[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Mughals (1526–1857)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal) › [Bābur (1526–1530)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur) › [Bāburnāma](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama) › [Tuzak-i Babari (extracts, from Erskine's translation)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot) › 2 # The Memoirs of Bābur 2: The last and successful Invasion. Túzak-i Bábarí (extracts, from Erskine's translation) 2 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1) — 8 parts - [2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2) — 7 parts - [2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3) — 7 parts - [2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4) — 9 parts - [2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5) — 8 parts ### The last and successful Invasion. ### [2.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.1) On Friday, the 1st of Safar, in the year 932 (November 17th, 1525), when the sun was in Sagittarius, I set out on my march to invade Hindustan. \* \* \* We made two marches from Bikram (Peshawar); and after the third, on Thursday, the 26th, we encamped on the banks of the river Sind. On Saturday, the 1st day of the first Rabi', we passed the Sind; and having also crossed the river of Kach-kot, halted on its banks. The Begs, paymasters, and diwans, who had been placed to superintend the embarkation, brought me the return of the troops who were on the service. Great and small, good and bad, servants and no servants, they amounted to 12,000 persons. To secure a proper supply of corn, we advanced along the skirts of the hills towards Sialkot. On coming opposite to the country of the Gakkars, in the bed of a brook, we found in several places a quantity of standing water. These waters were entirely frozen over. Although there was not much of it, the ice was in general a span in thickness. In Hindustan such ice is uncommon. We met with it here; but during all the years I have been in Hindustan, I have in no other instance met with any trace of ice or snow. ### [2.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.2) Advancing five marches from the Sind, the sixth brought us close by the hill of Jud, below the hill of Balinat-jogi, on the banks of a river, at the station of Bakialan, where we encamped. \* \* \* Marching thence we halted, after passing the river Behat, below Jilam, by the ford. \* \* \* From this encampment I sent forward Saiyid Tufan and Saiyid Lachin, giving each of them a spare horse, with directions to push on with all speed to Lahore, and to enjoin our troops in that city not to fight, but to form a junction with me at Sialkot or Parsarur. The general report was, that Ghazi Khan had collected an army of 30,000 or 40,000 men; that Daulat Khan, old as he was, had buckled on two swords; and that they would certainly try the fate of a battle. I recollected the proverb which says, "Ten friends are better than nine." That no advantage might be lost, I judged it most advisable before fighting to form a junction with the detachment of my army that was in Lahore. I therefore sent on messengers with instructions to the amirs, and at the second march reached the banks of the river Chinab, where I encamped. \* \* \* ### [2.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.3) On Friday, the 14th of the first Rabi', we arrived at Sialkot. Every time that I have entered Hindustan, the Jats and Gujars have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and wilds, in order to carry off oxen and buffaloes. These were the wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships, and were guilty of the severest oppression in the country. These districts, in former times, had been in a state of revolt, and yielded very little revenue that could be come at. On the present occasion, when I had reduced the whole of the neighbouring districts to subjection, they began to repeat their practices. As my poor people were on their way from Sialkot to the camp, hungry and naked, indigent and in distress, they were fallen upon by the road with loud shouts, and plundered. I sought out the persons guilty of this outrage, discovered them, and ordered two or three of the number to be cut in pieces. At this same station a merchant arrived, who brought us the news of the defeat of 'Alim Khan by Sultan Ibrahim. The particulars are as follows: 'Alim Khan, after taking leave of me, had marched forward in spite of the scorching heat of the weather, and had reached Lahore, having, without any consideration for those who accompanied him, gone two stages every march. At the very moment that 'Alim Khan took leave, the whole Sultans and Khans of the Uzbeks had advanced and blockaded Balkh; ### [2.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.4) so that immediately on his departure for Hindustan, I was obliged to set out for that city. 'Alim Khan, on reaching Lahore, insisted with such of my Begs as were in Hindustan that the Emperor had ordered them to march to his assistance, and that it had been concerted that Ghazi Khan should likewise join him, and that they were all in conjunction to march upon Delhi and Agra. The Begs answered, that situated as things were, they could not accompany Ghazi Khan with any kind of confidence; but that, if he sent to Court his younger brother Haji Khan, with his son, or placed them in Lahore as hostages, their instructions would then leave them at liberty to march along with him; that otherwise they could not; that it was only the other day that 'Alim Khan had fought and been defeated by Ghazi Khan, so that no mutual confidence was to be looked for between them; and that altogether it was by no means advisable for 'Alim Khdn to let GhazI Khdn accompany him in the expedition. Whatever expostulations of this nature they employed, in order to dissuade 'Alim Khan from prosecuting his plan, were all ineffectual. He sent his son Shir Khdn to confer with Daulat Khau and Ghdzl Khdn, and the parties themselves afterwards met. Dildwar Khdn, who had been in confinement very recently, and who had escaped from custody and come to Lahore only two or three months before, was likewise associated with them. ### [2.