The Memoirs of Bābur 903.3
The Bābur-nāma in English (A. S. Beveridge) 903.3
- Language
- English
903.3.1
Samarkand has good _tūmāns_. One is Soghd with its dependencies. Its head Yār-yīlāq, its foot Bukhārā, there may be not one single _yīghāch_ of earth without its village and its cultivated lands. So famous is it that the saying attributed to Tīmūr Beg, 'I have a garden 30 _yīghāch_ long,[408] must have been spoken of Soghd. Another _tūmān_ is Shāvdār (var. Shādwār), an excellent one adjoining the town-suburbs. On one side it has the range (Aītmāk Dābān), lying between Samarkand and [Sidenote: Fol. 50.] Shahr-i-sabz, on the skirts of which are many of its villages. On the other side is the Kohik Water (_i.e._ the Dar-i-gham canal). There it lies! an excellent _tūmān_, with fine air, full of beauty, abounding in waters, its good things cheap. Observers of Egypt and Syria have not pointed out its match. Though Samarkand has other _tūmāns_, none rank with those enumerated; with so much, enough has been said. Tīmūr Beg gave the government of Samarkand to his eldest son, Jahāngīr Mīrzā (in 776 AH.-1375 AD.); when Jahāngīr Mīrzā died (805 AH.-1403 AD.), he gave it to the Mīrzā's eldest son, Muḥammad Sulṯān-i-jahāngīr; when Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā died, it went to Shāh-rukh Mīrzā, Tīmūr Beg's youngest son. Shāh-rukh Mīrzā gave the whole of Mā warā'u'n-nahr (in 872 AH.-1467 AD.) to his eldest son, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā. From him his own son, `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā took it, (853 AH.-1449 AD.), for the sake of this five days' fleeting world martyring a father so full of years and knowledge.
903.3.2
The following chronogram gives the date of Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's death:— Aūlūgh Beg, an ocean of wisdom and science, The pillar of realm and religion, Sipped from the hand of `Abbās, the mead of martyrdom, And the date of the death is _`Abbās kasht_ (`Abbās slew).[409] Though `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā did not rule more than five or six months, the following couplet was current about him:— Ill does sovereignty befit the parricide; Should he rule, be it for no more than six months.[410] This chronogram of the death of `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā is also well done:— `Abdu'l-laṯīf, in glory a Khusrau and Jamshīd, [Sidenote: Fol. 50b.] In his train a Farīdūn and Zardusht, Bābā Ḥusain slew on the Friday Eve, With an arrow. Write as its date, _Bābā Ḥusain kasht_ (Bābā Ḥusain slew).[411]
903.3.3
After `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā's death, (Jumāda I, 22, 855 AH.-June 22nd. 1450 AD.), (his cousin) `Abdu'l-lāh Mīrzā, the grandson of Shāh-rukh Mīrzā through Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, seated himself on the throne and ruled for 18 months to two years.[412] From him Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā took it (855 AH.-1451 AD.). He in his life-time gave it to his eldest son, Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā; Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā continued to rule it after his father's death (873 AH.-1469 AD.). On his death (899 AH.-1494 AD.) Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā was seated on the throne and on his death (900 AH.-1495 AD.) Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā was made prisoner for a few days, during the Tarkhān rebellion (901 AH.-1496 AD.), and his younger brother, Sl. `Alī Mīrzā was seated on the throne, but Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā, as has been related in this history, took it again directly. From Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā I took it (903 AH.-1497 AD.). Further details will be learned from the ensuing history. (_c. Bābur's rule in Samarkand._) When I was seated on the throne, I shewed the Samarkand begs precisely the same favour and kindness they had had before. I bestowed rank and favour also on the begs with me, [Sidenote: Fol. 51.] to each according to his circumstances, the largest share falling to Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_; he had been in the household begs' circle; I now raised him to that of the great begs.
