[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Mughals (1526–1857)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal) › [Jahāngīr (1605–1627)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir) › [Tūzuk-i Jahāngīrī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri) › [The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri (Rogers, Beveridge)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge) › 29 # The Memoirs of Jahāngīr (Jahāngīrnāma) 29: THE EIGHTEENTH NEW YEAR’S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION The Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī (Rogers, Beveridge) 29 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [29.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1) — 7 parts - [29.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2) — 7 parts - [29.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3) — 9 parts - [29.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4) — 7 parts - [29.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5) — 7 parts - [29.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.6) — 7 parts - [29.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.7) — 6 parts - [29.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.8) — 8 parts - [29.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.9) — 7 parts ### THE EIGHTEENTH NEW YEAR’S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION ### [29.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.1) On the eve of Tuesday, the 20th of Jumada-l-awwal, a.h. 1032 (March 10, 1623), the sun that lights the world entered his house of honour in Aries, and the eighteenth year from the beginning of my reign commenced auspiciously and happily. On this day I heard that Bi-daulat, having gone to the neighbourhood of Mathura, had encamped the army tainted with ruin in the pargana of Shahpur, and reviewed 27,000 cavalry. It is hoped that they will soon be subdued and miserable. Raja Jay Singh, grandson of Raja Man Singh, came from his native country, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. I dignified Raja Bir Singh Deo, than whom in the Rajput caste there is no greater Amir, with the title of Maharaja, and promoted his son Jograj to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. Sayyid Bahwa was presented with an elephant. As it was reported to me that Bi-daulat was coming by the bank of the Jumna, the march of the victorious army in that direction was also decided on. The array of the army that resembled the waves of the sea was divided into the van, the right and left wings, the altmish, the tarah (reserve), the chandawul (rear), etc., and arranged in a manner suitable to the circumstances and according to the locality. Close upon this came the news that Bi-daulat, with the wretch Khan-khanan, had turned his reins from the right road and gone towards the pargana Kotila, 20 koss towards the left, along with the brahman Sundar, who was his guide to the desert of error, with Darab, s. ### [29.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.2) Khan-Khanan, and many of the Amirs who had accompanied him on the road of rebellion and rascality, such as Himmat K., Sar-buland K., Sharza K., ‘Abid K., Jado Ray, Uday Ram, Atash K., Mansur K., and other mansabdars, who were attached to the Deccan, Gujarat, and Malwa, the recital of whom would take too long, and all his own servants, such as Raja Bhim, s. Rana, Rustam K., Bairam Beg, the Afghan Darya, Taqi, and others whom he had left to confront the royal army. There were five armies (corps ?). Although nominally the command was in the hands of the wretch (har-gashta-i-ruzgar) Darab, yet in reality the leader and centre of the whole affair was Sundar, of evil deeds. These men of darkened fortune pitched in the neighbourhood of Baluchpur to their ruin. On the 8th I pitched at Qabulpur. On this day the turn to take the rear fell upon Baqir K. We had left him behind all the rest. A body of the rebels attacked him on the march, and stretched out the hand of plunder. Baqir planted firmly the foot of courage, and succeeded in beating them back. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan got news of this, and turned his reins to support him. Before the arrival of the Khwaja the rebels (mardudan), not being able to stand, had taken to flight. On Wednesday, the 9th of the month, having separated 25,000 horse under the leadership of Asaf K., Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, and ‘Abdu-llah K., I sent them to attack the rebels who did not look to the end of things. ### [29.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.3) Qasim K., Lashkar K., Iradat K., Fida’i K., and other servants, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to Asaf K.’s force. Baqir K., Nuru-d-din Quli, Ibrahim Husain Kashghari, and others, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to support Abu-l-Hasan. Nawāzish K., ‘Abdu-l-‘Aziz K., ‘Azizu-llah, and many of the Barha and Amroha Sayyids, were ordered to accompany ‘Abdu-llah. In this army 10,000 horse were enrolled. Sundar had arranged the army of ruin and put forward the foot of shamelessness. At this time I sent my special quiver by Zabar-dast K., Master of Ceremonies, to ‘Abdu-llah K., that it might be the means of animating his zeal. When the encounter of the two sides took place, that black-faced one to all eternity, in whom the tendency to rebellion and ingratitude was innate, taking to flight, joined the rebels. ‘Abdu-l-‘Aziz K., the son of the Khan Dauran, God knows whether knowingly or not, went off with him. Nawazish K., Zabar-dast K., and Shir-hamla, who were in the corps of that shameless one (‘Abdu-llah K.), planted firmly the foot of courage, and were not disturbed at his going. As the aid of Almighty God is ever near this suppliant, at this crisis, when a leader of the army such as ‘Abdu-llah K. threw 10,000 cavalry into confusion and joined the enemy, and there was nearly a great disaster, a shot from a mysterious hand reached Sundar. At his fall the pillars of the courage of the rebels shook. ### [29.