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The Memoirs of Bābur 3.1

Túzak-i Bábarí (extracts, from Erskine's translation) 3.1

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3.1.1

[In Muharram, Nizám Khán, of Bayána], as soon as he had certain information of the approach of Ráná Sanka, the Pagan, seeing no remedy, sent for Saiyid Rafa', and by his mediation delivered up the fort to my troops; after which he accompanied the Saiyid to the presence, and was graciously received and taken into my service. * * * Tátár Khán Sarang-kháni, who held Gwálior, had repeatedly sent messengers with professions of submission and attachment. After the Pagan had taken Kandhár, and when he was approaching Bayána, one of the Rájás of Gwálior, Darmankat, and one Khán Jahán, a Pagan, came into the city of Gwálior, and began to attempt, by raising an insurrection and gaining a party, to produce a defection and seize the fortress. Tátár Khán finding himself in considerable difficulty was willing to deliver up the fort to me. * * * I despatched Rahím-dád with a party of Bahrah men and Láhoris, * * * who were directed to return after establishing Rahím-dád in Gwálior. When they got near Gwálior, Tátár Khán had changed his mind, and would not suffer them to enter the fort. * * * Rahímdad sent in notice that he was afraid to remain without from dread of the Pagans; and proposed that he should be allowed to enter the fort with a few of his men, while the rest stayed without the walls. After much entreaty, Tatar Khan assented to this arrangement.

3.1.2

Rahim-dad had no sooner secured his own admission, and that of a few of his men, than he requested that some of his people might be permitted to attend at the gate, which was granted; and accordingly some of his people were stationed at the Hastiapol or elephant-gate. That very night he introduced the whole of his men by that gate. In the morning Tatar Khan, seeing that there was no help for it, surrendered the fort very unwillingly, and came and waited upon me at Agra. Humayun, who had proceeded against the rebels of the East, having taken Jaunpur, marched expeditiously to Ghazipur, for the purpose of attacking Nasir Khan. The Afghans in that quarter, on getting notice of his approach, passed the river Saru. The light detachment of the army that had advanced marched back again, after plundering the country. Humayun then arranged everything as I had directed. * * * He crossed the Ganges at Karra-Manikpur, and marched by way of Kalpi to join me. * * * On Sunday, the 3rd of the last Rabi', he waited on me in the garden of the Hasht-bihisht. At this time messengers began to come close upon each other from Mahdi Khwaja, to announce that the Rana Sanka was undoubtedly on his march, and had been joined by Hasan Khan Mewatti. * * * In order, therefore, to harass the Rana's army, I pushed on before me, towards Bayana, a light force. * * * On the 9th of the first Jumada, * * we received information that Rana Sanka had pushed on with all his army nearly as far as Bayana.

3.1.3

The party that had been sent out in advance were not able to reach the fort, nor even to communicate with it. The garrison of Bayana had advanced too far from the fort and with too little caution, and the enemy having unexpectedly fallen upon them in great force, completely routed them. * * * It occurred to me that, situated as I was, of all places in this neighbourhood, Sikri being that in which water was most abundant, was upon the whole the most desirable station for a camp ; but that it was possible that the Pagans might anticipate us, take possession of the water and encamp there. I therefore drew up my army in order of battle, with right and left wing and main body, and advanced forward in battle array. * * * I had directed that the different Begs should have charge of the advance and scouts in turn. When it was 'Abdu-l 'Aziz's day, without taking any precautions, he advanced as far as Kanwahah, which is five kos from Sikri. The Pagans were on their march forward, when they got notice of his imprudent and disorderly advance, which they no sooner learned than a body of 4000 or 5000 of them at once pushed on and fell upon him. 'Abdu-l 'Aziz and Mulla Apak had with them about 1000 or 1500 men. Without taking into consideration the numbers or position of the enemy, they immediately engaged. On the very first charge, a number of their men were taken prisoners and carried off the field.

3.1.4

The moment this intelligence arrived, I despatched Muhib 'Ali Khalifa, with his followers, to reinforce them. Mulla Husain and some others were sent close after to their support, being directed to push on each according to the speed of his horse. I then detached Muhammad Jang-Jang to cover their retreat. Before the arrival of the first reinforcement, consisting of Muhib 'Ali Khalifa and his party, they had reduced 'Abdu-l 'Aziz and his detachment to great straits, had taken his horse-tail standard, and taken and put to death * * * and Mulla Apak's younger brother, besides a number of others. No sooner did the first reinforcement come up, than Tahir Tabari, the maternal uncle of Muhib 'Ali, made a push forward, but was unable to effect a junction with his friends, and got into the midst of the enemy. Muhib 'Ali himself was thrown down in the action, but Baltu, making a charge from behind, succeeded in bringing him off. They pursued our troops a full kos, but halted the moment they descried Muhammad 'Ali Jang-Jang's troops from a distance. Messengers now arrived in rapid succession to inform me that the enemy had advanced close upon us. We lost no time in buckling on our armour; we arrayed our horses in their mail, and were no sooner accoutred than we mounted and rode out. I likewise ordered the guns to advance. After marching a kos, we found that the enemy had retreated. There being a large tank on our left, I encamped there, to have the benefit of the water.

3.1.5

We fortified the guns in front, and connected them by chains. Between every two guns we left a space of seven or eight gaz, which was defended by a chain. Mustafa Rumi had disposed the guns according to the Rumi fashion. He was extremely active, intelligent, and skilful in the management of artillery. As Ustad 'Ali Kuli was jealous of him, I had stationed Mustafa on the right with Humayun. In the places where there were no guns, I caused the Hindustani and Khurasani prisoners to run a ditch. * * * In order to re-assure my troops, and to add to the apparent strength of my position, wherever there were not guns, I directed things like tripods to be made of wood, and the spaces between each of them, being seven or eight gaz, to be connected and strengthened by bulls' hides twisted into ropes. Twenty or twenty-five days elapsed before these machines and furniture were finished. * * * On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jumada, I had mounted to survey my posts, and, in the course of my ride, was seriously struck with the reflection that I had always resolved one time after another to make an effectual repentance. * * * Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The fragments of the goblets, and other utensils of gold and silver, I directed to be divided among darweshes and the poor. * * *

3.1.6

At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a manly opinion. The wazirs, whose duty it was to give good counsel, and the amirs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness. During the whole course of this expedition Khalifa conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing the universal discouragment of my troops, and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I called an assembly of all the amirs and officers and addressed them : "Noblemen and soldiers ! Every man that comes into this world is subject to dissolution. * * * How much better is it to die with honour than to live with infamy ! * * * Let us, then, with one accord, swear on God's holy word, that none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body."