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Ma-ásir-i 'Álamgírí, of Muhammad Sákí Musta'idd Khán (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The Glorious Deeds of ʿĀlamgīr (Maʾāthir-i ʿĀlamgīrī)

Language
English
Date
1877 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
16 passages, 4,445 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zī-l hijja, 1078 A.H. (3rd May, 1668), the intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of Sāmājī had been destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand houses were thrown down.

2

[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zī-l ka'da, 1079 (18th April, 1669), it reached the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the faith, that in the provinces of Thatta, Multan, and Benares, but especially in the latter, foolish Brahmans were in the habit of expounding frivolous books in their schools, and that students and learners, Musulmans as well as Hindus, went there, even from long distances, led by a desire to become acquainted with the wicked sciences they taught. The "Director of the Faith" consequently issued orders to all the governors of provinces to destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of the infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to the teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On the 15th Rabi'u-l akhir it was reported to his religious Majesty, leader of the unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Government officers had destroyed the temple of Bishnath at Benares.
[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramazan, 1080 A.H. (December, 1669), in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving monarch, the constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruction of the Hindu temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by the name of Dehra Kesu Rai, and soon that stronghold of falsehood was levelled with the ground. On the same spot was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast mosque. The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahangir, before he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various reasons, much displeased with Shaikh Abu-l Fazl, and the above-mentioned Hindu, in order to compass the Shaikh's death, affected great devotion to the Prince. As a reward for his services, he obtained from the Prince become King permission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three lacs were expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us the faith of Islam, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods, an undertaking so difficult of accomplishment has been brought to a successful termination! This vigorous support given to the true faith was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rajas, and, like idols, they turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The richly-jewelled idols taken from the pagan temples were transferred to Agra, and there placed beneath the steps leading to the Nawab Begam Sahib's mosque, in order that they might ever be pressed under foot by the true believers. Mattra changed its name into Islamabad, and was thus called in all official documents, as well as by the people.
[Text, p. 100.] In Shawwal information reached the King that Shah-zada Muhammad Mu'azzam, under the influence of his passions, and misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had, notwithstanding his excellent understanding, become imbued with a spirit of insubordination. Prompted by his natural benevolence, His Majesty wrote several letters replete with advice to the Prince, but this alone did not satisfy him — the Nawab Bai, the Prince's mother, was sent for to go to her son, and lead him back into the right path if any symptom of rebellion should appear in him. Iftikhar Khan Khan-zaman, a wise and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince, charged with much beneficial advice. He soon reached his destination, and delivered himself of the King's messages. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was a fountain of candour; there was moreover no truth in the report; so his only answer was to bow his head in submission. He wrote to his father letters expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling to ever transgress the obedience due to his King and to his God, he insured himself happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger and prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son.

3

Fifteenth Year of the Reign.

4

[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody, miserable rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and other ignoble beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions, should become so puffed up with vain-glory as to cast themselves headlong into the pit of self-destruction. This is how it came to pass. A malignant set of people, inhabitants of Mewat, collected suddenly as white ants spring from the ground, or locusts descend from the skies. It is affirmed that these people considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the reward promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of Narnaul, and were in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered. Tahir Khan Faujdar, considering himself not strong enough to oppose them, repaired to the presence. The King resolved to exterminate the insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zi-l ka'da, an order was issued that Ra'd-andaz Khan should proceed with his artillery, Hamid Khan with the guards and 500 of the horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtaza Khan, his father, and Yahya Khan Rumi, Najib Khan, Rumi Khan, Kamalu-d din, son of Diler Khan, Purdil, son of Firoz Khan Mewati, and Isfandyar, bakhshi to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own troops, to effect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal forces marched to the encounter; the insurgents showed a bold front, and, although totally unprovided with the implements of war, made good use of what arms they had. They fought with all the valour of former rebels whose deeds are recorded in history, and the people of Hind have called this battle Mahabharat, on account of the great slaughter of elephants on that trying day. The heroes of Islam charged with impetuosity, and crimsoned their sabres with the blood of these desperate men. The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous above all were Ra'd-andaz Khan, Hamid Khan, and Yahya Khan. Many of the Moslims were slain or wounded. At length the enemy broke and fled, but were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed escaped with their lives; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the royal commanders — and those regions were cleansed of the presence of the foul unbelievers. The triumphant ghazis, permitted to kiss the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their King.
The title of Shuja'at Khan was conferred on Ra'd-andaz, with the rank of 3000 and 2000 horse.
[Text, p. 170.] On the 19th Rabi'u-l akhir, 1089 A.H., a report from Shafi'a Khan, diwan of Bengal, made known that the Amiru-l umara had appropriated one kror and thirty-two lacs of rupees above his yearly salary. A claim against the amir was accordingly ordered to be entered.

