was secured. Anno 592 after the death of Muhammad (602 H. = 1205 A.D.). ### [2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.5) It is mentioned in authentic histories that when Shahabu-d din was defeated by the Turks of Khita, on his return from Khwarizm, it was currently reported throughout the kingdom, that Shahabu-d din had been missed in the field of battle, and there was no certainty whether he had perished or escaped. Consequently, enemies rose up on all sides, and every one encroached upon his territories. Among other enemies, one named Rai Sal, who lived in the mountains between Lahore and Kabul, having united with a number of Kokars, who dwelt in those parts and paid tribute to the treasury of Shahabu-d din, excited a rebellion, began to plunder that tract, and intercepted the communications between Lahore and Ghazni, so that no one could pass from one to the other. ### [2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.6) Upon the return of Shahabu-d din to Ghazni in safety from his campaign, he was informed of these transactions, and consequently resolved to proceed to Hindustan, and punish the rebellious spirits of that country. For this purpose, he sent an order to Amir Muhammad, son of Abi 'Ali, whom he had appointed Governor of Lahore and Multan, desiring them to despatch the tribute of the year 601 H. as soon as possible, as it was necessary to make preparations for an expedition to Khita. Muhammad, son of 'Ali, wrote in answer, that the tribute of the year had been collected and was ready, but that the Kokars and Rai Sal, who were in possession of the hills of Judi, had stopped the communication between Lahore and Ghazni in such a manner that nobody could travel on the road. When this account reached the ears of Shahabu-d din, he wrote to Kutbu-d din, his slave, who was the commander of the army of Hind, desiring him to send some person to the Kokars to dissuade them from persisting in such evil courses, and to inform them, that if they repented of their disobedience and came again under allegiance, he would pardon their past offences. ### [2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.7) When Kutbu-d din Aibak, according to the order of Shahabu-d din sent a person to the Kokars, desiring them to submit themselves and to be obedient to the Sultan, the son of Kokar replied, that Kutbu-d din had nothing to do with the matter, that Sultan Shahabu-d din should have sent a special messenger of his own, and further, that if he were really alive, he should have sent direct for the tribute, when the Kokars would have despatched it to him. The ambassador replied, "You are not of sufficient consequence for Sultan Shahabu-d din to send any messenger to you; it is a great honour to you that he has sent even me, who am his slave's slave." The son of Kokar replied, "This is a mere story, Shahabu-d din is no longer alive." The ambassador rejoined, "It may easily be ascertained by your sending any one of your confidential servants who can go to Ghazni, and see with his own eyes whether Shahábu-d dín be alive or not." In short, the son of Kokar being determined not to listen to the ambassador, remained firm in his rebellious disposition. When the ambassador of Kutbu-d dín returned, and gave an account of what he had seen and heard, Kutbu-d dín communicated the circumstances to Sultán Shahábu-d dín, who ordered him to collect the several armies of Hindústán, to proceed against the Kokars, and to utterly exterminate the rebel tribe. When this mandate reached Kutbu-d dín, he was engaged in preparing his forces, and was about to march against that nation. ### [2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.8) In the mean time, Shahábu-d dín deferred his expedition to Khitá, and caused his army to return. Complaints of the violence and oppression of the Kokars were frequently coming in, accompanied with such accounts of their great and increasing power, that he considered it his duty to repulse these people and punish them severely, before marching his forces to any other quarter. For this reason Shahábu-d dín gave up the idea of proceeding to Khitá, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Ghazni. ### [2.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.2.9) On the 5th of Rabí'-ul awwal of the same year, Sultán Shahábu-d dín set forth from Ghazni towards Hindústán. After some days he arrived at Persháwar, and learned that the Kokars had taken up a position between Jílam and Sodra, with a large army. Having marched from Persháwar on Thursday the 25th of the said month, he attacked them unawares, and the battle lasted from morning till the time of afternoon prayer. The Kokars fought so valiantly, that the Sultán, with all his kingly power and glory, was very near being compelled to retreat; but Kutbu-d dín Aibak arrived unexpectedly with the army of Hindústán, and began to make havoc among the Kokars. His forces were fresh and vigorous, and the Kokars, being unable to withstand them, took to flight. The