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.4) Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan also drove before him the army in front of him and defeated it. Asaf K., when Baqir K. arrived, showing great activity, finished the affair, and a victory which might be the tughrā (sign manual) of the victories of the age showed its face of purpose from the hidden world. Zabar-dast K., Shir-hamla, Shir-bacha, his son, and the son of Asad K., the architect, and Muhammad Husain, brother of Khwaja Jahan, and a number of the Sayyids of Barha who were in the corps of the black-faced ‘Abdu-llah, having tasted the sweet-flavoured wine of martyrdom, obtained everlasting life. ‘Azizu-llah, grandson of Husain K. (Tukriya), being wounded by a gun-shot, got off safely. Although at this time the desertion of that rejected hypocrite was a secret help, yet it is probable that if he had not performed this detestable action in the crisis of the battle, many of the rebel leaders would have been killed or captured. It chanced that he was known to the common people by the title of La‘natu-llah (God’s curse), and as he had received this name from the hidden world I also called him by it. Hereafter, wherever the expression La‘natu-llah is used it refers to him. Briefly, after the rebels, whose end was evil, took to flight from the field of battle, and turned their faces towards the valley of ruin and could not reassemble, La‘natu-llah, with all the rebels, did not turn his rein till he reached Bi-daulat, who was at a distance of 20 koss. ### [29.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.5) When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift, which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners, everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to Khan A‘zam, as it occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction, Bi-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah that He may never again regard him with favour. ### [29.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.6) Those servants who in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more and more favours, each according to his degree. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan was raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawāzish K. to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Baqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse, with drums, Ibrahim Husain Kāshgarī to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, ‘Azizu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nuru-d-din Quli to that of 2,000 and 700 horse, Raja Ram Das to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Lutfu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwārish K. to that of 1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day and marched on the next. Khān ‘Alam, having marched from Allahabad, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month I encamped at the village of Jhansa (?). ### [29.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.1.7) On this day Sar-buland Ray came from the Deccan and waited on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a phul katara. ‘Abdu-l-‘Aziz K. and some of those who had gone with Lahiatu-llah released themselves from the hand of Bi-daulat, and paid their respects, and represented that when La‘natu-llah charged, they thought it was for a cavalry encounter. When they found themselves in the midst of the rebels they saw nothing for it but to submit and pay their respects, but now they had found an opportunity and had obtained the good fortune of kissing the threshold. Though they had taken 2,000 muhrs from Bi-daulat for their expenses, as the times were critical I made no inquiry, but accepted their statement. ### [29.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.1) On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours conferred on them. Mir ‘Azudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a vocabulary of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken much pains, and collected together all the words from the writings of ancient poets. There is no book like this in the science. Raja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse, and a special elephant was presented to my son Shahriyar. The post of ‘Arz-muharrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Musawi K. Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., was given the title of Khan-zad Khan, was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was honoured with a flag and drums. On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdibihisht I pitched on the bank of the lake at Fathpur. I‘tibar K. came from Agra and waited on me, and was graciously received. Muzaffar K., Mukarram K., and his brother also came from Agra, and had the good fortune to wait on me. As I‘tibar K. had done approved service in the charge of the Agra fort he was dignified with the title of Mumtaz K., and I gave him the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and having bestowed on him a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse, and a special elephant, I sent him back to his duty. Sayyid Bahwa was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, Mukarram K. ### [29.