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Bayan-i Waki', of Khwaja 'Abdu-l Karim Khan (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of Bayan-i waqiʿ (Bayān-i wāqiʿ)

Language
English
Date
1877 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
21 passages, 4,602 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

Nadir Shah had sent Muhammad Khan Afshar on an embassy to Muhammad Shah, Emperor of Hindustan. But on account of the difference of opinion that existed among the nobles around that monarch, a long time elapsed, no answer to the letter was forthcoming, and the ambassador himself did not return. When Nadir considered the matter, he came to the conclusion that hostility towards him was intended by the nobles around the throne of Hindustan, and he made up his mind to march against Kabul.

What befell me after my arrival at Hughli until the death of Muhammad Shah.

2.1

At this time, in consequence of the weakness of His Majesty Muhammad Shah, and the want of unanimity among his nobles, the armies of the Mahrattas of the south had spread themselves over Bengal; and Hughli fell into their hands. I had occasion to stop at the city of Firashdanga (Chandernagore), which is inhabited by a tribe of Frenchmen. The city of Calcutta, which is on the other side of the water, and inhabited by a tribe of English who have settled there, is much more extensive and thickly populated than Firashdanga. All the different tribes of Europeans have got different names, such as the Fransis (French), Angrez (English), Walandiz (Hollanders), and Partagis (Portuguese). The delightful gardens which the Europeans make, with a number of trees great and small, all cut with large shears and kept in order, as in their own country, are exceedingly pleasing and refreshing. The reason why they have so many gardens is, that a separate family, or one set of inhabitants, lives in a separate house. There is no difference whatever to be observed in any of their manners and customs; indeed, they all live just as they do in their own country. They have churches, too, where they perform Divine service in congregations, and everything else is managed in a similar way according to custom. Many tradesmen and professors of different arts have come from Europe and taken up their abode here, and get occupation in making things, carrying on their trade as they do in their own land.

2.2

A great many of the Bengalis have become skilful and expert from being with them as apprentices. As they excel in other arts and sciences, so also in a military point of view are the Europeans distinguished. This the Mahrattas know well; for although there is so much property and merchandize belonging to commercial and wealthy men of these parts in Firashdanga and Calcutta, and it would only be a journey of two kos from Hughli to Firashdanga, and although the Europeans have no fort, and are so few in number while the Mahrattas are as numerous as ants or locusts, yet, in spite of all this, the Mahrattas see the unanimity and concord that exists among the Europeans, and do not attempt to approach them, much less to attack them. The Europeans fight with guns and muskets; but when the time for using the sword comes, they are at a disadvantage. One great reason of the armies from the south invading Bengal is the fighting of Nawab 'Aliwardi Khan with Nawab Sarfaraz Khan, son of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula. Sarfaraz Khan, after the death of his father, was induced by the temptation held out by his companions to lay violent hands upon and injure Haji Ahmad, brother of this 'Aliwardi Khan, who had been a confidential friend of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula.

2.3

'Aliwardi Khan, too, had been on terms of friendship with Shuja'u-d daula, and was appointed by him to manage the affairs of 'Azimabad, in the office of deputy governor, and was so employed when he marched towards Murshidabad, for the purpose of reasoning with the son of his patron on the impropriety of being induced to oppress and tyrannize over his dependents by the silly speeches of designing men, and with the hope of being able to deliver Haji Ahmad from his difficulties. Sarfaraz Khan was completely possessed with the idea that he was coming with deceitful and dishonest intentions, and marched out of Murshidabad to meet him. An action took place between the two armies, in which Sarfaraz Khan was accidentally killed by a musket-ball fired by one of his own men. His army was scattered. Of his friends and officers, some were killed, others were taken prisoners, and part fled. Now the followers and friends of Sarfaraz Khan say, that 'Aliwardi Khan made use of the false imputation as a means of advancing his own views, and that, though apparently he came for the purpose merely of having an interview and giving advice, in reality his intention was to seize upon the property and take the life of Sarfaraz Khan. At any rate 'Aliwardi Khan became master of the country and treasure, with all the wealth of Ja'far Khan, who had formerly been Subadar of Bengal, and was the grandfather of Sarfaraz Khan by his mother's side.

