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Tazkira, of Anand Ram Mukhlis (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of Tadhkirah i Anand-Ram “Mukhlish” (Tadhkirah i Ānand-Rām “Mukhliṣ”)

Language
English
Date
1877 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
32 passages, 7,566 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1.1

March of the Emperor of Persia to Hindustan, and the consequent slaughter and devastation in that beautiful land. Strange events occurred after the capture of Kandahar. Before setting out from Ispahan, Nadir Shah had despatched a messenger, named 'Ali Mardan Khan, to Hindustan, with full powers to arrange with Muhammad Shah, the ruler of the land, certain matters of a nature peculiar to troublous times, and such as it becomes Emperors to settle amicably with one another. Nádir Shah reached Kandahár; but Muhammad Shah, it is probable, broke faith, and did not fulfil his promises, although a second messenger, named Muhammad Khan Turkoman, was sent to him; this messenger moreover never returned. The train had long been laid, and from these negociations sprang the spark that fired it. Nádir Shah was moved to anger; he resolved on the invasion of Hindustan; but though the apparent motive has been given above, the true cause was the weakness of its monarchy. Accordingly, on the 8th of Safar, in the twentieth year of Muhammad Sháh's reign, A.H. 1150, the Persian Emperor set his face towards Kabul, where he arrived about the end of the month. * *

1.2

The settlement of the conquered territory occupied the Emperor for four months and a half. The march was then continued to Jalalabad, a place famous for its pomegranates, which was reached on the 14th of Sha'ban. Násir Khán, son of the late Nasir Khan, governor of the province, who during these events had been at Peshawar, moved from this town and occupied a position half-way between 'Ali Masjid and Jamrud, which place is distant nine kos from Peshawar, to oppose the invader's progress. Nasir Khan had often written to Muhammad Shah concerning the want of money, but none of his representations had been attended to. He now wrote to the effect that he himself was but as a rose-bush withered by the blasts of autumn, while his soldiery were no more than a faded pageant, ill-provided and without spirit; he begged that, of the five years' salary due to him, one year's salary might be paid, that he might satisfy his creditors and have some little money at his command. The Nawab Sahib, however, exclaimed before the assembled díwán, that he could see no need for all this haste and flurry; "had he not written on the subject to the Emperor and the Wakálat-panáh, and, if the matter was not settled that day, why it would be so the next?" The Wakálat-panáh, when he laid the document before the Amiru-l umard Bahadur, and told him, with fear and trembling, in the Persian language, what had occurred in Kabul, received an answer which drove him to his wits' end;

1.3

"Know you not, Wakilu-panah," said the personage addressed, "that I am a man of too great experience to be caught by such stories that are only made up to extort gold ? My house is in the plain, and my imagination dwells only on what my eyes have seen. Your house is on a mountain, and perhaps from its summit you have caught a glimpse of the Persian host. Tell your employer that the governor of Bengal has been ordered to remit treasure after the rainy season, and the necessary sums will then be sent to him without delay." The Afghans of Kabul, particularly those of the Safi tribe, defended the mountain passes, and for a long time checked the advance of the Kazalbash invaders. If at that time a well-appointed army, under an experienced leader, had been sent to the support of the mountaineers, it is more than probable that Hindustan would have been saved. As it was, the enemy, ever on the watch to take advantage of any negligence on the part of their opponents, stole a march on the Afghans during the night of the 13th of Sha'ban, entered the Khaibar Pass while the stars still shone above their heads, and, moving with the rapidity of the wind, fell suddenly on the force of Nasir Khan, when a scene of slaughter and plunder ensued. * * Nadir Shah was now in possession of all the country as far as Attock, and Muhammad Shah and his advisers could no longer remain blind to the danger that threatened them.

1.4

They understood at length that this was no ordinary foe against whom they had to contend, no mere plunderer who would be sated with the spoil of a province and then return to his own country, but a leader of unshakeable resolution, who shaped his course with the sword. If, even at this juncture, the Emperor had sought to conciliate Nawab Sahib A'azzu-d daula Bahadur, Nazim of Multan and Lahore, and had supplied this fierce chieftain with the sinews of war as such an emergency required, then indeed might the world have witnessed a very different result. As it was, when the Emperor learned from the news-writers the advance of the Persian army to Attock, he, on the 1st of the blessed month of Ramazan, appointed Asaf Jah Bahadur Wakilu-s Saltanat, I'timadu-d daula Chin Bahadur Waziru-l Mamalik, and Amiru-l umara Bahadur to be Bakhshi-u-l Mamalik, for the defence of the monarchy, and with his own hands bound on the heads of the chiefs a malaband of Burhanpur workmanship. That same day these noblemen left the city for their camp, which was pitched near the Shalamar gardens. They received one kror of rupees in cash, and cannon and munitions of war in abundance. Besides their own troops, 50,000 horsemen were given to them.