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.2) to that of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, and Khwaja Qasim to that of 1,000 with 400 horse. On the 4th Mansur K. Farangi, whose circumstances have been recorded in the preceding pages (?), with his brother and Naubat K. Dakhani, by the guidance of good fortune separated themselves from Bi-daulat, and came into my service. I sent Khawass K. to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz. Mirza ‘Isa Tarkhan, having come from Multan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. A special sword was given to Mahabat K. On the 10th the camp was pitched in the pargana of Hindaun. Mansur K. (the Farangi) was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and that of Naubat K. to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. On the 11th was a halt. As on this day a meeting with my fortunate son Shah Parwiz had been arranged, I ordered that the powerful princes and the illustrious Amirs and all the devoted servants should go out to meet him, and bring him to wait on me in a fitting manner. After midday had passed, at an auspicious chosen hour he kissed the ground and illuminated the forehead of his sincerity. After the usual salutations had been performed and the customary ceremonies gone through I embraced my fortunate son with the greatest pleasure and affection, and loaded him with more and more favours. ### [29.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.3) At this time news came that Bi-daulat, when he was passing through the township (hawali) of the pargana of Amber, which was the hereditary abode of Raja Man Singh, had sent a band of scoundrels and plundered that cultivated spot. On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sarwali. I had previously sent Habash K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I promoted my fortunate son Shah Parwiz to the high mansab of 40,000 and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bi-daulat had sent off Jagat Singh, s. Raja Baso, to his own country to raise disturbances in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Sadiq K., chief Bakhshi, to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him, giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tugh) and drums. At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of Mirza Badi‘u-z-zaman, s. Mirza Shahrukh, who was known as Fathpuri, had attacked him unawares and killed him. About this time his brothers came to Court and paid their respects. His own mother also waited on me, but did not make a claim, as was proper, for her son’s blood, and (so) proceedings could not be taken according to law. ### [29.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.4) Although his disposition was so bad that his murder was not to be regretted, but on the contrary was opportune and advantageous, yet, as these wretches had shown such audacity with regard to their elder brother, who was to them in the position of a father, I ordered them to be put in gaol, and afterwards what was deemed proper should be done to them. On the 21st Raja Gaj Singh and Ray Suraj Singh arrived from their jagirs, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Mu‘izzu-l-mulk, whom I had sent to Multan to summon my son Khan Jahan, came and waited on me, and presented me with a letter about his severe illness and weakness. He had sent his son Asalat K. with 1,000 horse to wait on me, and expressed great regret at being deprived of the honour of meeting me. As his apology was evidently sincere, I accepted it. On the 25th my fortunate son Prince Parwiz, with the victorious army, was sent in pursuit to overthrow Bi-daulat. The reins of authority over the powerful Prince, and the centre of the ordering of the victorious army, were given into the hand of Mu’taminu-d-daula Mahabat K. Of the illustrious Amirs and life-sacrificing brave men who were in attendance on the Prince of lofty fortune, this is the detail. ### [29.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.5) Khan ‘Alam, Maharaja Gaj Singh, Fazil K., Rashid K., Raja Girdhar, Raja Ram Das Kachhwaha, Khwaja Mir ‘Abdu-l-‘Aziz, ‘Azizu-llah, Asad K., Parwarish K., Ikram K., Sayyid Hizbar K., Lutfu-llah, Ray Narayan Das, and others to the number of 40,000 horse, with much artillery. Rs. 2,000,000 (twenty lakhs) of treasure were sent with them. At a propitious hour they were started with my son, and bridle to bridle with victory. Fazil K. was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter to the victorious army. A special dress of honour was bestowed on the Prince, with a nadiri of gold brocade, and pearls on the collar and skirt worth Rs. 41,000, prepared in the royal establishment, and a private elephant of the name Ratan Gaj, ten female elephants, a private horse, and a jewelled sword, the value of the whole of which was Rs. 77,000. These were all given to the Prince. Nur Jahan Begam also gave him a dress of honour, a horse, and an elephant, as is the custom. To Mahabat K. and the other Amirs, according to their standing, horses, elephants, and dresses of honour were presented. The immediate attendants of the prince were also honoured with favours. On this day Muzaffar K. received a dress of honour on appointment to the post of chief Bakhshi. On the first of the Divine month of Khurdad Prince Dawar-bakhsh, s. Khusrau, was appointed to Gujarat, and Khan A‘zam to the high dignity of tutor to him. ### [29.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.6) I conferred on the prince a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, a private jewelled dagger, a standard (tugh), and drums. Khan A‘zam, Nawazish K. and other servants were honoured with presents according to their standing. Iradat K. was appointed Bakhshi in place of Fazil K. Ruknu-s-saltana Asaf K. exalted his head with the dignity of the Subadarship of Bengal and Orissa. A special dress of honour, with a jewelled sword, were conferred on him. Abu Talib \[i.e., Shaista K.