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.5) Mahmiid Khdn Khdn-Jahan, to whom the custody of Lahore had been intrusted, was also pressed into their measures. In a word, it was in the end definitively arranged among them, that Daulat Khdn, and Ghazl Khan should take under their orders all the Begs who had been left in Hindustan, and should, at the same time themselves assume the government of all the adjacent territories; while Dilawar Khan and Haji Khan were to accompany 'Alim Khan, and occupy the whole of the country about Dehli and Agra, and in that neighbourhood. Ismd.'il Jilwanl, and a number of other amirs, waited on 'Alim Khan, and acknowledged him. He now proceeded towards Dehli without delay by forced marches. On reaching Indari, Sulaiman Shaikh-zdda came and likewise joined him. The numbers of the confederate army now amounted to 30,000 or 40,000 men. They laid siege to Dehli, but were unable either to take the place by storm or to reduce it by famine. Sultan Ibrahim, as soon as he heard that they had collected an army, and invaded his dominions, led his troops to oppose them. Having notice of his march as he approached, they raised the siege and advanced to meet him. The confederates concurred in opinion, that if the battle was fought in the daytime, the Afghans, from regard to their reputation with their countrymen, would not flee ; but that if the attack was made by night, the night is dark, and no one seeing another, each chief would shift for himself. ### [2.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.6) Resolving, therefore, to attempt a night surprise, they mounted to proceed against the enemy, who were six kos off. Twice did they mount their horses at noon, and continue mounted till the second or third watch of the night, without going either back or forward, not being able to come to a resolution, or agree among themselves. The third time they set out for their surprise, when only one watch of the night remained. Their plan was merely for the party to set fire to the tents and pavilions, and to attempt nothing further. They accordingly advanced and set fire to the tents during the last watch of the night, at the same time shouting the war-cry. Jalal Khan Jaghat, and several other amirs, came over and acknowledged 'Alim Khan. Sultan Ibrahim, attended by a body of men, composed of his own tribe and family, did not move from the royal pavilion, but continued steady in the same place till morning. By this time, the troops who accompanied 'Alim Khan were dispersed, being busy plundering and pillaging. Sultan Ibrahim's troops perceived that the enemy were not in great force, and immediately moved forward from the station which they had kept, though very few in number, and having only a single elephant; but no sooner had the elephant come up than 'Alim Khan's men took to flight, without attempting to keep their ground. ### [2.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.7) In the course of his flight 'Alim Khan crossed over to the Doab side of the river, and again recrossed it towards Panipat, on reaching which place he contrived by a stratagem to get three or four lacs from Mian Sulaiman, and went on his way. Isma'il Jilwani, Babin, and Jalal Khan, the eldest son of 'Alim Khan, separating from him, betook themselves to the Doab. A small part of the army which 'Alim Khan had collected, such as Saifu-d din, Darya Khan, Mahmud Khan Khan-Jahan, Shaikh Jamal Farmuli, and some others, deserted before the battle and joined Ibrahim. 'Alim Khan and Dilawar Khan, with Haji Khan, after passing Sirhind, heard of my approach, and that I had taken Milwat; whereupon Dilawar Khdn, who had always been attached to my interests, and had been detained three or four months in prison on my account, separated from the others, came on by way of Sultdnpur and Kochi, and waited upon me in the neighbourhood of Milwat, three or four days after the taking of that town, 'Alim Khan and Haji Khan having passed the river Satlej, at length reached Kinkuta, the name of a strong castle in the hills between Dun and the plain, and threw themselves into it. One of my detachments, consisting of Afghdns and Hazdras, happening to come up, blockaded them, and had nearly succeeded in taking the castle, strong as it was, being only prevented by the approach of night. ### [2.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.1.8) These noblemen then made an attempt to leave it, but some of their horses having fallen in the gateway, they could not get out. Some elephants that were along with them were pushed forward, and trampled upon and killed a number of the horses. Although unable to escape on horseback, they left the place during a dark night on foot, and after incredible sufferings, joined Ghazi Khan, who, in the course of his flight, finding that he could not get refuge in Milwat, had directed his course towards the hills, where they met. Ghdzi Khan did not give 'Alim Khdn a very friendly reception, which induced him to wait on me, below Diin in the neighbourhood of Palhur, where he came and tendered me his allegiance. While I was at Sialkot, some of the troops whom I had left in Lahore arrived to inform me that they would all be up by the morning. ### [2.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.1) Next morning I marched, and halted at Parsarur, where Muhammad 'Ali Jang-Jang, Khwaja Husain, and some others, accordingly came and waited on me. As the enemy's camp was on the banks of the Ravi, towards Lahore, I sent out Bujkah with his party to reconnoitre and bring in intelligence. About the end of the third watch of the night they came back with information that the enemy, immediately on getting notice of their approach, had fled away in consternation, every man shifting for himself. On the following morning, leaving Shah Mir Husain, and some other officers, to guard the camp and baggage, I separated from them, and pushed on with all possible speed. We reached Kalanur about the middle of afternoon prayers and halted. Muhammad Sultan Mirza, 'Adil Sultan, and the other amirs, came here and waited on me. ### [2.