1.5

Now was the time for these chiefs to have marched without delay, and, acting in concert with the Nazim of Multan and Lahore, whose troops amounted to no less than 20,000 bold horsemen, to have advanced to the banks of the Jhelam or Chinab, and have closed the roads and passes against the invader by skilful dispositions and by force of arms. Instead of this, the army remained a whole month encamped near the Shalamar gardens, detained by sundry petty causes which I cannot detail. Nadir Shah, after Nasir Khan's defeat, had entered Peshawar, where he occupied the residence of the Khan. Having settled the affairs of this district he marched, on the 26th of Ramazan, towards Attock, where the army encamped on the fifth day. The construction of a bridge here caused inevitable delay, but Aka Muhammad was detached with a strong force to devastate the country, and leave no means of destruction untried. A'azzu-d daula might now have displayed the same indifference as his royal master; but, far from this, he drew together a number of troops at vast expense to himself, and on the 17th of Ramazan formed his camp on the banks of the Ravi. Not being at liberty to move forward until joined by the Emperor's army, he contented himself with placing his cannon in the best positions, and throwing up entrenchments round his camp.

1.6

On the 4th of Shawwal the Persian army crossed the Attock river on a bridge of boats. On the 8th the Emperor reached the left bank of the Chinab river, and on the 9th encamped close to the bridge of Shah-daula. But how to relate the ruin and desolation that overwhelmed this beautiful country! Wazirabad, Imanabad, and Gujarat, towns which, for population, might almost be called cities, were levelled with the earth. Nothing was respected, no sort of violence remained unpractised; property of all kinds became the spoil of the plunderer, and women the prey of the ravisher. On the 10th of Shawwal the Shah and his army crossed the bridge of Shah-daula; then, leaving far to the left the artillery of the Nazim, which was in position along the opposite bank of the Ravi, they forded the river and advanced to the Shalamar gardens, which are on the high road to Shah-Jahanabad. All that day, from morn till night, the contest was maintained against the army of the Nazim, who repeatedly tried to force his way back to the town. The bravest warriors put forth their strength and many of the Kazalbashis fell. Yahya Khan, the eldest son of the Nazim, cut his way through with a few followers, and proceeding towards Shah-Jahanabad by forced marches, reached the camp of Nawab Sahib Waziru-l Mamalik Bahadur in the vicinity of Panipat. The fighting was renewed on the 11th, and the plain was strewed with the slain.

1.7

Both armies were now worn out with the struggle, and it was found advisable to make terms. On the 12th, the Nazim was met by the illustrious Wazir 'Abdu-l Baki, and conducted into the presence of the Shah, the greatest honour and respect being shown him. He was courteously received and presented with a chapkan of gold brocade, a jewelled dagger and a horse. The Nazim again repaired to the presence of the Shah on the 14th, and paid, by way of offering, a sum of twenty lacs of rupees, a portion of which had been taken from the state coffers, and the remainder contributed by the wealthiest inhabitants. He then departed in all honour. By this payment Lahore was saved from horrors among which death and spoliation were the least. The Sháh, who was full of kindness for the Názim (A'azzu-d daula), took into his service his second son, Hayátu-llah Khán Bahádur, and appointed him to the command of five hundred horse. On the 15th of the month the Sháh continued his march towards Sháh-Jahánábád. He advanced rapidly. Leaving his camp equipage at Sháhábád, on the 15th of Zí-l ka'da he appeared in the neighbourhood of Karnál, where Muhammad Sháh's army awaited his coming. But it is now time to return to Muhammad Sháh, lest the thread of the narrative should be broken.