Muhammadans pursuing, dealt slaughter among them in a manner which defies all description. Those who escaped the sword fled to the forest. The Muhammadans set fire to their retreat on all sides, and the infidels, resolving to perish in the flames rather than surrender to the Muhammadans, threw themselves into the fire. In this manner all who had taken refuge in the woods perished. When the mind of the Sultan was relieved from the anxiety of this outbreak, he marched towards Lahore, and gave leave to his soldiers to return to their homes, ordering them to march to Khita after a few days' repose. ### [3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.3) In this year Sultan 'Alau-d din, King of Hindustan, proceeded to Siwana on a hunting expedition, when the chief of that place took to his fort and offered opposition. The fort was soon captured, and this was the first occasion that it had been taken. Sútal Deo, the chief (Mukaddam), perished, with several thousands of Hindus. In the same year, the fort of Kalwar came into the possession of 'Alau-d din's officers. The detail of the case is this: Kánthar Deo, governor of the fort of Kálwar, had upon one occasion gone to the Sultán to pay his respects, when the Sultán boasted that there was no zamíndár at that time in Hindústán who had power to withstand his troops. Upon this, Kánthar Deo, with exceeding folly, replied, that he would die rather than submit tacitly to such an assumption. The Sultán being enraged at this, dismissed him, and he returned to his own country. The Sultán then sent a female slave, named Gul Bihisht, against him. Gul Bihisht had a son called Malik Sháhín, who accompanied her on the expedition, and they besieged Kánthar Deo. Just as the garrison were beginning to despair, Gul Bihisht happened to die, and Kánthar Deo, sallying from the fort, attacked Malik Sháhín and killed him. Upon the death of both the son and mother, the command of the army devolved on Kamálu-d dín, who took the fort, and put Kánthar Deo to death. ### [4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.4) \[The campaign against Gwalior was one of the events of this year (the third of the reign). The fort of Gwalior is one of the most renowned in Hindústán, and Salím Khán Afghán (Islám Sháh) made it his residence. Up to the present time it remained in the hands of the Afgháns, and 'Adalí had placed Suhail, one of Salím's slaves, in command of it. At this time, when His Majesty took up his residence at Ágra, he gave the parganas in the neighbourhood of Gwalior as a jágír to Kiyá Khán. After a while, the Khán collected an army and invested Gwalior, but the place was so strong that he could make no impression upon it. Suhail was a man of experience, and he saw very clearly that it would be impossible to hold the fort against the growing power of his Imperial neighbour. So he sent a messenger to Rám Sháh, who belonged to the family of Rájá Mán Singh, the old ruler of Gwalior, offering to surrender to him the fort, the ancient seat of his ancestors, on receipt of a suitable payment. Suhail at the same time acknowledged that he was unable to cope with the Imperial forces. Rám Sháh, who had been watching for such a chance, took with him the money that he had, and went to Gwalior. Kiyá Khán, the jágírdár, attacked him, and a battle was fought, in which many on both sides were killed. Rám Sháh was defeated, and escaped with difficulty, and went to the Ráná of (Udaipur)\]. ### [5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.5) \[In this year the Emperor sent Bahádur Khán, brother of Khán-zamán, to effect the conquest of Málwa, which was in the possession of Báz Bahádur Afghán. Sultán Bahádur Gujarátí had wrested this country out of the hands of the Khiljí monarchs, and the Emperor Humáyún took this country from Gujarát. When, by the will of fate, Hindústán passed into the hands of the Afgháns, Málwa also came into their possession, for the Gujarátís were unable to hold it. Shujáwal Khán, one of the khássa-khail of Sher Khán (Sher Sháh), was appointed governor of the province. After the death of Sher Khán, Shujáwal Khán went to visit Salím Khán (Islám Sháh), and dissensions having arisen between them, he fled to Málwa. Salím Khán marched to Málwa against him, and Shujáwal Khán, being unable to resist, fled to the mountains of Dhúngarpur. Finally, after vows and compacts were made, he joined Salím Khán, who took him to Hindústán, and divided Málwa among other amírs. In the reign of 'Adalí, Shujáwal Khán recovered Málwa, and there died. He was succeeded by his son Báz Bahádur, and when the Afgháns were scattered over Hindústán by the conquering Chaghatáís, Báz Bahádur established himself as permanent ruler of Málwa. When Bahádur Khán marched against him, the affairs of Bairam Khan-khanan came to a crisis, and the campaign in Malwa was stayed.