[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Mughals (1526–1857)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal) › [Later Mughals (1707–1857)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later) › [Siyar al-mutaʾakhkhirīn](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin) › [A Translation of the Seir Mutaqherin (Haji Mustafa)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa) › 42.23 # Siyar al-mutaʾakhkhirin 42.23 A Translation of the Seir Mutaqherin (Haji Mustafa) 42.23 - **Language:** English ### [42.23.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.1) The Emperor, on hearing this answer, could not help betraying some displeasure and surprise; but he had the equity to pay many encomiums to his unshaken attachment, and he made him a present of whatever effects should have remained in his house, or might be recovered from the sack and plunder. As to those of Abul-hassen's, after all that had been made away, and after all that furniture that had been taken possession of, they were found to amount to no less than sixty-eight lacs and fifty-one thousand Hons (Pagodas) in gold, and two corors and fifty-three thousand rupees in silver, which two sums were computed to amount to six corors, eighty lacs and ten thousand Rupees. This was exclusive of the gold and silver furniture, and of jewels and gems. From this calculation of Hashem-ally-qhan-qhafi's it appears that the Hon in his time was valued at seven rupees, and, of course, that it must have been of a higher standard, and of greater weight than the Hons of our days. ### [42.23.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.2) All this was entered in the Imperial books for one Arib, fifteen corors and sixteen lacs of dams, It was on this occasion that a nobleman of the Court, then called Multekyt-qhan, and since known under the title of Mir-qhan, but whose original name was Mir-Abdol-kerim, and who had been present at all these transactions, complimented the Emperor with a relation of this siege, under the title of Conquest of Golconda: an elegant book, in which he pays the highest encomiums to that country, to the strength of that fortress, and to the beauty of Haider-abad, its Capital. And, in fact, the excellence of the air and water of that tract of ground, the beauty of its women, and the fertility and high product of its lands, are such as cannot be properly described. The Fortress of Golconda was originally enclosed with a mud wall by the ancestors of the Rajah Deö-rai, the last of its Hindoo Princes; and it was from that Prince that the Mussulman Princes of the House of Behemen took it. This family becoming extinct in process of time, in the person of Sultan-Mahmüd-Behemen, the kingdom was parcelled out by a variety of pretenders, amongst which one Soltan Cüly, alias Cütüb-el-Mulk, one of the Lords of the court, kept possession of the Fortress of Golconda. This Soltan-Cüly, from that time, became the Sovereign of that country, and built in stone the mud wall raised by Deö-rai. ### [42.23.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.3) His descendants, all surnamed Cütüb-el-mulk, as well as himself, being firmly established in that new kingdom of theirs, took pleasure successively in strengthening the fortifications of their new capital. In process of time, the crown devolved to Mahmed-Coly Cotob-el-Mulk, who much enlarged his dominions, but fell so much in love with a famous dance-girl, called Bagh-muti, that, at her persuasion, he purchased a great tract of land at two cosses distance from Golconda, and having built a town on that spot, he called it Bagh-nagar from that beloved woman's name. And as she was originally a prostitute, her morals and customs became the fashion in the new town, which abounded with public houses of prostitution, as well as tippling shops. In process of time, the morals became so bad in the new city, that its inhabitants acquired a bad character, which is even become proverbial all over India. One of the succeeding Princes, informed of the bad renown, and of its origin, ordered the city to be called by the name of Haider-abad, or colony of Haider. But whereas Abool-hassen, the last of the Kings of that family, seemed a Prince addicted, more than any of them, to all kinds of pleasures and especially to singing and dancing exhibitions, and his antagonist, on the contrary, was pluming himself on his abstinence and morals, and had assumed the cloak of religion, and pretended to a great purity of manners and to the title of saint; ### [42.23.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.4) hence he christened the city by the name of Djehad-abad, or the Theatre of Sacred War, after having previously taken care to plunder the inhabitants and to ruin their habitations. In fact, he had but two objects in view. The first, to bring in his possessions those treasures in money and jewels which Abool-hassen was reported to have, and which he really had. The second, to ruin and demolish those numerous societies of learned Shyahs, which abounded in that Capital. This city, after Aoreng-zib's death went by the name of Ferqhundeh-abad, or the auspicious city, and such was its name in the Imperial books; for it became in vogue by Soltan Muazzem-bahadyr-shah's order, but it did not make fortune. And that capital goes now by no other name than that of Haider-abad. The Emperor, after this conquest, turned his standards towards Bidja-pûr, where he being informed of Abdol-rezac's recovery, he wrote to the Governor of Haider-abad, commanding him to send that General to Court, after giving him hopes of very kind treatment. The man, hearing of the Emperor's intention, excused himself in a supplique to His Majesty, requesting that his goodness might give him leave to perform his pilgrimage to the house of God; from whence he intended to return to his own native town, there to spend his days in praying for his prosperity. The Emperor, shocked at his answer, commanded that he should be sent to camp as prisoner; ### [42.23.