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.2) Marching before daybreak from Kalanur, we discovered on the road certain traces that Ghazi Khan and the fugitives were not far off. Muhammadi and Ahmadi, with several of the Begs about my person, whom I had recently at Kabul promoted to the rank of Beg, were detached to pursue the fugitives without halting. Their orders were, that, if they could overtake the flying enemy, it was well; but, if not, they should carefully guard every approach and issue of the fort of Milwat, that the garrison might not be able to effect their escape. Ghazi Khan was the object that I principally aimed at in these instructions. Having sent forward this detachment under the Begs, we crossed the river Biyah opposite to Kanwahin, and there halted. From thence, after three marches, we encamped in the mouth of the valley in which lies the fort of Milwat. The Begs, who had arrived before us, and the amirs of Hindustan, were directed to encamp and lay siege to the fort. Isma'il Khan, who was Daulat Khan's grandson (being the son of 'Ali Khan, Daulat Khan's eldest son), having arrived in our quarters, was sent into the fort to offer terms of capitulation, and with a message in which we mingled promises and threats. On Friday I made the camp advance, and take ground half a kos nearer. I myself went out, reconnoitered the fort, and after having assigned to the right and left wing, and to the centre, their respective stations, returned back to the camp. ### [2.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.3) Daulat Khan now sent a person to inform me that Ghazi Khan had escaped and fled to the hills; but that if I would excuse his own offences, he would come as a slave and deliver up the place. I therefore sent Khwaja Mir Miran to confirm him in his resolution, and to bring him out. His son, 'Ali Khan, accompanied that officer. In order to expose the rudeness and stupidity of the old man, I directed him to take care that Daulat Khan should come out with the same two swords hung round his neck, which he had hung by his side to meet me in combat. When matters had come this length he still contrived frivolous pretexts for delay, but was at length brought out. I ordered the two swords to be taken from his neck. When he came to offer me obeisance, he affected delays in bowing; I directed them to push his leg and make him bow. I then made him sit down before me, and desired a man who understood the Hindustani language to explain to him what I said, sentence by sentence, in order to re-assure him; and to tell him — "I called you Father; I showed you more respect and reverence than you could have desired or expected. \* \* \* The countries held by Tatar Khan, to the amount of three krors, I bestowed on you. What evil have I ever done you, that you should come in this style against me?" \* \* \* It was settled that he and his family should retain their authority in their own tribes and possession of their villages, but that all the rest of their property should be sequestrated. \* \* \* ### [2.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.4) 'Abdu-l 'Aziz and \* \* \* with several other of the Begs about my person were directed to enter the fort, and to take possession of and secure their treasures and all their property. \* \* \* I examined Ghazi Khan's library, and found in it a number of valuable books. \* \* \* There was also a number of theological books, but I did not, on the whole, find so many books of value as, from their appearance, I had expected. I stayed in the fort all night, and next morning returned to the camp. We had been mistaken in imagining that Ghazi Khan was in the fort. The traitorous coward had escaped to the hills, with a small number of followers, leaving his father, his elder and younger brothers, his mother, his elder and younger sisters, in Milwat. \* \* \* After advancing one kos from the station at the gorge of Milwat, we halted in a valley. \* \* \* I gave the fort of Milwat to Muhammad 'Ali Jang-Jang, who left his brother Arghun in the place on his part with a body of troops. \* \* \* Marching thence, and passing the small hills of Ab-kand by Milwat, we reached Dun. In the language of Hindustan they call a Julga (or dale) Dun. \* \* \* ### [2.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.5) As we could nowhere get any certain intelligence of Ghazi Khan, I sent Tardika with Barim Deo Malinhat, with orders to pursue him wherever he might go; to engage him, and bring him back a prisoner. In the country, composed of small hills, that has been mentioned as lying around the Dun, there are some wonderfully strong castles. To the north-east is a castle called Kutila. It is surrounded by a rock seventy or eighty gaz in perpendicular height. At its chief gate, for the space of about seven or eight gaz, there is a place that admits of a drawbridge being thrown across. It may be ten or twelve gaz wide. The bridge is composed of two long planks, by which their horses and flocks pass out and in. This was one of the forts of the hill country, which Ghazi Khan had put into a state of defence and garrisoned. The detachment that had been pushed on attacked the place vigorously, and had nearly taken it, when night came on. The garrison then abandoned the castle and fled away. Near the Dun is another strong castle, called the fort of Kinkuta, the country around which is all hilly, but it is not so strong as the former. 'Alim Khan in his flight had thrown himself into this fort, as has been already mentioned. ### [2.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.6) After sending a detachment in pursuit of Ghazi Khan, I placed my foot in the stirrup of resolution, and my hand on the reins of confidence in God, and marched against Sultán Ibrahim, the son of Sultán Iskandar, the son of Sultán Bahlol Lodi Afghan, in whose possession the throne of Dehli and the dominions of Hindustan at that time were; whose army in the field was said to amount to 100,000 men, and who, including those of his amírs, had nearly 1000 elephants. \* \* \* The detachment which had proceeded into Milwat, advanced against Harúr, Kahlúr and the forts in that part of the country, among which, from the natural strength of the ground, no enemy had penetrated for a long time before, took the whole of them and returned and joined me, after having plundered the inhabitants of the district. It was at this time that 'Álim Khán, being reduced to great distress, came naked and on foot to meet me. I directed several Begs and some noblemen of my Court to go out to receive him, and also sent him some horses. He waited upon me in this neighbourhood, and made his submission. \* \* \* ### [2.