\], his son, was appointed to accompany him, and promoted to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. On Saturday, the 9th, corresponding with the 19th Rajab, A.H. 1032 (May 9, 1623), the camp was pitched at the Ana-Sagar lake outside Ajmir. Prince Dawar-bakhsh, being honoured with the mansab of 8,000, and 3,000 horse, was granted Rs. 2,00,000 of treasure for the expenses of the army which accompanied him. Rs. 1,00,000 I also gave as an advance to Khan A‘zam. Allah-yar, s. Iftikhar Beg, who was in the service of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, was at his request granted a standard. Tatar K. took leave on his appointment to the charge of Fort Gwalior. Raja Gaj Singh was appointed to the mansab of 5,000, with 4,000 horse. ### [29.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.2.7) On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (hazrat) Maryamu-z-zamani, by the decree of God, had died. I trust that Almighty God will envelop her in the ocean of His mercy. Jagat Singh, s. Rana Karan, having come from his native place, had the good fortune to pay his respects. Ibrahim K. Fath-jang, governor of Bengal, had sent thirty-four elephants by way of offering, and they were submitted to me. Baqir K. was appointed faujdar of Oudh, and Sadat K. to the Du-ab. The Mir Mushrif was made Diwan-i-buyutat. On the 12th of the Divine month of Tir a report came from the officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bi-daulat as a reward for his victory over the Rana, as has been fully related in the preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and perversity, along with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., and many of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundars brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. ### [29.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.1) When Sundar was killed, and Bi-daulat retreated after his defeat to Mandu, the province of Gujarat was put in the charge of La‘natu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent for along with Safi K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala (belt) on which two lakhs had been spent — and which things had been prepared as a present for myself — were also sent for. Safi K. was the brother’s son (text says brother ”) of Ja‘far Beg, who received in my father’s service the title of Asaf K., and was married to a daughter of Nur Jahan’s brother, who by my favour had received the title of Asaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bi-daulat. Both daughters were by one mother, and Bi-daulat expected that on account of this connection Safi K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had gone forth for Safi K.’s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should attain to high rank ! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the faithless (bi-wafa) La‘natu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafa-dar to be governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bi-sar-u-pa) entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Safi K. had made up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. ### [29.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.2) Some days before Kunhar came out of the city he (Safi) encamped on the bank of the Kankariya lake, and thence hastened to Mahmudabad, giving out openly that he was going to Bi-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication and made arrangements to be loyal with Nahir K., Sayyid Dilir K., Nanu K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Salih, a servant of Bi-daulat, who was faujdar of the Sarkar of Pitlad, and had a good force with him, heard rumours that Safi K. entertained other ideas. Kunhar had also discovered this, but as Safi K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct, they could not move hand or foot. Salih, for fear lest Safi K., abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure, exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bi-daulat at Mandu. Kunhar (or the younger brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Safi K., knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Mahmudabad to the pargana of Karang, which is to the left of the usual road, where Nanu K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with Nahir K. ### [29.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.3) and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise, which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Safi) left his women in the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nanu (Babu?) K., came at dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the Sha‘ban garden until it had become light and friend could be distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good fortune (had risen), when he found the gate of prosperity open, though he could see no trace of Nahir K. and the other loyalists, yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the gates of the fort, he placed his confidence in God who gives victory, and entered the city by the Sarangpur gate. About this time Nahir K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The eunuch of La‘natu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune of (Jahangir), took refuge in the house of Shaikh Haidar, grandson of Nizam Wajihu-d-din. The royal servants of approved service, having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of Muhammad Taqi, Bi-daulat’s diwan, and of Hasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and seized them. Shaikh Haidar himself came and informed Safi K. ### [29.