\] ### [6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.6) \[Khwaja 'Abdu-l Majid, who had received the title of Asaf Khan, was appointed governor of Karra, and in that province he rendered good service. One of his services was the conquest of Garha, a territory abounding in hills and jungles, which had never been conquered by any ruler of Hind since the rise of the faith of Islam. At this time it was governed by a woman called Rani, and all the dogs of that country were very faithful and devoted to her. Asaf Khan had frequently sent emissaries into her country on various pretexts, and when he had learnt all the circumstances and peculiarities of the country, and the position and treasures of the Rani, he levied an army to conquer the country. The Rani came forth to battle with nearly 500 elephants and 20,000 horse. The armies met and both did their best. An arrow struck the Rani, who was in front of her horsemen, and when that noble woman saw that she must be taken prisoner, she seized a dagger from her elephant-driver, and plunged it into her stomach, and so died. Asaf Khan gained the victory, and stopped his advance at the taluk of Chauragarh, where the treasures of the rulers of Garha were kept. The son of the Rani shut himself up in the fort, but it was taken the same day, and the youth was trampled to death by horses. So much plunder in jewels, gold, silver, and other things was taken, that it was impossible to compute the tenth part of it. Out of all the plunder, Asaf Khan sent fifteen elephants to Court, and retained all the rest for himself.\] ### Capture of Chitor (Year 965 Rihlat; 975 Hijra = 1567 A.D.). ### [7.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.1) \[When the Emperor marched from Gagrun against the Rana, he had only 3000 or 4000 horsemen with him, for he hoped that the smallness of the force might induce the infidel to try the event of a battle. But the Ráná knew his own strength, and while the Emperor was at 100 kos distance from his country, he fled with his family to the distant hills. He felt at ease about Chitor, because the Emperor's force had but little siege apparatus, and it did not seem likely that he would attempt to reduce the place. But the fort was set in order, great quantities of provisions were stored, and the garrison consisted of 8000 veterans, including the Ráná's own men, with their wives and families. When the Emperor entered the Ráná's territory, and was informed of his flight, he wished to pursue him; but he ascertained that the Ráná had gone to a place far in the hills and jungles which it was impossible to reach. So the Emperor determined to attack Chitor, which is an exceedingly strong fortress. When he came near the fort, the rains were so heavy, that for a time the fort was invisible; but as the weather cleared, he got a view of the place. The fortress is situated in the midst of a level plain, which has no other eminences. The circuit of this mountain at its base is six kos, and the ground upon which the walls of the fort stand is nearly three kos. ### [7.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.2) Upon the top of the hill there is a fountain, but not content with that the constructors of the fort formed large reservoirs of stone and mortar, which get filled in the rainy season. So with these supplies the garrison are never short of water. The eastern side of the fort, and towards the north, is faced with hard stone, and the garrison felt quite secure as to that portion. On the other sides if guns (top), swivels (zarb-zan), catapults (sang-r'ad), and manjaníks are able to reach the fortress, they cannot do so much harm. Travellers do not speak of any fortress like this in the whole habitable world. At this time, all the space of three kos at the top of the mountain was full, and the houses of the people rose several storeys over each other. Great numbers of men guarded the battlements at the top of the walls, and great quantities of ammunition were stored in the fortress. His Majesty carefully reconnoitred the place on every side, and saw that it would not fall without a long siege. When the garrison perceived the small number of men with the Emperor, and thought of their fortress being six kos in circumference, they uttered cries of derision. The batteries were apportioned out among the amirs, and bakhshis were appointed and sent to those amirs who had not yet come up. Every day some one arrived and went to his battery, so that in a short time the whole fort was invested. Asaf Khan went under orders to take Rampur. ### [7.