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.2.7) After marching from Dún we came to Rúpúr. While we stayed at Rúpúr it rained incessantly, and was so extremely cold that many of the starving and hungry Hindustánis died. After marching from Rúpúr, we had halted at Karil, opposite to Sihrind (Sirhind), when a Hindustáni presented himself, assuming the style of an ambassador from Sultán Ibráhím. Though he had no letters or credentials, yet as he requested that one of my people might accompany him back as my ambassador, I accordingly did send back a Sawádi Tinkatár along with him. These poor men had no sooner arrived in Ibráhím's camp than he ordered them both to be thrown into prison. The very day that we defeated Ibráhím, the Sawádi was set at liberty and waited on me. After two marches more we halted on the banks of the stream of Banur and Sanur. This is a running water, of which there are few in Hindustan, except large rivers. They call it the stream of Kagar. Chitar stands on its banks. \* \* \* At this station we had information that Sultan Ibrahim, who lay on this side of Dehli, was advancing; and that the shikkdar of Hisar-Firozah, Hamid Khan Khasah-khail, had also advanced ten or fifteen kos towards us, with the army of Hisar-Firozah and of the neighbouring districts. I sent on Kittah Beg towards Ibrahim's camp to procure intelligence, and despatched Mumin Atkah towards the army of Hisar-Firozah to get notice of its motions. ### [2.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.1) On Sunday, the 13th of the first Jumada, I marched from Ambala, and had halted on the margin of a tank, when Mumin Atkah and Kittah Beg both returned on the same day. The command of the whole right wing I gave to Humayun, who was accompanied by \* \* \*. Next morning, being Monday, the 14th, Humayun set out with his light force to attack Hamid Khan by surprise. Humayun despatched on before him 100 or 150 select men, by way of advanced guard. On coming near the enemy, this advanced body went close up to them, hung upon their flanks, and had one or two rencounters till the troops of Humayun appeared in sight following them. No sooner were they perceived than the enemy took to flight. Our troops brought down 100 or 200 men, cut off the heads of one half, and brought the other half alive into the camp, along with seven or eight elephants. \* \* \* On Monday, the 21st, Humayun reached the camp that was still at the same station, with 100 prisoners and seven or eight elephants, and waited on me. I ordered Ustad 'Ali Kuli and the matchlockmen to shoot all the prisoners as an example. This was Humayun's first expedition, and the first service he had seen. It was a very good omen. Some light troops having followed the fugitives, took Hisar- Firozah the moment they reached it, and returned after plundering it. Hisar-Firozah which, with its dependencies and subordinate districts, yielded a kror, I bestowed on Humayun, with a kror in money as a present. ### [2.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.2) Marching from that station, we reached Shahabad. I sent fit persons towards Sultan Ibrahim's camp to procure intelligence, and halted several days in this station. \* \* \* In this station, on Monday, the 28th of the first Jumada, the sun entered Aries; we now began also to receive repeated information from Ibrahim's camp, that he was advancing slowly by a kos or two at a time, and halting two or three days at each station. I, on my side, likewise moved on to meet him, and after the second march from Shahabad, encamped on the banks of the Jumna, opposite to Sirsawah. Haidar Kuli, a servant of Khwaja Kilan, was sent out to procure intelligence. I crossed the Jumna by a ford, and went to see Sirsawah. \* \* \* From this station we held down the river for two marches, keeping close along its banks, when Haidar Kuli, who had been sent out to collect intelligence, returned, bringing information that Daud Khan and Haitim Khan had been sent across the river into the Doab with 6000 or 7000 horse, and had encamped three or four kos in advance of Ibrahim's position on the road towards us. On Sunday, the 18th of the second Jumada, I despatched against this column Chin Timur Sultan, \* \* \* with the whole of the left wing commanded by Sultan Junid, \* \* \* as well as part of the centre under Yunas 'Ali, \* \* \* with instructions to advance rapidly and fall upon them by surprise. ### [2.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.3) \* \* \* Next morning, about the time of early prayers, they arrived close upon the enemy, who put themselves in some kind of order, and marched out to meet them: but our troops no sooner came up than the enemy fled, and were followed in close pursuit and slaughtered all the way to the limits of Ibrahim's camp. The detachment took Haitim Khan, Daud Khan's eldest brother, and one of the generals, with seventy or eighty prisoners, and six or eight elephants, all of which they brought in when they waited on me. Several of the prisoners were put to death, to strike terror into the enemy. Marching thence, I arranged the whole army in order of battle, with right and left wing and centre, and after reviewing it, performed the vim. The custom of the vim is, that the whole army being mounted, the commander takes a bow or whip in his hand, and guesses at the number of the army, according to a fashion in use, and in conformity with which they affirm that the army may be so many. The number that I guessed was greater than the army turned out to be. At this station I directed that, according to the custom of Rum, the gun-carriages should be connected together with twisted bull-hides, as with chains. Between every two gun-carriages were six or seven tûras or breast-works. The matchlockmen stood behind these guns, or tûras, and discharged their matchlocks. I halted five or six days in this camp, for the purpose of getting this apparatus arranged. ### [2.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.4) After every part of it was in order and ready, I called together all the amirs, and men of any experience and knowledge, and held a general council. It was settled that as Panipat was a considerable city, it would cover one of our flanks by its buildings and houses, while we might fortify our front by tûras, or covered defences and cannon, and that the matchlockmen and infantry should be placed in the rear of the guns and tûras. With this resolution we moved, and in two marches, on Thursday, the 30th of the last Jumada, reached Panipat. On our right were the town and suburbs. In my front I placed the guns and tiirds which had been prepared. On the left, and in different other points, we drew ditches and made defences of the boughs of trees. At the distance of every bowshot, a space was left large enough for 100 or 150 men to issue forth. Many of the troops were in great tremor and alarm. Trepidation and fear are always unbecoming. Whatsoever Almighty God has decreed from all eternity cannot be reversed ; though, at the same time, I cannot greatly blame them ; they had some reason ; for they had come two or three months' journey from their own country ; we had to engage in arms a strange nation, whose language we did not understand, and who did not understand ours. The army of the enemy opposed to us was estimated at 100,000 men ; the elephants of the Emperor and his officers were said to amount to nearly 1000. ### [2.