5

[Text, p. 175.] On the 24th Rabi'u-l akhir, Khan-Jahan Bahadur arrived from Jodhpur, bringing with him several cartloads of idols, taken from the Hindu temples that had been razed. His Majesty gave him great praise. Most of these idols were adorned with precious stones, or made of gold, silver, brass, copper or stone; it was ordered that some of them should be cast away in the out-offices, and the remainder placed beneath the steps of the grand mosque, there to be trampled under foot. There they lay a long time, until, at last, not a vestige of them was left.
[Text, p. 176.] Raja Jaswant Singh had died at Kabul without male issue; but, after his decease, several faithful adherents—Sonag, Ragunath Das Bhati, Ranchor, Durga Das, and some others—sent information to the King of two of the wives of the late Raja being with child. These ladies, after their arrival at Lahore, gave each of them birth to a son. This news was communicated to the King, with a request that the children should be permitted to succeed to their father's rank and possessions. His Majesty replied that the children should be sent to him to be brought up at his Court, and that rank and wealth should be given to them.
[Text, p. 186.] On the 12th Zi-l hijja, 1090 A.H. (6th January, 1680), Prince Muhammad 'Azam and Khan-Jahan Bahadur obtained permission to visit Udaipur. Ruhu-llah Khan and Yakkatáz Khán also proceeded thither to effect the destruction of the temples of the idolators. These edifices, situated in the vicinity of the Ráná's palace, were among the wonders of the age, and had been erected by the infidels to the ruin of their souls and the loss of their wealth. It was here that some twenty Máchator Rájpúts had resolved to die for their faith. One of them slew many of his assailants before receiving his death-blow. Another followed, and another, until all had fallen, many of the faithful also being despatched before the last of these fanatics had gone to hell. The temple was now clear, and the pioneers destroyed the images.
[Text, p. 188.] On the 2nd of Muharram, 1091 A.H. (24th January, 1680), the King visited the tank of U'díságar, constructed by the Ráná. His Majesty ordered all three of the Hindu temples to be levelled with the ground. News was this day received that Hasan 'Alí Khán had emerged from the pass and attacked the Ráná on the 29th of Zí-l hijja. The enemy had fled, leaving behind them their tents and baggage. The enormous quantity of grain captured in this affair had created abundance amongst the troops.
On the 7th Muharram Hasan 'Alí Khán made his appearance with twenty camels taken from the Ráná, and stated that the temple situated near the palace, and one hundred and twenty-two more in the neighbouring districts, had been destroyed. This chieftain was, for his distinguished services, invested with the title of Bahádur.
His Majesty proceeded to Chitor on the 1st of Safar. Temples to the number of sixty-three were here demolished.
Abú Turáb, who had been commissioned to effect the destruction of the idol-temples of Ambér, reported in person on the 24th Rajab, that threescore and six of these edifices had been levelled with the ground.

6

[Text, p. 207.] The Rana had now been driven forth from his country and his home. The victorious ghazis had struck many a blow, and the heroes of Islam had trampled under their chargers' hoofs the land which this reptile of the jungles and his predecessors had possessed for a thousand years. He had been forced to fly to the very limit of his territories. Unable to resist any longer, he saw no safety for himself but in seeking pardon. Accordingly he threw himself on the mercy of Prince Muhammad 'Azam, and implored his intercession with the King, offering the parganas of Mandil, Pur, and Badhanor in lieu of the jizya. By this submission he was enabled to retain possession of his country and his wealth. The Prince, touched with compassion for the Rana's forlorn state, used his influence with His Majesty, and this merciful monarch, anxious to please his son, lent a favourable ear to these propositions. An interview took place at the Raj Sambar tank on the 17th of Jumada-l akhir, between the Prince and the Rana, to whom Diler Khan and Hasan 'Ali Khan had been deputed. The Rana made an offering of 500 ashrafis and eighteen horses with caparisons of gold and silver, and did homage to the Prince, who desired him to sit on his left. He received in return a khil'at, a sabre, dagger, charger and elephant. His title of Rana was acknowledged, and the rank of commander of 5000 conferred on him.