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.4) that the eunuch of La‘natu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bi-daulat’s servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects of Bi-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When this news reached Bi-daulat, he sent off La‘natu-llah with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., Qabil Beg, Rustam Bahadur, Salih Badakhshi, and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Safi K. and Nahir K., becoming aware of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up, they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Raja Kalyan, Zamindar of Idar (printed wrongly “Andur”), and the son of Lai Gopi (?), and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned into the city. A good number was thus assembled. La‘natu-llah did not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from Mandu to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage, and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank of the Kankariya Lake. It occurred to La‘natu-llah that if he came on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. ### [29.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.5) When he obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kankariya tank, encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Qutb ‘Alam. La‘natu-llah traversed a road of three days in two, and arrived at Mahmudabad. As Sayyid Dilir K. had seized the women of Sharza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the women of Sar-afraz K. were also in the city, Safi K. sent a secret message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation; otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of indignities. Hearing this, La‘natu-llah sent for Sar-afraz K. on some excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As Sharza K., Himmat K., and Salih Badakhshi were in league together, and had alighted at the same place, he could not get Sharza K. into his hands. Briefly, on the 21st of Sha‘ban, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, La‘natu-llah mounted and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. ### [29.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.6) It occurred to La‘natu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal, he could not screw up his courage (tāb nayāwarda), but turned his rein towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it — that it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej, and halted in the village of Naranja. The loyal party arranged their forces in the village of Balud, which is nearly three koss off. At dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner, their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nahir K., Raja Kalyan, the Zamindar of Idar, and other valiant men; on the left wing Sayyid Dilir K., Sayyid Sidu, and other loyal servants were stationed; and on the right wing Nanu K., Sayyid Ya‘qub, Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in the centre were Safi K., Kifayat K. Bakhshi, and some other servants of approved service. ### [29.3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.7) It so happened, fortunately, that in the place where La‘natu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahadur, and Himmat K., and Salih Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact with Nahir K. and Shams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound, and a fight ensued between Salih Beg, and Nanu K., Sayyid Ya‘qub, Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad, and other servants. In the height of the battle the elephant of Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad came and threw him (Salih) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane, on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilir K. came fighting from the right wing. La‘natu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat K. and Salih, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed of ruin. ### [29.3.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.8) As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of La‘natu-llah, and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself, and Safi K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just then La‘natu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Salih Beg, and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Safi K., his courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat and disaster. Sayyid Dilir K. pursued him for a koss, and made many of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qabil Beg, unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the claws of retribution. As La‘natu-llah was not sure about Sar-afraz K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one of the elephants Bahadur, s. Sultan Ahmad, and gave permission to kill him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sultan Ahmad’s son put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afraz K. threw himself down off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Safi K., finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. La‘natu-llah did not turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of Sharza K. ### [29.3.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.3.9) were captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited upon Safi K. Briefly, La‘natu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit him, yet they sent him 5,000 mahmudis by way of maintenance. For three days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bi-daulat’s jagir, he took nearly 4 lakhs of mahmudis from his officials there, and took possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars had been burnt, and betook himself to Bi-daulat at Burhanpur. ### [29.4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.1) In fine, when this approved service performed by Safi K. and other loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with favours and kindnesses. Safi K. held the mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahangir-shahi, and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nahir K. had 1,000 with 200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, I bestowed on him the title of Shir K., and raised his head of honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the (descendant ?) grandson of (?), the brother of Puran Mai Lulu (?), who was governor of Raysin and Chanderi. When Shir K., the Afghan (i.e., Shir Shah), besieged the fort of Raysin, it is well known that he killed him (Puran Mai) after promising him quarter, and that his women burnt themselves, committing “Jauhar,” according to the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His sons and caste fellows went off to various places. The father of Nahir K., whose title was Khan Jahan, having gone to Muhammad K., governor of Asir and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muhammad K. died, Hasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Raja ‘Ali K., brother of Muhammad K., put the child in confinement, and took possession of the government. After some time news reached Raja ‘Ali K. ### [29.4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.2) that Khan Jahan and a body of the servants of Muhammad K. had leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Hasan K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with them, and sent Hayat Khan Habashi, with many brave men, to the house of Khan Jahan, either to take him alive or to kill him. He, planting his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things went badly with him committed Jauhar, and passed from this borrowed life. At that time Nahir K. was very young. Hayat Khan Abyssinian, having asked ‘Ali K.’s permission, adopted him as his son, and made him a Musalman. After his death Raja ‘Ali K. brought up Nahir K., and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Asir, Nahir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in jagir the pargana of Muhammadpur in Malwa. In my service he advanced more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right. ### [29.4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.3) Sayyid Dilir K. is of the Sayyids of Barha; formerly his name was Sayyid ‘Abdu-l-Wahhab. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800 horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They call twelve bara in Hindi. As in the Du-ab there are twelve villages near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they have become known as the Sayyids of Barha. Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not been killed. Mirza ‘Aziz Koka always said the Sayyids of Barha were the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality the case. Nanu K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices, were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their hearts in lofty employments. At this time Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan, was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dawar-bakhsh in Gujarat, and I sent Nuru-d-din Quli into the Subah to bring Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court. ### [29.4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.4) On this day it was reported to me that Minu-chihr, s. Shah-nawaz K., had separated himself from Bi-daulat under the guidance of good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz. I'tiqad K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four, I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sultan Mas‘ud, s. Sultan Mahmud (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be his testimony !), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded, especially in the history of Baihaqi, who has kept a diary of what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one day he (Mas'ūd) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood, and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (khisht) and struck the tiger’s chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the elephant’s back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow with his sword that he cut off both the tiger’s fore-feet, and the tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. ### [29.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.5) A powerful tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant, and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant’s back, and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died. One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh in the Nuh forest. A wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in my presence that powerful (jawānān) men, good shots with the bow, have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my pen from saying more. On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh, s. Rana Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sultan Husain, Zamindar of Pakli, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to Shadman, his eldest son. On the 7th of the month of Amurdad Ibrahim Husain, a servant of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, came from the victorious army, and brought news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. ### [29.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.6) I performed the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God’s grace alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chanda, and entered the province of Malwa, Bi-daulat, with 20,000 horse, 300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Mandu in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargis (Mahrattas) of the Deccan with Jadu Ray and Uday Ram, Atash K., and other rebels to make a raid (qazzaqi) on the royal camp. Mahabat K. made proper arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the ghaul (centre), and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargis kept at a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One day it was Mansur K. Farangi’s turn to be with the rear-guard. At the time of pitching the camp Mahabat K., by way of caution, was standing with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might fence it in at their ease. As Mansur K. had been drinking on the road, he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men, he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargis, and came to where Jadu Ray and Uday Ram were standing with two or three thousand cavalry drawn up. ### [29.