2.4

The accumulated treasure of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, and all the valuables and property of Sarfaraz Khan and his servants, fell into the hands of 'Aliwardi Khan, and God alone knows how much it was. By distributing money and behaving with kindness, by keeping on good terms with all, and behaving discreetly, he completely gained over to his cause the hearts of all men far and near. After these events, some of the relatives and dependents of Sarfaraz Khan, who had fled and concealed themselves from fear of being punished and injured, went and took refuge with Nawab Asaf Jah Bahadur Nizamu-l Mulk, ruler of the provinces in the south; and having led the plundering troops of the Mahrattas by the road of Orissa, they caused great injury and misery to be inflicted on the inhabitants, and distressed the rulers of the time. The fire of slaughter was kindled between the two parties, and the lives of many of 'Aliwardi Khan's army and a few of the soldiers of the Dakhin were sacrificed; but, considering the strength and firmness of the Governor of Bengal, neither party can be said to have got the victory.

2.5

As the rainy season was approaching, the Dakhini troops were in anxiety about returning; and so, having abandoned the contest, they turned their faces southward, laden with spoil, the amount of which is beyond my power of description. 'Aliwardi Khan, from fear of war, pacifying the nobles and the Emperor by means of presents of cash and valuables, requested that the subadarship should be given to him; and he exerted himself with great activity in reducing the provinces to obedience. Nevertheless, the Mahratta troops, who were fond of good living, and well experienced in everything good or bad, established themselves on the frontier, and came yearly committing their ravages. At last, after fighting and quarrelling, and after much deceit had been practised, they came to an agreement on this point, viz. that the province of Orissa should be made over to the Mahrattas in exchange for the fourth share of the revenues of Bengal, which in the language of their country is called chauth. 'Aliwardi was to keep the rest.

2.6

Bengal is an extensive country and fertile, and produces a large revenue. The climate, however, is very damp, on account of the quantity of rain that falls and its proximity to the salt sea. The inhabitants of that district, like those of Kashmir and Mazandaran, live chiefly on rice. On the 1st of the month Muharram, in the year 1156 a.h., I left Murshidabad, after a sojourn there of seven months, and as I was afraid of the Mahratta troops, which were scattered over that part of the country, I crossed the river, and set out in the direction of 'Azimabad (Patna), by way of Puraniya and Tirhut. Although the inhabitants of Puraniya suffer under chronic disease from the unhealthiness of their climate, yet, as the Nawab Saif Khan, brother of Mir Khan, keeps his district in complete order and discipline, they are free and untouched by other calamities. The city of 'Azimabad (Patna) is a well-populated and clean place, and the waters of the Ganges and Jumna, and all the canals of the district round, collected together, flow by the city, and then take their course through Bengal to the great ocean. The Europeans here have built good houses, and are engaged in commerce. The leaves of the betel-tree are very good here, and they carry them hand by hand to distant places. The rice, too, of 'Azimabad is more tasty than that of Bengal, and the rich men buy it and eat it.

2.7

For some time the health of the Emperor had taken a turn for the worse, and pressing letters were frequently written to the physician, Nawab Hakim 'Alawi Khan, to come with all haste. We set out from 'Azimabad together, and passing by Benares, Allahabad and Farrukhabad, we arrived at the royal city of Shah-Jahanabad on the 10th of the month Jumada-s sani, in the year 1156 a.h., and rested from the troubles of wandering in the jungles and measuring the desert. The governors of provinces and the officers of police in Hindustan were not in any way wanting in the hospitality and politeness, kindness and attention, that they showed to the Nawáb Hakim 'Alawi Khán, on account of his great natural talents, learning, and great fame, in which they followed the example of the magistrates and rulers of the Kings of I'rán, Rúm, Arabia, and Yaman, and they exerted themselves to the utmost to please him.

2.8

At this time the súbaddár or governor of Alláhábád was the Nawáb Amir Khán 'Umdatu-l Mulk, pillar of the State, and this appointment of governor was not pleasing to him, nor was it according to the Emperor's commands; but to please Nawáb Kamru-d dín Khán Wazír-i 'azam or prime minister, and Nawáb Asaf Jáh Bahádur, he had on this pretence sent him a long way from the Court. For Amír Khán was a wise and intelligent man, and was every day setting the Emperor against the Nawáb Kamru-d dín Khán and the Mughal and Túrán nobles. By the force of his observations, and excellent judgment of character, he was gaining his object; so they banished him from Court on pretence of giving him the súbaddárship of Alláhábád, which had been settled upon him for some time.

2.9

After the lapse of a certain time, this Khán adopted a wonderful expedient. He sent to Court Nawáb Abú-l Mansúr Khán (Safdar Jang), who was commander-in-chief (Sáhib Jang) of the 'Irání troops, and able to oppose the Túránís, from his province of Oudh. He himself repaired thither (to Court) also, and having given the appointment of commander of artillery (Mír-átish), from which Nawáb Saiyidu-d dín Khán had been ejected, to Safdar Jang Bahádur, he managed, according to his former custom, to succeed in all his objects by means of his eloquence and subtlety of address. But one day, Thursday, the 23rd of Zí-l hijja, in the year 1159 a.h., one of his own servants, with whom he had a dispute of long standing, as they were in the public hall of audience near the Jálí Gate, wounded him in the side, and sent him to eternity.