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.5) and this order would have been executed, had not Ghazi-eddin-qhan, the Generalissimo, who was now recovered of his wounds, interceded for him, and requested to have him in his custody, which was granted. This General carried him to his quarters, where he gained so much upon his mind by his good manners and attentions, that he engaged him to accept the brevet of four thousand horse, with the effectual command of three thousand. By this winning conduct, the Generalissimo put an end to an altercation that did the Emperor very little honor. For since that Prince had conceived so high an esteem for the man's merit, he ought to have dismissed him to his own country, by making him a present of a large sum of money; else, if he intended absolutely to keep him in his service, he ought to have paid so much regard to his disabled condition as to render him a visit, or have sent to him one of the Princes, his sons, or at least his Generalissimo. In one word, he ought to have used him in such an obliging manner as to disarm his aversion. It would have been time then to have proposed to him some brevets, commands, and dignities, superior to those bestowed on so many of Abool-hassen's servants, as the price and reward of their ingratitude and perfidy; for instance, on Hibrahim-qhan, and on Sheh-nizam. ### [42.23.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.6) He ought, by raising him to superior dignities and commands, and by paying him a much different and much superior regard, to have evinced to the world how much a spotless fidelity and an unshaken attachment were superior in his estimation to all the advantages procured by perfidy and treason. Such a conduct would have given to his own servants lessons of fidelity and zeal. Whereas, after having promoted the traitors to ranks of seven thousand horse, he contented himself with bestowing four thousand only upon the worthy Abdol-rezac, and these, too, he rather forced upon him by the terrors of severe usage. It was in this same manner, and with as little foresight, that he used so kindly that accursed Afghan, the abominable Melec-djiven, a wretch that owed his life and his very existence to that same Darah-shecoh, whom he conducted to an ignominious death. If it was consonant to politics to avail himself of that treacherous Afghan's perfidy, it would have been sound policy at least, after having obtained his ends from him, to imprison him, or to abandon him to all the neglect and contempt which he deserved. Possibly it would have been proper to have had him executed along with Dara-shecoh, or to have cut off his head as a warning to others, were it but to prove to his own servants that he hated treason, even when he availed himself of its advantages. ### [42.23.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.7) So far from that, he shewed so much regard to that traitor, as if he had no other aim than that of giving lessons of perfidy and faithlessness. A strange mistake indeed, and a surprising error this ! in his politics and in his conduct ! We might recollect another strange instance of neglect and inattention in his temper, and it is this : That same Saadet-qhan, whom he had sent as envoy to Soltan Abool-hassen, and who had served him so zealously at the very expense of his character as an honest man, and, indeed, at the imminent risk of his life, (when he found means to cheat that Prince out of forty or fifty lacs worth of jewel) that same Saadet-qhan, after the conquest of Golconda, was severely reprimanded, and unworthily disgraced ; and that, too, for no higher crime than that of his having remitted of his zeal in blowing the fire of dissension, that is, by not mentioning some part of Abool-hassen's conduct, which possibly had never come to his knowledge. This man, who had so readily risked his life in his service, was mulcted in his military rank and command, and deprived of a sum of about eighty thousand rupees, which he was now ordered to send to the treasury, but which the Sultan had made him a present of, as he had himself mentioned in his dispatches to the Emperor. ### [42.23.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23.8) This man, who fell into so much disgrace for a whole year, is the man of whom Hashem-aaly-qhan-qhafi, the historian, writes this singular anecdote in his diary : " I was," says he, " in Saadet-qhan's company at the very time when he became entrusted with the custody of the jewels he had sent from Haider-abad. His friends observed to him repeatedly that, as there was not amongst those jewels any note signed by Abool-hassen, of either their weight, colour or respective prices, it was in his power to enrich himself at once by keeping up the number, and substituting a few stones of lesser value." The man declined the expedient, and swore he would be faithful to the very last. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.mughal.later.siyar-al-mutaakhkhirin~en-mustafa.42.23) · Pramāṇa