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.4.7) As was their custom, they attacked him from all sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty. ### [29.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.1) During these days Mahabat K. was continually capturing, by messages and letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity and confusion had accompanied Bi-daulat. When men read the lines of despair on the page of his (Shah Jahan’s) condition, letters also came from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bi-daulat came out of the fort of Mandu, he in the first instance sent forward a body of Bargis, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqi, and Barq-andaz K. with a body of musketeers. Then he sent Darab K., Bhim, Bairam Beg, and his other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person, he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself unattended behind Darab and Bhim, turning his face of ruin towards the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kaliyadaha, Bi-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed himself with Khan-khanan and a few men at the distance of a koss in the rear. Barq-andaz K., who had made an agreement with Mahabat K., was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other, he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and joined the royal army, crying out. “Success to King Jahangir!” When he reached Mahabat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son Parwiz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the name of Baha’u-d-din, and was a servant of Zain K. ### [29.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.2) After the latter’s death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andaz K. When I sent Bi-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery, and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of his (Shah Jahan’s) chief servants, and on whom he had perfect reliance, when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact with Mahabat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, he, with Muhammad Murad Badakhshi and other mansabdars, left the ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bi-daulat’s hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda, a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahabat K. had written in answer to Zahid’s K. ### [29.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.3) letter, making him hopeful of the royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to Bi-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zahid K., imprisoned him with his three sons. Zahid K. is s. Shaja‘at K., who was one of the Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position as a house-born one (khana-zad), and given him the title of Khan and the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bi-daulat for the conquest of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bi-daulat. After the defeat near Delhi, he turned back. Though he had not a family, he had not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property, to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bi-daulat. When thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of calamities For retribution is according to natural law. ### [29.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.4) Briefly, Bi-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of trustworthy men and a body of the Bargis from the Deccan on the bank of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards the fort of Asir and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqi, his servant, caught the runner whom Khan-khanan had sent to Mahabat K., and took him to Bi-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter : Hundreds are watching me Otherwise I’d fly away from trouble. Bi-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that could be listened to. In short, he kept him with Darab and his other sons in surveillance near his own station, and the lot he had himself drawn — viz., that hundreds were watching him — happened to him. At this time I gave Ibrahim Husain, the servant of my prosperous son who had brought the report of the victory, the title of Khush-khabar K., with a dress of honour, and an elephant, and sent a gracious farman to the Prince and Mahabat K. by Khawass K. I also sent with him a pahunchi (bracelet) of great value to my son (Parwiz) and a jewelled sword to Mahabat K. As Mahabat K. had done approved service, I gave him the mansab of 7,000 personal and horse. ### [29.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.5) Sayyid Salabat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those employed in the Deccan. When Bi-daulat, having been defeated near Delhi, went to the fort of Mandu, he placed his children in independent territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes to pay his respects (to me). Mirza Hasan, s. Mirza Rustam Safawi, having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdar of Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Having sent Lad Beg, Superintendent of the Record Department, to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, I sent with him a special dress of honour and a nadiri for him, and a turban for Mahabat K. Khawass K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned, waited upon me with good news (of him). Khana-zad K., s. Mahabat K., was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse. ### [29.5.