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.5) He possessed the accumulated treasures of his father and grandfather, in current coin, ready for use. It is a usage in Hindustan, in situations similar to that in which the enemy now were, to expend sums of money in bringing together troops who engage to serve for hire. These men are called Badhindi. Had he chosen to adopt this plan, he might have engaged 100,000 or 200,000 more troops. But God Almighty directed everything for the best. He had not the heart to satisfy even his own army ; and would not part with any of his treasure. Indeed, how was it possible that he should satisfy his troops, when he was himself miserly to the last degree, and beyond measure avaricious in accumulating pelf? He was a young man of no experience. He was negligent in all his movements; he marched without order; retired or halted without plan, and engaged in battle without foresight. While the troops were fortifying their position in Pánipat and its vicinity, with guns, branches of trees, and ditches, Darwesh Muhammad Sárbán said to me, "You have fortified our ground in such a way that it is not possible he should ever think of coming here." I answered, "You judge of him by the Kháns and Sultáns of the Uzbeks. \* \* \* But you must not judge of our present enemies by those who were then opposed to us. They have not ability to discriminate when it is proper to advance and when to retreat." God brought everything to pass favourably. It happened as I foretold. ### [2.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.6) During the seven or eight days we remained in Panipat, a very small party of my men, advancing close up to their encampment and to their vastly superior force, discharged arrows upon them. They did not, however, move, or make any demonstration of sallying out. At length, induced by the persuasion of some Hindustani amirs in my interest, I sent Mahdi Khwaja and \* \* \* with 4000 or 5000 men on a night attack. They did not assemble properly in the first instance, and as they marched out in confusion, did not get on well. The day dawned, yet they continued lingering near the enemy's camp till it was broad daylight, when the enemy, on their side, beat their kettledrums, got ready their elephants, and marched out upon them. Although our people did not effect anything, yet, in spite of the multitude of troops that hung upon them in their retreat, they returned safe and sound without the loss of a man. Muhammad 'Ali Jang-Jang was wounded with an arrow, and though the wound was not mortal, yet it disabled him from taking his place in the day of battle. On learning what had occurred, I immediately detached Humáyún with his division a kos or a kos and a half in advance, to cover their retreat, while I myself, remaining with the army, drew it out, and got in readiness for action. The party which had marched to surprise the enemy fell in with Humáyún, and returned with him. As none of the enemy came near us, I drew off the army, and led it back to the camp. ### [2.3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.3.7) In the course of the night we had a false alarm; for nearly one ghari the call to arms and the uproar continued. Such of the troops as had never before witnessed an alarm of the kind were in great confusion and dismay. In a short time, however, the alarm subsided. ### [2.4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.1) By the time of early morning prayers, when the light was such that you could distinguish one object from another, notice was brought from the advanced patrols, that the enemy were advancing, drawn up in order of battle. We too, immediately braced on our helmets and our armour, and mounted. The right division was led by Humayun, accompanied by \* \* \* ; the left division was commanded by Muhammad Sultan Mirza. \* \* \* The right of the centre was commanded by Chin Timur Sultan \* \* \*; the left of the centre by Khalifa. \* \* \* The advance was led by Khusru Gokultash. \* \* \* 'Abdu-l 'Aziz, master of horse, had the command of the reserve. On the flank of the right division I stationed Wali Kizil, \* \* \* with their Mughals, to act as a tulughmah (or flanking party). On the extremity of the left division were stationed Kara-Kuzi \* \* \* to form the tulughmah or flankers, with instructions, that as soon as the enemy approached sufficiently near, they should take a circuit and come round upon their rear. When the enemy first came in sight, they seemed to bend their force most against the right division. I therefore detached 'Abdu-l 'Aziz, who was stationed with the reserve, to reinforce the right. Sultan Ibrahim's army, from the time it first appeared in sight, never made a halt, but advanced right upon us at a quick pace. ### [2.4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.2) When they came closer, and, on getting a view of my troops, found them drawn up in the order and with the defences that have been mentioned, they were brought up, and stood for a while as if considering, "Shall we halt or not? shall we advance or not?" They could not halt, and they were unable to advance with the same speed as before. I sent orders to the troops stationed as flankers on the extremes of the right and left divisions, to wheel round the enemy's flank with all possible speed, and instantly to attack them in the rear; the right and left divisions were also ordered to charge the enemy. The flankers accordingly wheeled on the rear of the enemy, and began to make discharges of arrows on them. Mahdi Khwaja came up before the rest of the left wing. A body of men with one elephant advanced to meet him. My troops gave them some sharp discharges of arrows, and the enemy's division was