2

It has already been shown how Asaf Jáh Bahádur, Wazíru-l mamálik Bahádur and Amíru-l Umará Bahádur, the officers to whom had been entrusted the responsibility of leading an army against the Persian invaders, remained for a whole month encamped near the Shálamár gardens. When tidings came that Nádir Sháh had reached the banks of the Attock river, the commanders urged upon the Emperor the necessity of his joining them in person, and, with one accord, they moved forward in the early days of Shawwál. The author himself, Anand Rám, accompanied by his beloved sons Rái Kripa Rám and Saláh Fath Singh, left the capital on the 11th of the month, in the service of Nawáb Sáhib Wazíru-l Mamálik Bahádur. When the army reached Pánípat, the author obtained leave to revisit his home, where some private affairs required his presence. Starting on the 17th, he reached Sháh-Jahánábád on the evening of the 20th.
On the 18th of the month Muhammad Sháh, and the illustrious Prince Ahmad issued from the citadel (ark), the royal residence, and encamped near Muhammad Ganj. The royal camp reached Panipat on the 27th, when the commanders paid their respects to His Majesty, and made offerings suited to their rank.
Near Karnal flows through a broad plain a canal which issues from the Jumna river, near Mukhlispur, and continues its course to Shah-Jahanabad. This place was found convenient for the encampment of the army. By degrees news was received of the progress of the enemy. It was therefore resolved to advance no further, but to take advantage of the abundant supply of water, so necessary to the soldier, and fight to the last. The Mir-atish was instructed to construct an earthen wall around the camp; behind this the artillery was placed in position; and brave men were told off for the defence of the intrenchments. In fact, nothing was omitted that could conduce to the strength of the camp. This disposition, which could hardly be considered worthy of an Emperor, was adopted partly to await the arrival of Burhanu-l Mulk Bahadur, Nazim of Oudh, who had been ordered to join the royal army. This nobleman, though suffering from sickness, advanced by forced marches at the head of 30,000 horsemen, and reached Karnal on the 14th of Zi-l ka'da. This addition to the strength of the army created universal joy, and all now thought victory certain.

Battle between the Persians and the Mughals.

3.1

Burhanu-l Mulk, after his interview with His Majesty on the 14th, the day of his arrival, had been dismissed to his own tents. News was at this time brought to him that a Persian force had fallen upon his baggage, which was coming up in the rear from Panipat, and had plundered it, and committed great slaughter. Burhanu-l Mulk, with headlong impetuosity, misplaced in a commander, flew to the scene of action, accompanied only by the few horsemen who were with him, without taking time to collect his artillery, or to form his men in any kind of order. Soon he was engaged in the thick of the fight, nor did he desist from his efforts until he had scattered the Persians. The latter, experienced in every kind of stratagem, the acquiring of which indeed forms part of the soldiers training, fled in apparent confusion, followed by the Názim, who was thus led into an ambush where stood the Persian advanced guard with a powerful artillery. The armies engaged, and the shouts of the combatants and the clashing of sabres ascended to the heavens.

3.2

Muhammad Shah, hearing of what was going on, ordered Amíru-l umará to reinforce the Názim. The Amir represented that the army had not expected a fight that day, and that the soldiers were consequently quite unprepared ; reinforcements could but add to the severity of the defeat. It was far better to delay a battle until the morrow, when the army could be disposed according to the rules of war, with advanced and rear guards, and their artillery, on which everything depended in Indian warfare, could be placed in the front. The struggle would then be one of comparative ease, and a little skill would insure an easy victory. The monarch was displeased with these objections, and addressed the Amir as a " conceited idler." But Amíru-l umará Bahadur was a chieftain who had the good of his master at heart ; never had he been guilty of aught like disobedience, and now, arming himself and mounting an elephant, he gathered round him Muzaffar Khan Bahadur and a few horsemen, all that could be collected in that hour of bewilderment, and hastened to the support of the Názim. The struggle raged so fiercely that firearms and arrows were put aside, and swords and daggers were brought into play. Blood flowed from gaping wounds and crimsoned the combatants ; the red Kazalbásh caps had the appearance of poppies ; a dense smoke hung over the field of battle.

3.3

The heroic efforts of Amíru-l umará and his prodigies of valour could not prevail against the Persians, who far exceeded the Indians in number, and had, moreover, the advantage of having been placed in position by the Shah himself. The Mughals broke at length and fled; but Amiru-l umara maintained the combat until, mortally wounded in the face, he fell covered with glory. His brother, Muzaffar Khan, his son Muhtaram Khan, Ali Hamid Khan his koka, and some others stood by him to the last. Burhanu-l Mulk and Nisar Muhammad Khan Bahadur became prisoners. The remainder of the followers of Amiru-l umara, headed by Rai Majlis Rai Mir-saman, closed round their master's elephant, resolved to extricate him or to perish. They reached the Amir's tents by evening. This nobleman's wounds were mortal, and he lived but one day longer. God have mercy on him! By his decease, Asaf Jah Bahadur became Mir-bakhshi. Officers were sent by the Emperor's order to seize the property of the late nobleman, which it would have been more generous to leave to the heirs. Had the Emperor himself led his powerful army to the support of Burhanu-l Mulk, there would have been no cause to lament the loss of such a sardar as Amiru-l umara; and who can say that victory might not have smiled on his arms?