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.3) He took the place, and having plundered and ravaged the country, he returned victorious. Husain Kuli Khan went to attack Udipur, the capital of the Rana and of his ancestors. He ravaged the country with fire and sword, and returned bringing great spoil and numerous prisoners from the fastnesses of the mountains. From day to day the brave assailants carried their attacks closer to the fort on every side, and a great number of them suffered martyrdom, for the fort was very strong, and made a most excellent defence. Orders were given for digging ditches and for constructing sabats, and nearly 5000 builders, carpenters, stonemasons, smiths, and sappers were collected from all parts. Sabats are contrivances peculiar to Hindustan; for the strong forts of that country are replete with guns, muskets, and warlike apparatus, and can only be taken by means of sabats. A sabat is a broad (covered) way, under the shelter of which the assailants approach a fortress secure from the fire of guns and muskets. Two sabats were accordingly begun. The one which was opposite the royal quarters was so broad that two elephants and two horses could easily pass along it, and so high that an elephant-rider could carry his spear. The sabats were commenced from the middle of the hill, which is a fortress upon a fortress. The people of the fort had never seen a sabat, and were puzzled, but they endeavoured to stop the work. ### [7.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.4) Seven or eight thousand horsemen and numerous gunners exerted themselves to the utmost in attacking them. And although the sabáts had thick roofs of cow and buffalo hides to protect the workmen, no day passed without a hundred men more or less being killed. The bodies of the slain were used instead of stones and bricks. His Majesty's kindness and justice would not allow any man to be pressed for the work, but heaps of rupees and dams were scattered as hire, and each man went to work for what he could get. In a short time one sabát reached the walls, and was so high that it overlooked them. On the top of it a seat was constructed for the Emperor, from which he could see at his ease the efforts of his warriors, and from which he could also take a part in the fight if so minded. While the men of the garrison were endeavouring to interrupt the progress of the sabáts, the sappers formed several mines under the walls, and wherever stones were met with, the stonemasons opened a way through with their iron tools. Two bastions in front of the royal battery were completely undermined, and, according to order, both mines were filled with gunpowder. Three or four hundred brave men of the Imperial army were posted ready armed near these bastions, to rush in as soon as the explosion took place, before the defenders could rally to resist them. Both mines were fired, and one which took effect blew the bastion from its foundations into the air, and every stone fell at a distance. ### [7.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.5) A great breach was visible, and the storming party instantly rushed forward shouting their war-cry. A strong party of the garrison came forward to oppose them, and while the contest was at the hottest, and a great number of the faithful and of the infidels were struggling upon the other bastion, the mine exploded, and blew friend and foe together into the air, scattering their limbs in all directions. The quantity of gunpowder used was so enormous that stones of fifty and a hundred mans were hurled to the distance of two and three kos. Many corpses also were found within a radius of two kos. Saiyid Jamálu-d dín and \* \* \* other braves of the Imperial army perished. Vast numbers of the garrison were killed. The vast quantities of dust and smoke prevented all movement in the Imperial army for a time; stones, corpses, and limbs fell from the air, and the eyes of the soldiers were injured. The enemy, concealing their loss, showed a brave front. When the Emperor perceived the state of affairs, he exerted himself more strenuously to take the place. He ordered the sábát in front of Shujá'at Khán's battery to be pushed forward. The garrison was sore distressed, and ready to succumb, but no one had the courage to propose surrender to the Emperor. For he had determined that he would capture by storm this the strongest fortress of Hindústán, so that in future no other fortress should dare to resist the Imperial army. ### [7.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.6) He took his position on the top of the sábát, and his brave soldiers kept up such a discharge from their bows and muskets that no one could escape from the place. His Majesty also had his own musket, deadly as the darts of fate, with which he killed every moving thing that caught his eye. On the 5th Sha'bán, 955, the assault was made by the Emperor's command. The walls had been breached in several places, and the signs of victory were in favour of the assailants. Jaimal, the commandant of the fortress, an infidel yet valiant, all day long struggled bravely in every part, inciting his men to fight and resist. At the time of evening prayer he came in front of the royal battery, where His Majesty, holding his musket, discharged it as often as light blazed out in the bastion. It so often happened that Jaimal was standing in that tower when His Majesty discharged his piece into a lighted place. The ball struck Jaimal in the forehead and killed him on the spot. When the men of the garrison saw their leader fall, they felt that all further resistance was useless; they gave up fighting, and after first burning the body of Jaimal, they performed the Jauhar at their own homes. Jauhar is the name of a rite among the Hindus. When they know for certain that there is no escape, they collect their wives and children, goods and chattels, heap fire-wood around the pile, and fire it with their own hands. ### [7.