903.3.4
We had taken the town after a seven months' hard siege. Things of one sort or other fell to our men when we got in. The whole country, with exception of Samarkand itself, had come in earlier either to me or to Sl. `Alī Mīrzā and consequently had not been over-run. In any case however, what could have been taken from districts so long subjected to raid and rapine? The booty our men had taken, such as it was, came to an end. When we entered the town, it was in such distress that it needed seed-corn and money-advances; what place was this to take anything from? On these accounts our men suffered great privation. We ourselves could give them nothing. Moreover they yearned for their homes and, by ones and twos, set their faces for flight. The first to go was Bayān Qulī's (son) Khān Qulī; Ibrāhīm _Begchīk_ was another; all the Mughūls went off and, a little later, Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_. Aūzūn Ḥasan counted himself a very sincere and faithful friend of Khwāja-i-qāẓī; we therefore, to put a stop to these desertions, sent the Khwāja to him (in Andijān) so that they, [Sidenote: Fol. 51b.] in agreement, might punish some of the deserters and send others back to us. But that very Aūzūn Ḥasan, that traitor to his salt, may have been the stirrer-up of the whole trouble and the spur-to-evil of the deserters from Samarkand. Directly Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ had gone, all the rest took up a wrong position. (_d. Andijān demanded of Bābur by The Khān, and also for Jahāngīr Mīrzā._)
903.3.5
Although, during the years in which, coveting Samarkand, I had persistently led my army out, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān[413] had provided me with no help whatever, yet, now it had been taken, he wanted Andijān. Moreover, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_, just when soldiers of ours and all the Mughūls had deserted to Andijān and Akhsī, wanted those two districts for Jahāngīr Mīrzā. For several reasons, those districts could not be given to them. One was, that though not promised to The Khān, yet he had asked for them and, as he persisted in asking, an agreement with him was necessary, if they were to be given to Jahāngīr Mīrzā. A further reason was that to ask for them just when deserters from us had fled to them, was very like a command. If the matter had been brought forward earlier, some way of tolerating a command might have been found. At [Sidenote: Fol. 52.] the moment, as the Mughūls and the Andijān army and several even of my household had gone to Andijān, I had with me in Samarkand, beg for beg, good and bad, somewhere about 1000 men. When Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ did not get what they wanted, they invited all those timid fugitives to join them. Just such a happening, those timid people, for their own sakes, had been asking of God in their terror. Hereupon, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_, becoming openly hostile and rebellious, led their army from Akhsī against Andijān.
903.3.6
Tūlūn Khwāja was a bold, dashing, eager brave of the Bārīn (Mughūls). My father had favoured him and he was still in favour, I myself having raised him to the rank of beg. In truth he deserved favour, a wonderfully bold and dashing brave! He, as being the man I favoured amongst the Mughūls, was sent (after them) when they began to desert from Samarkand, to counsel the clans and to chase fear from their hearts so that [Sidenote: Fol. 52b.] they might not turn their heads to the wind.[414] Those two traitors however, those false guides, had so wrought on the clans that nothing availed, promise or entreaty, counsel or threat. Tūlūn Khwāja's march lay through Aīkī-sū-ārāsī,[415] known also as Rabāṯik-aūrchīnī. Aūzūn Ḥasan sent a skirmishing party against him; it found him off his guard, seized and killed him. This done, they took Jahāngīr Mīrzā and went to besiege Andijān. (_e. Bābur loses Andijān._)
903.3.7
In Andijān when my army rode out for Samarkand, I had left Aūzūn Ḥasan and `Alī-dost T̤aghāī (Ramẓān 902 AH.-May 1497 AD.). Khwāja-i-qāẓī had gone there later on, and there too were many of my men from Samarkand. During the siege, the Khwāja, out of good-will to me, apportioned 18,000 of his own sheep to the garrison and to the families of the men still with me. While the siege was going on, letters kept coming to me from my mothers[416] and from the Khwāja, saying in effect, 'They are besieging us in this way; if at our cry of distress you do not come, things will go all to ruin. Samarkand was taken [Sidenote: Fol. 53.] by the strength of Andijān; if Andijān is in your hands, God willing, Samarkand can be had again.' One after another came letters to this purport. Just then I was recovering from illness but, not having been able to take due care in the days of convalescence, I went all to pieces again and this time, became so very ill that for four days my speech was impeded and they used to drop water into my mouth with cotton. Those with me, begs and bare braves alike, despairing of my life, began each to take thought for himself. While I was in this condition, the begs, by an error of judgment, shewed me to a servant of Aūzūn Ḥasan's, a messenger come with wild proposals, and then dismissed him. In four or five days, I became somewhat better but still could not speak, in another few days, was myself again.