3.4

The consequences of this disaster were lamentable; for the loss of baggage and the great scarcity of supplies that soon prevailed (four rupees could hardly purchase a sir of flour) totally deprived the soldiery of the little spirit they ever possessed. The Persian Emperor sent a message offering to treat for peace; for though so powerful, he was not one to overlook the advantages of negociation. Waziru-l mamalik Asaf Jah was opposed to the proposition; but his arguments did not prevail on the Emperor. On the 16th of the month Asaf Jah Bahadur and 'Azimu-llah Khan Bahadur were deputed to the Shah, to conclude the negociations; they returned to camp that evening. The next day Muhammad Shah repaired in person to the Persian camp. The monarch took with him a small escort.

3.5

'Umdatu-l Mulk Amir Khan Bahadur, Mu'tamadu-d daula Muhammad Is'hak Khan Bahadur, Bihroz Khan, and Jawed Khan, were among the number. Nasru-llah Mirza, the Shah's son, received His Majesty at the limits of the camp. When they drew near, the Shah himself came forth, and the etiquette usual between the Persian and Mughal courts was faithfully observed. The two monarchs, holding one another by the hand, entered the audience-tents, and seated themselves side by side on a masnad. It was as if two suns had risen in the East, or as if two bright moons shed their light at one time ! As Muhammad Shah was unaccompanied by any one of his chiefs, the subject of conversation between the two Emperors has remained unknown. After this had lasted some time, a repast was prepared, the remains of which were given to Amir Khan Bahadur and the other noblemen. Nothing that courtesy and friendship require was omitted during the whole conference, which lasted a quarter of the day, and Muhammad Shah regained his camp about the third quarter of the day. These proceedings restored tranquillity to the minds of the soldiery; all looked forward with joy to renewed plenty, to a return to their beloved Shah-Jahanabad and the society of friends; but fate smiled at these fond hopes, for more suffering, more bloodshed awaited them.

3.6

The author has already related how he obtained leave to visit Shah-Jahanabad, and left the army for this purpose when it had reached Panipat. The Emperor had taken his departure from the town the day before the writer reached it. Strange to relate, numbers of people of every degree followed the royal standards. Some thought thus to enjoy a pleasant excursion through the Panjab, while others were of opinion that a battle would be fought and won in the neighbourhood of the town, and that their absence would only be of short duration. The writer sought in vain for a house within the walls in which to place his wife and family; he could find no suitable one. Under these circumstances, he resolved to leave his family in their usual residence outside the town. The security of the entrances to the lane was looked to, and armed servants above the ordinary number were entertained. The author now prepared to return to the army, and sent on his advanced tents.

3.7

But just at this time a report spread through the city of the death of Amiru-l umara and the capture of Burhanu-l Mulk. Many were the false reports circulated, which there is no need to record here, and such was the state of the town that, but for the vigilance of Kotwal Haji Fulad Khan, it must have been plundered, and the Persian army would have found the work done. The kotwal, no ordinary man, was at his post day and night; his exertions were unceasing, and, wherever there was an appearance of sedition, he seized and punished the guilty parties. The roads were infested with malefactors, and there was safety for none. Having received certain tidings of the Persians having formed a circle around the royal army, and rendered ingress to the camp impossible, the author was compelled to relinquish his design of proceeding thither. He therefore turned his attention to his means of defence. Sentries were placed, and the darogha and the writer himself patrolled the bazars at night to collect news. A supply of lead, powder, and rockets was laid in, and distributed among the people of the quarter, who began to take heart. Thus the nights were spent in watching, and the days in the society of friends. This state of things continued until the arrival of Burhanu-l Mulk Bahadur and Tahmasp Khan Jalair, the latter the representative of the Persian Shah.

Muhammad Shah's second visit to the Shah. Entry of the two monarchs into Shah-Jahanabad.

4.1

The result of Muhammad Shah's visit to the Persian Emperor has been seen. Some days later, on the 24th of the month, Asaf Jah was deputed to finally settle sundry matters; but, through some unknown cause, this personage failed in his mission, and was detained in the camp. Muhammad Shah himself, neglecting the remonstrances of a few well-wishers who advised a further appeal to arms, then paid a second visit to the Persian Emperor on the 26th. Muhammad Shah, as a result of this interview, found it advisable to continue in the Persian camp, and ordered a part of the royal camp equipage to be brought. This was accordingly done. By degrees all the chief nobles of the State joined His Majesty. To all appearance they acted according to their inclination, but in truth under compulsion. Nasakchis were ordered to be in attendance on them; these in reality were but spies on their actions. How strange are the freaks of fortune! Here was an army of 100,000 bold and well-equipped horsemen, held as it were in captivity, and all the resources of the Emperor and his grandees at the disposal of the Kazalbash! The Mughal monarchy appeared to all to be at an end.