3

Mahmud 'Ali Beg and Mahmud Karim Beg, who had been sent by Nadir Shah, arrived at Court, and had the honour of kissing the threshold of royalty. They brought with them one hundred elephants, and swords with golden handles, according to the custom of Hindustan, and gilt spears and other golden weapons which were foreign to Persia and not generally used there, as well as a letter full of expressions of friendship, and presented them before the enlightening eye of majesty. They were honoured by the gift of several precious robes of honour.
After a few days, they said that Nadir Shah had sent a verbal message to the effect, that in consequence of his wars in Turan and Daghistan and Rum, and the large army he kept up, and his having remitted three years' revenue to all the population of Iran, his treasury was empty, and if he (Muhammad Shah) would send fifty or sixty lacs as a help to him, it would be an act of great friendship and brotherhood, and he had sent the elephants and the golden articles for the purpose of getting the money. As there was no mention whatever made in the letter about the money, Muhammad Shah cleared the account by his answer, which was this: "When my brother the King of Kings was departing, he said to me, 'Everything that comes written in a letter is right and proper, but verbal messages are never to be depended on.' However, on account of the weakness of my kingdom, and the bad behaviour and evil doings of my rulers and rebellious zamindars, I get no revenues at all from my provinces, and my expenditure exceeds my income. This subject is not mentioned in your letter, and therefore a verbal answer is suited to a verbal message." The China vessels, sandal-wood, aloe-wood, etc., which were written for in the letter, he sent with great care. Although he weighed out the money of his answer with words of circumspection, nevertheless, till the news of Nadir's death arrived, nobles, wazirs, the Emperor himself, and even beggars, were in an anxious state of mind.

Murder of Nawab Bahadur. Battle between Nawab Safdar Jang and the nobles of Ahmad Shah. Destruction and plunder of the old city of Dehli.

4.1

Jawed Khan Nawab Bahadur, the eunuch, was desirous of getting into his own hands, and without a partner, the whole direction of the Government of the country, with the assistance of Nawab Kudsiya, mother of the Emperor. The Nawab Safdar Jang Wazir-i 'azam also was desirous of doing the same thing for himself. So both these men became enemies to one another, and each waited for an opportunity of preventing the other from being a sharer in the Government. Nawab Safdar Jang was the first to begin, and called into the city Suraj Mal Jat, openly on the pretence of consulting him about taking and setting in order the capital of the Empire, but secretly and really with the object, that if the Emperor's men and followers should begin to raise a disturbance, they both together might be able to extinguish the flame of opposition.

4.2

They sent a message to the Nawab Bahadur to this effect, that without him they could not deliberate on the affairs of the Empire. So, on the 27th day of the month Shawwal, in the year 1165 A.H. (28th August, 1752 A.D.), he repaired to the house of the Waziru-l Mulk, where they killed him in a private closet, and threw his body into the river. The followers of the wazir said that his death in this way was the reason why the slaughter and plunder was not so bad as it would otherwise have been; because, in the event of a battle and contest taking place, the royal fort, which was his dwelling-house, and the dwelling-houses of the citizens, would have been sacked, and very many men on both sides would have been killed. After this event, Nawab Kudsiya, who had been patron of Nawab Bahadur, exhibited her displeasure. But the Wazir-i 'azam sent to say that in this matter he was not to blame, because the physician, Hakim Shaki Khan, had brought a verbal message from the Emperor to the effect that the best thing that could be done was to kill and get rid of Jawed Khan. He had reprimanded the physician, and made Hakim Akmal Khan his physician in his room. During the month Jumada-s sani, in the year 1166, there was a disagreement between the wazir and the Emperor, and the enemies of the wazir apprised the Emperor in many ways that it was Safdar Jang's intention to seat on the throne Buland-akhtar, younger brother of Muhammad Shah, who was of the same sect with himself, viz. a Shi'a.