7

Twenty-Seventh Year of the Reign, 1094-5 A.H. (1683-4 A.D.).

8

[Text, p. 238.] Muhammad Shah Malik Juna, son of Tughlik, selected the fort of Deogir as a central point whereat to establish the seat of government, and gave it the name of Daulatabad. He removed the inhabitants of Dehli thither with their wives and children, and many great and good men removed thither and were buried there. Ellora is only a short distance from this place. At some very remote period a race of men, as if by magic, excavated caves (nakkáb) high up among the defiles of the mountains. These rooms (khána) extended over a breadth of one kos. Carvings of various designs and of correct execution adorned all the walls and ceilings; but the outside of the mountain is perfectly level, and there is no sign of any dwelling (khána). From the long period of time these pagans remained masters of this territory, it is reasonable to conclude, although historians differ, that to them is to be attributed the construction of these places.

9

Thirtieth Year of the Reign, 1097-8 A.H. (1686-7 A.D.).

10

[Text, p. 293.] Muhammad Mu'azzam, although a prince of great intelligence and penetration, was led by pernicious counsellors into opposition to his father's wishes, and this conduct became the source of much suffering to himself and displeasure to the ruler of the State. For a long time His Majesty, loth that such conduct should become known, closed his eyes to the Prince's proceedings. During the siege of Bijapur some persons were caught carrying secret messages to Sikandar ('Adil Shah); these men were put to death. Some officers also, suspected of evil intentions, Mumin Khan, commandant of artillery, 'Aziz Afghan, Multifat Khan, second bakhshi, and the cunning Bindraban, were expelled from the army on the 18th of Shawwal. The Prince's destiny grew dark, and wisdom and foresight quite forsook him. During the investment of Haidarabad he allowed himself to be deluded by some promise of Abu-l Hasan, and at last sundry written communications, which passed between the trenches and the fort of Golkonda, fell into the hands of Firoz Jang. Other proofs were also available of the Prince's treachery. The Khan, that very night, laid these documents before the King, who was now well convinced of the Prince's wilfulness, whatever doubts he might have entertained before. Hayat Khan, darogha of the Prince's diwan-khana, was sent for and ordered to direct his master to send his troops to oppose Shaikh Nizam Haidarabadl, who was about to make a night attack on the camp. Ihtimam Khan, it was said, would guard the Prince's tents during the absence of his own people. This order was obeyed.
The next morning, according to order, the Prince, Mu'izzu-d din, and Muhammad 'Azim, attended the darbar. His Majesty, after taking his seat, told them that Asad Khan and Bahramand Khan had something to communicate to them in the chapel. No sooner had the Princes entered this place than their arms were taken from them. As soon as a tent could be pitched, they were removed into it. His Majesty withdrew to the seraglio by the private entrance, and there, wringing his hands, and with many symptoms of grief, he exclaimed that the labour of forty years had fallen to the ground!
Guards were placed round the tent, under the orders of Ihtimam Khan. Mutasaddis seized all the Prince's property, which, however, was but as a drop of water in the ocean. Ihtimam was invested with the title of Sardar Khan, and raised from the command of 1000 to that of 1500.

11

Thirty-fifth Year of the Reign, 1102-3 a.h. (1691-2 a.d.).