at last driven back. I despatched from the main body Ahmadi Parwánchi \* \* \* to the assistance of the left division. The battle was likewise obstinate on the right. I ordered Muhammadi Gokultash \* \* \* to advance in front of the centre and engage. Ustád 'Ali Kuli also discharged his guns many times in front of the line to good purpose. Mustafa, the cannoneer, on the left of the centre, managed his artillery with great effect. ### [2.4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.3) The right and left divisions, the centre and flankers, having surrounded the enemy and taken them in rear, were now engaged in hot conflict, and busy pouring in discharges of arrows on them. They made one or two very poor charges on our right and left divisions. My troops, making use of their bows, plied them with arrows, and drove them in upon their centre. The troops on the right and left of their centre, being huddled together in one place, such confusion ensued, that the enemy, while totally unable to advance, found also no road by which they could flee. The sun had mounted spear-high when the onset of battle began, and the combat lasted till mid-day, when the enemy were completely broken and routed, and my friends victorious and exulting. By the grace and mercy of Almighty God, this arduous undertaking was rendered easy for me, and this mighty army, in the space of half a day, laid in the dust. Five or six thousand men were discovered lying slain in one spot near Ibráhim. We reckoned that the number lying slain in different parts of the field of battle, amounted to 15,000 or 16,000 men. On reaching Agra, we found from the accounts of the natives of Hindustan, that 40,000 or 50,000 men had fallen in this field. After routing the enemy, we continued the pursuit, slaughtering and making them prisoners. Those who were ahead began to bring in the amirs and Afghans as prisoners. ### [2.4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.4) They brought in a very great number of elephants, with their drivers, and offered them to me as peshkash. Having pursued the enemy to some distance, and supposing that Ibrahim had escaped from the battle, I appointed Kismai Mirza, \* \* \* with a party of my immediate adherents, to follow him in close pursuit down as far as Agra. Having passed through the middle of Ibrahim's camp, and visited his pavilions and accommodations, we encamped on the banks of the Siyah-ab (Kdlini). It was now afternoon prayers when Tahir Tabari, the younger brother of Khalifa, having found Ibrahim lying dead amidst a number of slain, cut off his head, and brought it in. That very day I directed Humayun Mirza \* \* \* to set out without baggage or encumbrances, and proceed with all possible expedition to occupy Agra, and take possession of the treasuries. I at the same time ordered Mahdi Khwaja and \* \* \* to leave their baggage, to push on by forced marches, to enter the fort of Dehli, and seize the treasuries. ### [2.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.5) Next morning we marched, and having proceeded about a kos, halted on the banks of the Jumna, in order to refresh our horses. After other two marches, on Tuesday I visited the mausoleum of Nizam Auliya, and at the end of the third march encamped near Dehli, on the banks of the Jumna. The same night being Wednesday, I circumambulated the tomb of Khwaja Kutbu-d din, and visited the tomb and palaces of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban, of Sultan 'Alau-d din Khilji, and his minaret, the Shams tank, the royal tank, the tombs and gardens of Sultan Bahlol and Sultan Sikandar, after which I returned into the camp, and went on board of a boat, where we drunk arak. I bestowed the office of shikkdar (or military collector) of Dehli on Wali Kizil; I made Dost the diwan of Dehli, and directed the different treasuries to be sealed and given into their charge. ### [2.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.6) On Thursday we moved thence, and halted hard by Tughlikabad, on the banks of the Jumna. On Friday we continued to halt in the same station. Maulána Mahmúd, Shaikh Zain, and some others went into Dehli to Friday prayers, read the khutba in my name, distributed some money among the fakirs and beggars, and then returned back. On Saturday we marched from our ground, and proceeded, march after march, upon Agra. I went and saw Tughlikábád ; after which I rejoined the camp. On Friday, the 22nd Rajab, I halted in the suburbs of Agra, at the palace of Sulaimán Farmuli. As this position was very far from the fort, I next morning moved and took up my quarters at the palace of Jalál Khán Jaghat. The people of the fort had put off Humáyún, who arrived before me, with excuses ; and he, on his part, considering that they were under no control, and wishing to prevent their plundering the treasure, had taken a position to shut up the issues from the place. ### [2.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.7) Bikramájít, a Hindu, who was Rája of Gwálior, had governed that country for upwards of 100 years. Sikandar had remained several years in Agra, employed in an attempt to take Gwálior. Afterwards, in the reign of Ibráhím, 'Azím Humáyún Sirwáni invested it for some time, made several attacks, and at length succeeded in gaining it by treaty, Shamsábád being given as an indemnification. In the battle in which Ibráhím was defeated, Bikramájít was sent to hell. Bikramájít's family, and the heads of his clan, were at this moment in Agra. When Humáyún arrived, Bikramájít's people attempted to escape, but were taken by the parties which Humáyún had placed upon the watch, and put in custody. Humáyún did not permit them to be plundered. Of their own free will they offered Humáyún a peshkash, consisting of a quantity of jewels and precious stones. Among these was one famous diamond, which had been acquired by Sultán 'Aláu-d dín. It is so valuable that a judge of diamonds valued it at half of the daily expense of the whole world. It is about eight miskáls. On my arrival Humáyún presented it to me as a peshkash, and I gave it back to him as a present. \* \* \* A pargana of the value of seven lacs was bestowed on Ibrahim's mother. Parganas were also given to each of her amírs. She was conducted with all her effects to a palace, which was assigned for her residence, about a kos below Agra. ### [2.4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.8) On Thursday, the 