4.3

The Emperor accordingly commanded that the wazir should be deposed from his office of commandant of artillery. This measure he did not approve of, and asked for leave to go towards Oudh, to put the country in order. The Emperor and the enemies of the wazir looked upon this as an unexpected piece of good fortune and a secret victory, so they forthwith sent him a khil'at and leave to depart. After delaying and lingering, he determined that it was not advisable to go to the province, and halted in the city, but the Emperor had laid this injunction on him, that he should go to his own province, viz. Oudh. When the quarrel between the parties became known, the Nawab Wazir, from fear lest the Turani chiefs, along with the Emperor and common people, should attack him, left the city with all his property and baggage, and halted for some days in or near the garden of Isma'il Khan and the Tal-katora and Khizrabad. This delay and waiting was planned in order that Suraj Mal Jat might arrive. When he came, he urged the Emperor to send 'Imadu-l Mulk (Ghaziu-d din) and Intizamu-d daula to him, and to tell Nawab Kudsiya to come out of the fort and take up her abode in the house of Ja'far Khan; because it was well known to Nawab Safdar Jang that Intizamu-d daula had been the cause of the firing of muskets on the day of the 'I'd, and Nawab Kudsiya, in consequence of the murder of Nawab Bahadur, had become the enemy of his family.

4.4

The cause of Safdar Jang's displeasure with 'Imadu-l Mulk Mir Bakhshi was this, that at the death of his father, Nawab Ghazio-d din Khan deceased, Safdar Jang had influenced the Emperor, and had freed from confiscation the house and land of 'Imadu-d Mulk, and had procured for him the office of Mir Bakhshi, notwithstanding his youth. Besides, he had adopted him as his son, and was his friend in all matters ; but for all that he would not assist his patron. The short of the matter is that the Emperor sent this answer, " You obtained leave to go from this province and went ; and now, for the sake of obtaining assistance from Suraj Mai Jat, you vex me in this way." At this crisis, the Jat men began to injure and plunder the old city. Ahmad Shah sent for Nawab Zu-l fikar, who for a long time had been out of office, and living in idleness at home. He had him conducted to his presence with all honour, with the intention, that if the wazir should rebel, he would appoint him to the office. The next day Nawab Safdar Jang endeavoured to work upon the cupidity of the above-mentioned man, by holding out this hope to him, that if he would come over to him, he would confer upon him the office of Mir Bakhshi, from which 'Imadu-l Mulk had been deposed.

4.5

When all, small and great, were of opinion that Safdar Jang would be victorious, Zu-l fikar Jang asked the Emperor for leave of absence. On pretence of going to pay a visit to the tomb of the saint Shah Mardan, he went and joined the wazir's army, and engaged in robbing and plundering the old city. Accordingly Ahmad Shah Bahadur, acting upon the opinion of his mother and the nobles, bestowed the office of commandant of artillery upon Nawab Samsamu-d daula, son of the late Khan-dauran ; and the khil'at of the wazirship upon the Nawab Intizamu-d daula, son of Kamru-d din Khan the late wazir. Nawab Safdar Jang, on hearing this, was struck with consternation, and took a young eunuch, who had beautiful features and a good figure, and was about thirteen years of age, who had been lately purchased by Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, and calling him Akbar Shah, placed him on the throne, and constituted himself Wazir. Zu-l fikar Jang he made Mir Bakhshi, and the other nobles he appointed to the different offices, both great and small. from the 6th of the month Rajab, in the year 1166 A.H. fighting and contests commenced in earnest. But how can one call it fighting, when on the side of Safdar Jang there were 50,000 horsemen, and the Emperor had only a small body of men, and they too, by reason of the strength of their enemies and the weakness of their own party, were terror-stricken? But I must relate the victory of the weakest, among my records of extraordinary incidents;

4.6

and the reason why these already half-conquered and almost unarmed men obtained the victory, and the others who considered themselves already conquerors were worsted, was apparently this, that Nawab Safdar Jang perceived, when he considered the state of the people of the old city, and the smallness of the army, and want of money, that they would of their own accord return to their allegiance; and so, whilst he was in fear and anxiety himself, he instilled fear into the minds of his chiefs, and did not consider it advisable to make an attack till late in the day, when Mahmud Khan of Kashmir, steward of Nawab 'Imadu-l Mulk, Hafiz Bakhtawar Khan, and the relations of the Nawab Kudsiya and others, having raised a large army, and called together the landholders from the district around, supported by their artillery, they took up their position so as to block up the entrance into the city. Accordingly the inhabitants of the city, with a view to obtaining protection for their families and property, and on account of their being of the same sect and kindred tribe with the Mughals, deserted from the army of the wazir in troops; and with the hope of obtaining presents, dresses of honour, and increase of pay, entered the service of Nawab 'Imadu-l Mulk. The troop of horse called the dagh-i sin, which Nawab Sa'adat Khan and Safdar Jang had left behind, he ('Imadu-l Mulk) kept in perfect order, and appointed Mahmud Khan to their command.

