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# The Memoirs of Bābur 3: YEAR 933.

Túzak-i Bábarí (extracts, from Erskine's translation) 3

- **Language:** English

## Contents

- [3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1) — 6 parts
- [3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2) — 6 parts

### YEAR 933.

### [3.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1.1)

\[In Muharram, Nizám Khán, of Bayána\], as soon as he had certain information of the approach of Ráná Sanka, the Pagan, seeing no remedy, sent for Saiyid Rafa', and by his mediation delivered up the fort to my troops; after which he accompanied the Saiyid to the presence, and was graciously received and taken into my service. \* \* \* Tátár Khán Sarang-kháni, who held Gwálior, had repeatedly sent messengers with professions of submission and attachment. After the Pagan had taken Kandhár, and when he was approaching Bayána, one of the Rájás of Gwálior, Darmankat, and one Khán Jahán, a Pagan, came into the city of Gwálior, and began to attempt, by raising an insurrection and gaining a party, to produce a defection and seize the fortress. Tátár Khán finding himself in considerable difficulty was willing to deliver up the fort to me. \* \* \* I despatched Rahím-dád with a party of Bahrah men and Láhoris, \* \* \* who were directed to return after establishing Rahím-dád in Gwálior. When they got near Gwálior, Tátár Khán had changed his mind, and would not suffer them to enter the fort. \* \* \* Rahímdad sent in notice that he was afraid to remain without from dread of the Pagans; and proposed that he should be allowed to enter the fort with a few of his men, while the rest stayed without the walls. After much entreaty, Tatar Khan assented to this arrangement.

### [3.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1.2)

Rahim-dad had no sooner secured his own admission, and that of a few of his men, than he requested that some of his people might be permitted to attend at the gate, which was granted; and accordingly some of his people were stationed at the Hastiapol or elephant-gate. That very night he introduced the whole of his men by that gate. In the morning Tatar Khan, seeing that there was no help for it, surrendered the fort very unwillingly, and came and waited upon me at Agra. Humayun, who had proceeded against the rebels of the East, having taken Jaunpur, marched expeditiously to Ghazipur, for the purpose of attacking Nasir Khan. The Afghans in that quarter, on getting notice of his approach, passed the river Saru. The light detachment of the army that had advanced marched back again, after plundering the country. Humayun then arranged everything as I had directed. \* \* \* He crossed the Ganges at Karra-Manikpur, and marched by way of Kalpi to join me. \* \* \* On Sunday, the 3rd of the last Rabi', he waited on me in the garden of the Hasht-bihisht. At this time messengers began to come close upon each other from Mahdi Khwaja, to announce that the Rana Sanka was undoubtedly on his march, and had been joined by Hasan Khan Mewatti. \* \* \* In order, therefore, to harass the Rana's army, I pushed on before me, towards Bayana, a light force. \* \* \* On the 9th of the first Jumada, \* \* we received information that Rana Sanka had pushed on with all his army nearly as far as Bayana.

### [3.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1.3)

The party that had been sent out in advance were not able to reach the fort, nor even to communicate with it. The garrison of Bayana had advanced too far from the fort and with too little caution, and the enemy having unexpectedly fallen upon them in great force, completely routed them. \* \* \* It occurred to me that, situated as I was, of all places in this neighbourhood, Sikri being that in which water was most abundant, was upon the whole the most desirable station for a camp ; but that it was possible that the Pagans might anticipate us, take possession of the water and encamp there. I therefore drew up my army in order of battle, with right and left wing and main body, and advanced forward in battle array. \* \* \* I had directed that the different Begs should have charge of the advance and scouts in turn. When it was 'Abdu-l 'Aziz's day, without taking any precautions, he advanced as far as Kanwahah, which is five kos from Sikri. The Pagans were on their march forward, when they got notice of his imprudent and disorderly advance, which they no sooner learned than a body of 4000 or 5000 of them at once pushed on and fell upon him. 'Abdu-l 'Aziz and Mulla Apak had with them about 1000 or 1500 men. Without taking into consideration the numbers or position of the enemy, they immediately engaged. On the very first charge, a number of their men were taken prisoners and carried off the field.

### [3.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1.4)

The moment this intelligence arrived, I despatched Muhib 'Ali Khalifa, with his followers, to reinforce them. Mulla Husain and some others were sent close after to their support, being directed to push on each according to the speed of his horse. I then detached Muhammad Jang-Jang to cover their retreat. Before the arrival of the first reinforcement, consisting of Muhib 'Ali Khalifa and his party, they had reduced 'Abdu-l 'Aziz and his detachment to great straits, had taken his horse-tail standard, and taken and put to death \* \* \* and Mulla Apak's younger brother, besides a number of others. No sooner did the first reinforcement come up, than Tahir Tabari, the maternal uncle of Muhib 'Ali, made a push forward, but was unable to effect a junction with his friends, and got into the midst of the enemy. Muhib 'Ali himself was thrown down in the action, but Baltu, making a charge from behind, succeeded in bringing him off. They pursued our troops a full kos, but halted the moment they descried Muhammad 'Ali Jang-Jang's troops from a distance. Messengers now arrived in rapid succession to inform me that the enemy had advanced close upon us. We lost no time in buckling on our armour; we arrayed our horses in their mail, and were no sooner accoutred than we mounted and rode out. I likewise ordered the guns to advance. After marching a kos, we found that the enemy had retreated. There being a large tank on our left, I encamped there, to have the benefit of the water.