12

[Text, p. 341.] Neither the Prince nor his sons had been, when first confined, permitted even to unbind the hair of their heads. This treatment lasted six months. Khidmat Khan, Nazir, emboldened by his long service under this King and under his father, remonstrated most vehemently against this severity (no other dared to speak in the Prince's favour), and His Majesty relented. As time wore on, the King's wrath grew less, his paternal feelings resumed their sway, and he daily sent his blessing by Sardar Khan to this second Joseph, imprisoned like Jonas, desiring him to be satisfied with this much until the Father of all Mercies moved his heart to put an end to his sufferings. Strange to relate, Sardar Khan one day told the King that His Majesty could order the Prince's release when he thought fit so to do. "True," replied the King, "but Providence has made me ruler of the habitable world. The oppressed appeals to me against his oppressor, and expects redress. This son of mine has endured some hardships at my hands, in expiation of certain worldly offences, but the hour has not yet come for me to release him; his only hope is in God. Let him therefore be hopeful, so that he may not lose all hope in me, nor appeal against me to God, for should he do so, what refuge would be left to me?"
Fate had decreed that Muhammad Mu'azzam should adorn the throne; wherefore the King, that personification of all virtues, resolved to draw the Prince from the state in which he had been kept, and let his light shine on the people. That his mind might not bow down under the weight of grief, the rigours of confinement were gradually made less. On one occasion, when the King marched from Badri, all the tents were ordered to be left standing for the Prince's recreation. He was permitted to wander from one to the other, enjoying the luxuries each different place afforded, and refreshing body and mind. The Prince observed to the officers who had charge of him that he longed to behold His Majesty, and that the sight of such places could not satisfy that wish. At length, when the news of the Prince's mother having died in the capital was received, His Majesty caused a tent of communication to be pitched between the diwan-i khas and the Prince's tent, where the monarch repaired in person with the virtuous Princess Zinatu-n Nisa Begam, and offered the usual consolations.
Some time after this, on the 4th of Zi-l ka'da, Mu'azzam had the honour of paying his respects to the King, who desired him to perform his mid-day prayers in his presence. When His Majesty went to the mosque on Fridays, the Prince was to pray in the private chapel. Permission was also granted him to visit occasionally the baths in the fort; at other times he might wander among the parterres and tanks of the Shahabad gardens. Thus by degrees was broken the barrier between father and son. Khwaja Daulat received orders to fetch the Prince's family from the capital.

13

Fifty-First Year of the Reign.

14

[Text, p. 519.] After the conclusion of the holy wars which rescued the countries of the Dakhin from the dominion of the pagans, the army encamped at Ahmadnagar on the 16th of Shawwal, in the 50th year of the reign. A year after this, at the end of Shawwal, in the 51st year of the reign, the King fell ill, and consternation spread among people of all ranks; but, by the blessing of Providence, His Majesty recovered his health in a short time, and once more resumed the administration of affairs. About this time the noble Shah ('Alam) was appointed governor of the province of Malwa, and Prince Kam Bakhsh governor of that of Bijapur. Only four or five days had elapsed after the departure of their royal highnesses, when the King was seized with a burning fever, which continued unabated for three days. Still His Majesty did not relax in his devotions, every ordinance of religion was strictly kept. On the evening of Thursday, His Majesty perused a petition from Hamidu-d din Khan, who stated that he had devoted the sum of 4000 rupees, the price of an elephant, as a propitiatory sacrifice, and begged to be permitted to make over this amount to the Kazi Mulla Haidar for distribution. The King granted the request, and, though weak and suffering, wrote with his own hand on the petition that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice should lead to a speedy dissolution of his mortal frame.
On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zi-l ka'da (1118 A.H. 21st February, 1707 A.D.), His Majesty performed the consecrated prayers, and, at their conclusion, returned to the sleeping apartments, where he remained absorbed in contemplation of the Deity. Faintness came on, and the soul of the aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity. Still, in this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of the dying King continued mechanically to tell the beads of the rosary they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed his last, and thus was fulfilled his wish to die on a Friday. Great was the grief among all classes of people for the King's death. The shafts of adversity had demolished the edifice of their hopes, and the night of sorrow darkened the joyful noon-day. Holy men prepared to perform the funeral rites, and kept the corpse in the sleeping apartment pending the arrival of Prince Muhammad A'zam, who was away a distance of five-and-twenty kos from the camp. The Prince arrived the following day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was depicted on his countenance; never had anything like it been beheld. On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall of justice, whence the procession went on without him. May none ever experience the anguish he felt! People sympathized with the Prince's sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and so deeply-felt were the lamentations for a monarch whose genius only equalled his piety, whose equal the world did not contain, but whose luminous countenance was now hidden from his loving people!
According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains were deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near the shrine of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d din (on whom God have mercy!). "Earth was consigned to earth, but the pure soul survived." This place of sepulture, known by the name of Khuldabad, is distant eight kos from Khujista-bunyad (Aurangabad), and three kos from Daulatabad. A red stone three yards in length, two in width, and only a few inches in depth, is placed above the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in the shape of an amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds; and odoriferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around.