4.7

Notwithstanding this state of things, negociations for peace went on. But the Jat and Kazalbash soldiers reduced to ashes the old city and Wakilpur and other places; and the Nawab Wazir spread the report that they had gone to the Kashmir Gate. So the citizens were in a dilemma on both sides. Outside the city the Jat and Kazalbash soldiers were carrying on the attack; inside, the Emperor issued an order that the houses of those men who joined the Wazir should be seized. On this pretext wicked and ill-disposed men followed their own devices. The first thing that happened immediately on the Emperor's order being issued was that the houses of the sons of Mahmud Is'hak Khan deceased were plundered, because that from their houses balls and rockets fell by night upon the ramparts, and in this way a world of people were injured and wounded. As every one knew that he was the brother-in-law of Nawab Shuja'u-d daula, son of the wazir, who was with the Emperor, they all had left their families and property there, and were plundered. Some perished by the flames, and some were drowned in the river. The same thing happened to the house of the Khwaja Mahmud Basit, who was the spiritual guide of the wazir. His house was outside the city walls, and as he had received a message from the wazir to keep his mind at ease, he had not moved out of his place.

4.8

The Jat plunderers, who went by the name of Ramdal among the people of that part, attacked his house, and carried away the property of a number of men who had left their goods there; this became the source of very great affliction to the people. Considering the quantity of property that was collected near the Kashmir Gate, which was looked upon as a safe place, the inhabitants of that part may be said to have been the worst off. All, small and great, became involved in confusion, and began to utter complaints and lamentations; and the state of the people was like a wreck, for save in the presence of Him who hears the prayers of all in deep distress, they had no place of refuge. At this crisis Najib Khan Rohilla came with 10,000 horse and foot in answer to the Emperor's call, and on the 1st of the month above mentioned, viz. Sha'ban, he arrived in camp. Isma'il Khan of Kabul, who was Mir-shamshir to the Wazir, and had a battery in the house of Salabat Khan, made a mine under the tower of the city wall, which was adjoining the house of Kamru-d din Khan, where there was a battery of the Emperor's troops, and on the 3rd of Sha'ban they fired it. Notwithstanding that it did not produce such universal destruction as might be expected, yet many of the Emperor's followers, and the servants of 'Imadu-l Mulk who were assisting them, and who were at work trying to frustrate the enemy's design, were destroyed;

4.9

and a crowd of men were wounded and in part destroyed by the stones of the tower that were blown up in the direction of the burning battery. The wazir's troops made an attack, and the fruits of victory were nearly visible on their side, when Nawab 'Imadu-l Mulk Mir Bakhshi, Hafiz Bakhtawar Khan, Najib Khan and others, opposed them and behaved with great bravery, and a large number from both sides became food for the all-devouring swords. Najib Khan Rohilla was wounded by a ball, but both sides remained as they were, neither party gaining the victory. At night Isma'il Khan left his battery, and went out to the camp of Safdar Jang. This was a source of relief to the citizens, because, when the field of battle was close, the balls and rockets fell on every one like the blows of sudden misfortune. After his retreat, the Mir Bakhshi, Hafiz Bakhtawar Khan, and others advanced their batteries and got possession of the little fort of Firoz-shah, and another called the Old fort. After a few days spent in fighting, Nawab Safdar Jang abandoned his intention of keeping to the road by the river, on account of the strength of the enemy's intrenchments, and marched by way of the Tal-katora. In that direction he added fresh splendours to the city of the angel of death. The Mir Bakhshi and the others then hastily strengthened their intrenchments in that quarter. Some well-contested engagements took place, and Gosain, who was an officer of great bravery in Safdar Jang's army, was killed.

4.10

When Safdar Jang found that an entrance to the city on that side was impracticable, he returned by Khizrabad and the river. The same course of events ensued. Daily the bark of life of crowds of warriors of both sides floated down the river of death. After many battles and a great deal of fighting, the wazir came to the conclusion, that on account of their being so close to the city and fort, the enemy were enjoying rest. So he determined to retreat by a circuitous route, and thus draw the enemy into the plain, and engage him there. Accordingly he retreated gradually to a distance of twelve kos; and as he retreated, 'Imadu-l Mulk advanced his trenches. But he was prevented by the prayers and tears and complaints and persuasions and panic of the citizens from attacking his adversary in the plain and turning his flank. While matters stood thus, Saiyid Jamalu-d din Khan, who had been sent by Mu'inu-l Mulk, governor of the Panjab (who was the uncle and father-in-law of 'Imadu-l Mulk), arrived with 5000 horse, which added greatly to his strength. They were anxious to engage in battle, as men who are confronted by enemies, but Najib Khan Bahadur showed signs of disapproval.