### [3.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1.5)

We fortified the guns in front, and connected them by chains. Between every two guns we left a space of seven or eight gaz, which was defended by a chain. Mustafa Rumi had disposed the guns according to the Rumi fashion. He was extremely active, intelligent, and skilful in the management of artillery. As Ustad 'Ali Kuli was jealous of him, I had stationed Mustafa on the right with Humayun. In the places where there were no guns, I caused the Hindustani and Khurasani prisoners to run a ditch. \* \* \* In order to re-assure my troops, and to add to the apparent strength of my position, wherever there were not guns, I directed things like tripods to be made of wood, and the spaces between each of them, being seven or eight gaz, to be connected and strengthened by bulls' hides twisted into ropes. Twenty or twenty-five days elapsed before these machines and furniture were finished. \* \* \* On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jumada, I had mounted to survey my posts, and, in the course of my ride, was seriously struck with the reflection that I had always resolved one time after another to make an effectual repentance. \* \* \* Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The fragments of the goblets, and other utensils of gold and silver, I directed to be divided among darweshes and the poor. \* \* \*

### [3.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.1.6)

At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and small. There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual who delivered a manly opinion. The wazirs, whose duty it was to give good counsel, and the amirs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms, neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became men of firmness. During the whole course of this expedition Khalifa conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting and indefatigable in his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing the universal discouragment of my troops, and their total want of spirit, I formed my plan. I called an assembly of all the amirs and officers and addressed them : "Noblemen and soldiers ! Every man that comes into this world is subject to dissolution. \* \* \* How much better is it to die with honour than to live with infamy ! \* \* \* Let us, then, with one accord, swear on God's holy word, that none of us will even think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body."

### [3.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2.1)

Master and servant, small and great, all, with emulation, seizing the blessed Kuran in their hands, swore in the form that I had given. My plan succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible, far and near, on friend and foe. The danger and confusion on all sides were particularly alarming at this very moment. Husain Khan Lohani had advanced and taken Rabri. Kutb Khan's people had taken Chandwar. A man of the name of Rustam Khan, having assembled a body of Doab bowmen, had come and taken Koel, and made Kachak 'Ali prisoner. Zahid had been compelled to evacuate Sambal, and had rejoined me. Sultan Muhammad Duldai had retired from Kanauj, and joined my army. The Pagans of the surrounding country came and blockaded Gwalior. 'Alim Khan, who had been sent to the succour of Gwalior, instead of proceeding to that place, had marched off to his own country. Every day some unpleasant news reached us from one place or another. Many Hindustanis began to desert from the army. Haibat Khan Garg-andaz fled to Sambal. Hasan Khan Bariwal fled and joined the Pagans. Without minding the Pagans, we continued to mind only our own force. On Tuesday, the 9th of the latter Jumada, on the day of the Nauroz, I advanced my guns and tripods that moved on wheels, with all the apparatus and machines which I had prepared, and marched forward with my army, regularly drawn up and divided into right and left wing and centre, in battle order.

### [3.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2.2)

I sent forward in front the guns and tripods placed on wheel carriages. Behind them was placed Ustad 'Ali Kuli, with a body of his matchlockmen, to prevent the communication between the artillery and infantry, who were behind, from being cut off, and to enable them to advance and form into line. After the ranks were formed, and every man stationed in his place, I galloped along the line, animating the begs and troops of the centre, right and left, giving each division special instructions how they were to act, and to every man orders how to conduct himself, and in what manner he was to engage; and, having made these arrangements, I ordered the army to move on in order of battle for about a kos, when we halted to encamp. The Pagans, on getting notice of our motions, were on the alert, and several parties drew out to face us, and advanced close up to our guns and ditch. After our army had encamped, and when we had strengthened and fortified our position in front, as I did not intend fighting that day, I pushed on a few of our troops to skirmish with a party of the enemy, by way of taking an omen. They took a number of Pagans and cut off their heads, which they brought away. Malik Kásim also cut off and brought in some heads. He behaved extremely well. This incident raised the spirits of our army excessively, and had a wonderful effect in giving them confidence in themselves.