28th Rajab, about the hour of afternoon prayers, I entered Agra, and took up my residence in Sultán Ibrahim's palace. From the time when I conquered the country of Kábul, which was in the year 910, till the present time, I had always been bent on subduing Hindústán. Sometimes, however, from the misconduct of my amírs and their dislike of the plan, sometimes from the cabals and opposition of my brothers, I was prevented from prosecuting any expedition into that country, and its provinces escaped being overrun. At length these obstacles were removed. There was now no one left, great or small, noble or private man, who could dare to utter a word in opposition to the enterprise. In the year 925 I collected an army, and having taken the fort of Bajaur by storm in two or three gharis, put all the garrison to the sword. I next advanced into Bahrah, where I prevented all marauding and plunder, imposed a contribution on the inhabitants, and having levied it to the amount of 400,000 Sháh-rukhís in money and goods, divided the proceeds among the troops who were in my service, and returned back to Kábul. From that time till the year 932, I attached myself in a peculiar degree to the affairs of Hindústán, and in the space of these seven or eight years entered it five times at the head of an army. ### [2.4.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.4.9) The fifth time the Most High God, of his grace and mercy, cast down and defeated an enemy so mighty as Sultán Ibrahim, and made me the master and conqueror of the powerful empire of Hindústán. \* \* \* The capital of all Hindustan is Dehli. From the time of Sultan Shahabu-d din Ghori to the end of Sultan Firoz Shah's time, the greater part of Hindustan was in the possession of the Emperor of Dehli. At the period when I conquered that country five Musulman kings and two Pagans exercised royal authority. Although there were many small and inconsiderable Rais and Rajas in the hills and woody country, yet these were the chief and the only ones of importance. One of these powers was the Afghans, whose government included the capital, and extended from Bahrah to Behar. Jaunpur, before it fell into the power of the Afghans, was held by Sultan Husain Sharki. This dynasty they called the Purbi (or eastern). Their forefathers had been cupbearers to Sultan Firoz Shah, and that race of Sultans. After Sultan Firoz Shah's death, they gained possession of the kingdom of Jaunpur. Dehli was at that period in the hands of Sultan 'Alau-d din, whose family were saiyids. When Timur Beg invaded Hindustan, before leaving the country, he had bestowed the country of Dehli on their ancestors. Sultan Bahlol Lodi Afghan, and his son Sultan Sikandar, afterwards seized the throne of Dehli, as well as that of Jaunpur, and reduced both kingdoms under one government. ### [2.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.1) The second prince was Sultan Muhammad Muzaffar, in Gujarat. He had departed this life a few days before Sultan Ibrahim's defeat. He was a prince well skilled in learning, and fond of reading the hadis (or traditions). He was constantly employed in writing the Kuran. They call this race Tang. Their ancestors were cupbearers to the Sultan Firoz that has been mentioned, and his family. After the death of Firoz Shah, they took possession of the throne of Gujarat. The third kingdom is that of the Bahmanis in the Dekhin, but at the present time the Sultans of the Dekhin have no authority or power left. All the different districts of their kingdom have been seized by their most powerful nobles ; and when the prince needs anything, he is obliged to ask it of his own amirs. The fourth king was Sultan Mahmud, who reigned in the country of Malwa, which they likewise call Mandu. This dynasty was called the Khilji. Rana Sanka, a Pagan, had defeated them and occupied a number of their provinces. This dynasty also had become weak. Their ancestors, too, had been originally brought forward and patronized by Sultan Firoz Shah, after whose demise they occupied the kingdom of Malwa. The fifth prince was Nusrat Shah, in the kingdom of Bengal. His father had been king of Bengal, and was a saiyid of the name of Sultan 'Alau-d din. He had attained this throne by hereditary succession. It is a singular custom in Bengal, that there is little of hereditary descent in succession to the sovereignty. ### [2.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.2) There is a throne allotted for the king; there is, in like manner, a seat or station assigned for each of the amirs, wazirs, and mansabdars. It is that throne and these stations alone which engage the reverence of the people of Bengal. A set of dependents, servants, and attendants are annexed to each of these situations. When the king wishes to dismiss or appoint any person, whosoever is placed in the seat of the one dismissed is immediately attended and obeyed by the whole establishment of dependents, servants, and retainers annexed to the seat which he occupies. Nay, this rule obtains even as to the royal throne itself. Whoever kills the king, and succeeds in placing himself on that throne, is immediately acknowledged as king; all the amirs, wazirs, soldiers, and peasants, instantly obey and submit to him, and consider him as being as much their sovereign as they did their former prince, and obey his orders implicitly. The people of Bengal say, "We are faithful to the throne; whoever fills the throne we are obedient and true to it." As for instance, before the accession of Nusrat Shah's father, an Abyssinian, having killed the reigning king, mounted the throne, and governed the kingdom for some time. Sultán 'Aláu-d dín killed the Abyssinian, ascended the throne, and was acknowledged as king. After Sultán 'Aláu-d dín's death, the kingdom devolved by succession to his son, who now reigned. There is another usage in Bengal; ### [2.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.3) it is reckoned disgraceful and mean for any king to spend or diminish the treasures of his predecessors. It is reckoned necessary for every king, on mounting the throne, to collect a new treasure for himself. To collect a treasure is, by these people, deemed a great glory and ground of distinction. There is another custom, that parganas have been assigned from ancient times to defray the expenses of each department, the treasury, the stable, and all the royal establishments; no expenses are paid in any other manner. ### [2.