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.6) At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nilgaw. Whilst I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2½ yards, and its girth equal to three cubits (dast). He had swallowed half a hare, and was in the act of swallowing the other half. When the huntsmen picked him up and brought him to me, the hare fell out of his mouth. I ordered them to put it into its mouth again, but they could not do it, however much they exerted themselves; but by using great violence the corner of his mouth was torn to pieces. After this I ordered them to open its belly. Thereupon another entire hare came out. They call this kind of snake chital in Hindustan, and it grows so large that it swallows a hog-deer (kotah-pacha) entire; but it is not poisonous, and does not bite. One day during the same hunt I shot a female nilgaw, and two fully formed young ones were found inside. As I heard that the flesh of nilgaw fawns was delicate and delicious, I ordered the royal cooks to prepare a du-piyaza (a kind of rich fricassee). Certainly it was not without flavour. ### [29.5.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.5.7) On the 15th of the Divine month of Shahriwar Rustam K., Muhammad Murad, and several other servants of Bi-daulat, who under the guidance of good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, according to orders came to Court, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muhammad Murad to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily increasing favours. Rustam K. by extraction is a Badakhshi, His name was Yusuf Beg. He is connected with Muhammad-quli of Isfahan, who was agent for and prime minister of Mirza Sulaiman (of Badakhshan). He was first of all in the service of the Court, passed his days mostly in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bi-daulat, and entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting. He also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the Rana. Bi-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (Shah Jahan), at his request I gave him the title of Khan, with a standard and drums. For some time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not manage badly. Muhammad Murad is the son of Maqsud Mir-ab (butler), who was one of the old servants of Mirza Sulaiman and Mirza Shah-rukh. ### [29.6.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.6.1) On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on me. Nuru-d-din Quli brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the rebels, who had been taken prisoners at Ahmadabad. Sharza K. and Qabil Beg, who were ring-leaders of the seditious, I executed by throwing them under the feet of warlike (mast) elephants. On the 20th of the same month, corresponding with the 18th of the month of Zi-qa‘da, a daughter was given by the grace of God to my son Shahriyar by the granddaughter of I‘timadu-d-daula. I hope that her advent will be propitious and blessed to this State. On the 22nd of the month the feast of my solar weighment took place, and the 55th year of the age of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. According to annual custom, I had myself weighed against gold and other valuables, and gave them to deserving people. Among these I gave Rs. 2,000 to Shaikh Ahmad of Sihrind. On the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr Mir Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 300 horse. Muqim, the Bakhshi of Gujarat, was given the title of Kifayat K. As the innocence of Sar-faraz K. was established to my satisfaction, I took him out of prison, and allowed him to pay his respects. At the request of my son Shahriyar, I went to his house. He had prepared a grand entertainment, and presented suitable offerings, and gave dresses of honour to most of the servants. ### [29.6.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.6.2) At this time a report came from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz that Bi-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Tapti), and was wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the rebels, and withdrew towards Asir and Burhanpur. The Khan-khanan and Darab he took with him under surveillance. And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must be said about Asir. The said fort, in its great height and strength, is not in want of my praise. Before Bi-daulat went to the Deccan it was in the charge of Khwaja Nasru-llah, s. Khwaja Fathu-llah, who was one of the household slaves and ancient servants. Afterwards, at the request of Bi-daulat, it was handed over to Mir Husamu-d-din, s. Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain. ### [29.6.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29.6.3) As the daughter of Nur Jahan Begam’s maternal uncle (taghai) was married to him, when Bi-daulat, having been defeated in the neighbourhood of Delhi, turned his rein towards Malwa and Mandu, Nur Jahan Begam wrote to him and strictly urged him, saying: “Beware, a thousand times beware, not to allow Bi-daulat and his men to come near the fort, but strengthen the towers and gates, and do your duty, and do not act in such a manner that the stain of a curse and ingratitude for favours should fall on the honour or the forehead of a Sayyid.” In truth, he strengthened it well, and the arrangements of the fort were not of such a sort that Bi-daulat’s bird of thought could fly up to its border, or the conquest of it be quickly accomplished. In brief, when Bi-daulat sent one of his attendants, of the name of Sharifa, to the above-mentioned, he (Sharifa) seduced him by means of promises and threats, and it was settled (between Shah Jahan and Sharifa) that when Husamu-d-din should come down to take the letter and dress of honour which had been sent, he should not be allowed to go up again. _First 40 of 75 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29)_ --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.jahangir.tuzuk-i-jahangiri~en-rogers-beveridge.29) · Pramāṇa