### [3.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2.3)

Next morning I marched from that station, with the intention of offering battle, when Khalifa and some of my advisers represented to me that as the ground on which we had fixed for halting was near at hand, it would be proper, in the first place, to throw up a ditch and to fortify it, after which we might march forward and occupy the position. Khalifa accordingly mounted to give directions about the ditch, and rejoined us, after having set pioneers to work on the different parts of it, and appointed proper persons to superintend their progress. On Saturday, the 13th of the latter Jumáda, having dragged forward our guns, and advanced our right, left, and centre in battle array for nearly a kos, we reached the ground that had been prepared for us. Many tents were already pitched, and they were engaged in pitching others, when news was brought that the enemy's army was in sight. I immediately mounted, and gave orders that every man should, without delay, repair to his post, and that the guns and lines should be properly strengthened. As the letter announcing my subsequent victory contains a clear detailed account of the circumstances of the Army of the Faith, the number of the Pagan bands, the order of battle and arrangements of both the Musulman and Pagan armies, I shall therefore subjoin the official despatch announcing the victory, as composed by Shaikh Zain, without adding or taking away.

### [3.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2.4)

\[This is a long and elaborate document in the grand style. Bábar gained a complete victory; Hasan Mewáttí and many Hindu chiefs were slain, and great numbers of the enemy's men were killed, wounded, or made prisoners.\] After this victory, I used the epithet of Gházi in the imperial titles. Having defeated the enemy, we pursued them with great slaughter. Their camp might be two kos distant from ours. On reaching it, I sent on Muhammadi and some other officers, with orders to follow them in close pursuit, slaying and cutting them off, so that they should not have time to re-assemble. In this instance I was guilty of neglect ; I should myself have gone on, and urged the pursuit, and ought not to have intrusted that business to another. \* \* \* Next day we continued on the same ground. I despatched Muhammad 'Alí Jang-Jang and \* \* \* with a large force against Ilyás Khán, who had made an insurrection in the Doab, surprised Koil, and taken Kíchik 'Alí prisoner. On the arrival of my detachment, the enemy, finding that they could not cope with them, fled in all directions in confusion and dismay. Some days after my return to Ágra, Ilyás was taken and brought in ; I ordered him to be flayed alive. The battle was fought within view of a small hill, near our camp. On this hillock I directed a tower of the skulls of the infidels to be constructed. From this encampment the third march brought us to Bayána.

### [3.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2.5)

Immense numbers of the dead bodies of the Pagans and apostates had fallen in their flight, all the way to Bayána, and even as far as Alwar and Mewát. \* \* The country of Mewát lies not far from Dehli, and yields a revenue of three or four krors. Hasan Khán Mewátti had received the government of that country from his ancestors, who had governed it, in uninterrupted succession, for nearly 200 years. They had yielded an imperfect kind of submission to the Sultáns of Dehli. The Sultans of Hind, whether from the extent of their territories, from want of opportunity, or from obstacles opposed by the mountainous nature of the country, had never subdued Mewát. They had never been able to reduce it to order, and were content to receive such a degree of obedience as was tendered to them. After my conquest of Hind, following the example of former Sultans, I also had shown Hasan Khan distinguished marks of favour. Yet this ungrateful man, whose affections lay all on the side of the Pagans, this infidel, regardless of my favours, and without any sense of the kindness and distinction with which he had been treated, was the grand promoter and leader of all the commotions and rebellions that ensued, as has been related. The plan for marching into the country of the Pagans having been abandoned, I resolved on the reduction of Mewát. I advanced four marches, and after the fifth, encamped six kos from the fort of Alwar, which was the seat of government, on the banks of the river Manisni.

### [3.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3.2.6)

Hasan Khán's ancestors had made their capital at Tijára. \* \* \* A person named Karm Chand, one of Hasan Khan's head men, who had come to visit Hasan Khán's son while he was a prisoner in Ágra, now arrived from the son, commissioned to ask a pardon. I sent him back, accompanied by 'Abdu-l Rahím Shagháwal, with letters to quiet his apprehensions, and promising him personal safety; and they returned along with Náhir Khan, Hasan Khán's son. I again received him into favour, and bestowed on him a pargana of several lacs for his support. \* \* \* I bestowed on Chín Tímúr Sultán the city of Tijára, which was the capital of Mewat, granting him at the same time a settled provision of fifty lacs. To Tardika, who in the battle with Rånå Sanka commanded the tulughma (or flanking division) on the right, and had distinguished himself more than any other, I gave an appointment of fifteen lacs, with the charge of the fort of Alwár. I bestowed the treasure of Alwár, with everything in the fort, on Humáyún. I marched from this station on Wednesday, the 1st of Rajab, and having come within two kos of Alwar, went and examined the fort, where I stayed all night, and returned back to the camp in the morning.

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Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.babur.baburnama~en-elliot.3) · Pramāṇa