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.7) After the burning is accomplished, they rush into the fight, and give themselves over to death. This they esteem a great act of devotion. The great flames of the Jauhar and the lull of the conflict on the bastions and walls showed the assailants that the garrison was reduced to extremity, so they began to make their way into the place in parties. Some of the boldest of the infidels, who had no wives and families, stood to their posts resolved to sell their lives. The Emperor witnessed the prowess of his warriors from the top of the sabat. Under his orders three elephants were taken through the breach into the city, and one of them, named Madkar, on that day killed many infidels, and although he received many wounds, never turned tail. The second elephant, named Jagna, was surrounded by infidels, and died of the numerous wounds he received from spears and swords. In the last watch of the night the assailants forced their way into the fortress in several places, and fell to slaughtering and plundering. At early dawn the Emperor went in mounted on an elephant, attended by his nobles and chiefs on foot. The order was given for a general massacre of the infidels as a punishment. The number of fighting men in the fortress exceeded 8000. Some of them repaired to the idol temple, and there fought to the last. In every street and lane and bazar there was desperate fighting. ### [7.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.7.8) Every now and then a band of infidels, having thrown away all hope of life, would rush from the temple with swords and shields towards their own homes, and so were the more easily despatched by the warriors they encountered. By mid-day, nearly 2000 had been slain. Under the favour of heaven, Zarb 'Ali Tawachi was the only person of note in the Imperial army who was killed, which was a very marvellous fact. Those of the fortress who escaped the sword, men and women, were made prisoners, and their property came into the hands of the Musulmans. The place being cleared of infidels, His Majesty remained there three days, and then departed, leaving the government of the country in the hands of Asaf Khan.\] ### [8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot.8) \[The Emperor then marched against Rantambhor, and encamped before the fortress at the end of the month of Sha'ban. The place was held by Rai Surjan, who had bought it of Hijjaz Khan, a servant of Salim Khan (Islam Shah). On several occasions before, rulers of Hindustan had besieged this fort for five or six years, and Surjan Rai, confident in its strength, stored it with necessaries and closed its gates, but he had the fact of the fall of Chitor before his eyes. The Emperor reconnoitred the fort, gave directions for the placing of batteries, closed the ways of ingress and egress, and commenced the construction of sabats. Near to the fort is a hill called Ran, which commands it; but in consequence of the height of the hill and the difficulty of the ascent, no one had as yet been able to get guns up on it. His Majesty now directed that some guns (top) and swivels (zarb-zan) should be placed on the hills, such pieces as 200 pairs of bullocks would have drawn with difficulty on heavy ground. In a few days from ten to fifteen guns, capable of discharging stones of fifty, forty, and twenty mans, were dragged up the hill by the labour of porters. The first shot discharged struck the house of Surjan Rai, and made him very apprehensive. Every shot destroyed several houses, and the garrison was so frightened that all spirit of resistance disappeared. Surjan Rai being helpless, sent his sons Dudh and Bhoj out to obtain terms. His Majesty, pitying their condition, promised that Surjan Rai should be forgiven if he came and waited on the Emperor. Joyfully the two young men returned to their father with the promise of safety. Surjan Rai begged that one of the Emperor's amirs should be sent to conduct him to the presence, and Husain Kuli Khan, governor of the Panjab, was sent into the fort on this duty. On the 3rd Shawwal, Surjan Rai came out and waited upon the Emperor. He offered a large tribute, and gave up the keys of the fortress, which were made of gold and silver. He asked for three days' grace for his followers and people to remove their families and property out of the place, which was granted, and at the end of this time the fort with its munitions was surrendered to the royal officers. Thus this strong place was taken in one month, and was placed under the command of Mihtar Khan. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.akbar.tarikh-i-alfi~en-elliot) · Pramāṇa