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.4) The five kings who have been mentioned are great princes, and are all Musulmáns, and possessed of formidable armies. The most powerful of the Pagan princes, in point of territory and army, is the Rájá of Bijanagar. Another is the Rána Sanka, who has attained his present high eminence, only in these later times, by his own valour and his sword. His original principality was Chitur. During the confusion that prevailed among princes of the kingdom of Mándu, he seized a number of provinces which had depended on Mándu, such as Rantpur (Rantambhor), Sárangpur, Bhilsán, and Chanderí. In the year 934, by the divine favour, in the space of a few hours, I took by storm Chanderí, which was commanded by Maidáni Ráo, one of the highest and most distinguished of Rána Sanka's officers, put all the Pagans to the sword, and from the mansion of hostility which it had long been, converted it into the mansion of the faith, as will be hereafter more fully detailed. There were a number of other Ráis and Rájás on the borders and within the territory of Hindústán; many of whom, on account of their remoteness, or the difficulty of access into their country, have never submitted to the Musulmán kings. \* \* \* The countries from Bahrah to Bihár, which are now under my dominion, yield a revenue of fifty-two krors, as will appear from the particular and detailed statement. ### [2.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.5) Of this amount, parganas to the value of eight or nine krors are in the possession of some Ráis and Rájás, who from of old times have been submissive, and have received these parganas for the purpose of confirming them in their obedience. \* \* \* When I first arrived in Agra, there was a strong mutual dislike and hostility between my people and the men of the place. The peasantry and soldiers of the country avoided and fled from my men. Afterwards, everywhere, except only in Dehli and Agra, the inhabitants fortified different posts, while the governors of towns put their fortifications in a posture of defence, and refused to submit or obey. Kasim Sambali was in Sambal, Nizam Khan in Bayana, the Raja Hasan Khan Mewatti himself in Mewat. That infidel was the prime mover and agitator in all these confusions and insurrections. Muhammad Zaitun was in Dhulpur, Tatar Khan Sarang-Khani in Gwalior, Husain Khan Lohani in Rabri, Kutb Khan in Etawa, and in Kalpi 'Ali Khan. Kanauj, with the whole country beyond the Ganges, was entirely in the possession of the refractory Afghans, such as Nasir Khan Lohani, M'aruf Farmuli, and a number of other amirs who had been in a state of open rebellion for two years before the death of Ibrahim. At the period when I defeated that prince, they had overrun, and were in possession of Kanauj and the countries in that quarter, and had advanced and encamped two or three marches on this side of Kanauj. ### [2.5.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.6) They elected Bihar Khan, the son of Darya Khan, as their king, and gave him the name of Sultan Muhammad. Marghub, a slave, was in Mahaban. This confederation, though approaching, yet did not come near for some time. When I came to Agra it was the hot season. All the inhabitants fled from terror, so that we could not find grain nor provender, either for ourselves or our horses. The villages, out of hostility and hatred to us, had taken to rebellion, thieving and robbery. The roads became impassable. I had not time, after the division of the treasure, to send proper persons to occupy and protect the different parganas and stations. It happened, too, that the beats were this year uncommonly oppressive. Many men about the same time dropped down, as if they had been affected by the Simum wind, and died on the spot. ### [2.5.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.7) On these accounts, not a few of my Begs and best men began to lose heart, objected to remaining in Hindustan, and even began to make preparations for their return. \* \* \* I no sooner heard this murmuring among my troops, than I summoned all my Begs to a council. I told them that, \* \* by the Divine favour, I had routed my formidable enemy, and achieved the conquest of the numerous provinces and kingdoms which we at present held, "and now, what force compels, and what hardship obliges us, without any visible cause, after having worn out our life in accomplishing the desired achievement, to abandon and fly from our conquests, and to retreat back to Kabul with every symptom of disappointment and discomfiture? Let not any one who calls himself my friend ever henceforward make such a proposal. But if there is any one among you who cannot bring himself to stay, or to give up his purpose of returning back, let him depart." Having made them this fair and reasonable proposal, the discontented were of necessity compelled, however unwillingly, to renounce their seditious purposes. Khwaja Kilan not being disposed to remain, it was arranged that as he had a numerous retinue, he should return back to guard the presents. \* \* \* ### [2.5.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2.5.8) Although Rana Sanka, the Pagan, when I was in Kabul, had sent me an ambassador with professions of attachment, and had arranged with me, that, if I would march from that quarter into the vicinity of Dehli, he would march from the other side upon Agra; yet when I defeated Ibrahim, and took Dehli and Agra, the Pagan, during all my operations, did not make a single movement. After some time, he advanced and laid siege to Kandhár, the name of a fort which was held by Hasan, the son of Makon. Hasan Makon had several times sent me envoys, though Makon himself had not waited on me with his submissions. The forts around, such as Etáwa, Dholpur, Gwálior, and Bayána were not yet in my possession. The Afghans to the eastward were in a state of rebellion and contumacy; they had even advanced two or three marches from Kanauj towards Ágra, and had then encamped and fortified their position. I was by no means secure of the fidelity of the country immediately about us. It was impossible for me, therefore, to send any detachment to his relief; and Hasan, in the course of two or three months, having been reduced to extremity, entered into a capitulation, and surrendered the fort of Kandár. \* \* \* --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.2) · Pramāṇa