15

[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto 'Alamgir five sons and five daughters, born of different mothers, and all learned in spiritual and worldly matters. Mention has already been made of them; it now remains to give a short notice of each.
The first son was Muhammad Sultan, born of the Nawab Bai, on the 4th of Ramazan, in the year 1049 A.H. (14th November, 1639 A.D.). His manners were agreeable, he knew the Kuran by heart, and was well acquainted with the Arabic, Turkish and Persian languages. His valour was great. This Prince died in the 21st year of the reign.
The second son, Muhammad Mu'azzam Shah 'Alam Bahadur, was born of the same Nawab Bai, in the end of Rajab, 1053 A.H. (September, 1643 A.D.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect knowledge of the Kuran, and of the science of reading. When so engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet, that he is held by all the learned men of the day to be unequalled in this accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic, and the fluency and elegance of his diction are the wonder of the very Kuran-readers of Arabia. He knows many sorts of writing, is careful of his time, and a protector of the poor.
Prince Muhammad A'zam, the third son, was born of Dilras Banu Begam, daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi, on the 12th of Sha'ban, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distinguished for his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many ways, and his innate virtues and sagacity rendered him the indispensable companion of the late King. His death occurred on the 18th of Rabi'u-l awwal, only three months and twenty days after that of his royal parent. It was marked by deeds of valour.
The next son, Prince Akbar, was born of Begam on the 12th of Zi-l hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 a.d.). He fled from his father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the 48th year of the reign, but there are two reasons for supposing that his end was a happy one. In the first place, the King remarked that Prince Akbar had always performed his Friday prayers most devoutly; and secondly, his mortal remains lie in the area of the tomb of Imam Riza (on whom be blessings and praise!).
Muhammad Kam Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was born on the 10th of Ramazan, in the year 1077 (25th February, 1667). His mother was Bai Udipuri. His father instructed him in the word of God, and his knowledge of all known works surpassed that of his brothers. The Turkish language and several modes of writing were familiar to him. He was brave and generous. The death of this Prince took place two years after that of his father.

16

Zebu-n Nisa Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was born of Begam on the 10th of Shawwal, in the year 1048 (5th February, 1639). Owing to the King's teaching, she became thoroughly proficient in knowledge of the Kuran, and received as a reward the sum of 30,000 ashrafis. Her learning extended to Arabic, Persian, to the various modes of writing, and to prose and poetry. Many learned men, poets and writers were employed by her, and numerous compilations and original works are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the Tafsir-i Kabir, called Zebu-t Tafasir, was the work of Mulla Safiu-d din Ardheli, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death occurred in the year 1113 (1701 a.d.).
The second daughter was Zinatu-n Nisa Begam. She was born on the 1st Sha'ban, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643 A.D.). This Princess is remarkable for her great piety and extreme liberality.
Badru-n Nisa Begam, the third in order, was born of the Nawab Bai on the 19th Shawwal, in the year 1057 (17th November, 1647 A.D.). She knew the Kuran by heart, was pious and virtuous. Her demise took place on the 27th Zi-l ka'da in the 13th year of the reign.
The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nisa Begam, was born on the 26th Ramazan, in the year 1061 (1st September, 1651 A.D.). Her mother was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in worship, prayer, and pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr Shukoh, son of Dara Shukoh. She went to Paradise in the same month as her father, to whom her death was not made known.
Mihru-n Nisa Begam, the fifth daughter, was born of Aurangabadi Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072 (13th September, 1661). She became the spouse of Izad Bakhsh, son of Murad Bakhsh, and lived until the year 1116.