4.2

A proclamation was issued to the army that all might depart who chose, as His Majesty himself was about to return to Shah-Jahanabad. The soldiers and camp followers now departed in crowds, and, with the exception of the chief dignitaries, and a few of lesser rank, who would have thought it a crime to abandon their master at such a time, the Emperor remained alone. Tahmasp Khan Jalair Wakilu-s Saltanat, Burhanu-l Mulk Bahadur, and 'Azimu-llah Khan Bahadur, were sent in advance by the Shah to have the fort prepared for his reception, and to settle various other matters. When the Shah's camp equipage arrived from Shahabad, the two Emperors set out. They made the journey seated together on an elevated car. Muhammad Shah entered the citadel (ark) of Shah-Jahanabad in great pomp on the 8th of Zi-l hijja, seated in his car; the conqueror followed on the 9th mounted on a horse. By a strange cast of the dice two monarchs who, but a short while before, found the limits of an empire too narrow to contain them both, were now dwellers within the same four walls!

4.3

The next day Nadir Shah returned the Indian ruler's visit, and accepted the presents offered by the latter. When the Shah departed, towards the close of the day, a false rumour was spread through the town that he had been severely wounded by a shot from a matchlock, and thus were sown the seeds from which murder and rapine were to spring. The bad characters within the town collected in great bodies, and, without distinction, commenced the work of plunder and destruction. A discharge of firearms and other missiles was continued throughout the night. The darkness of the night and the difficulty of recognizing friend or foe were the cause of numbers of the Kazalbashis being slain in the narrow lanes of the town. Scarce a spot but was stained with their blood.

4.4

On the morning of the 11th an order went forth from the Persian Emperor for the slaughter of the inhabitants. The result may be imagined; one moment seemed to have sufficed for universal destruction. The Chandni chauk, the fruit market, the Daribah bazar, and the buildings around the Masjid-i Jama were set fire to and reduced to ashes. The inhabitants, one and all, were slaughtered. Here and there some opposition was offered, but in most places people were butchered unresistingly. The Persians laid violent hands on everything and everybody; cloth, jewels, dishes of gold and silver, were acceptable spoil. The author beheld these horrors from his mansion, situated in the Wakilpura Muhalla outside the city, resolved to fight to the last if necessary, and with the help of God to fall at least with honour. But, the Lord be praised, the work of destruction did not extend beyond the above-named parts of the capital. Since the days of Hazrat Sahib-kiran Amir Timur, who captured Dehli and ordered the inhabitants to be massacred, up to the present time, A.H. 1151, a period of 348 years, the capital had been free from such visitations. The ruin in which its beautiful streets and buildings were now involved was such that the labour of years could alone restore the town to its former state of grandeur. But to return to the miserable inhabitants.

4.5

The massacre lasted half the day, when the Persian Emperor ordered Haji Fulad Khan, the kotwal, to proceed through the streets accompanied by a body of Persian nasakchis, and proclaim an order for the soldiers to desist from carnage. By degrees the violence of the flames subsided, but the bloodshed, the devastation, and the ruin of families were irreparable. For a long time the streets remained strewn with corpses, as the walks of a garden with dead flowers and leaves. The town was reduced to ashes, and had the appearance of a plain consumed with fire. All the regal jewels and property and the contents of the treasury were seized by the Persian conqueror in the citadel. He thus became possessed of treasure to the amount of sixty lacs of rupees and several thousand ashrafis; plate of gold to the value of one kror of rupees, and the jewels, many of which were unrivalled in beauty by any in the world, were valued at about fifty krors. The Peacock throne alone, constructed at great pains in the reign of Shah Jahan, had cost one kror of rupees. Elephants, horses, and precious stuffs, whatever pleased the conqueror's eye, more indeed than can be enumerated, became his spoil. In short, the accumulated wealth of 348 years changed masters in a moment. Nawab Sahib Waziru-l mamalik contributed thirty lacs of rupees, besides elephants and his most valuable jewels. Nawab Asaf Jah also suffered an equal loss.

4.6

The property of Burhanu-l Mulk, who had died shortly after the arrival of the Persians, was likewise seized. It amounted to about a kror of rupees, and had been brought from Oudh. On the 26th of Zi-l hijja was celebrated, with great pomp, the marriage of Nasir Mirza, son of the Persian Emperor, to a daughter of Murad Bakhsh, third son of his late Majesty Shah Jahan. The ruler of Hindustan presented the bridegroom with a dress of honour, a necklace of pearls, a jighah and a dagger set with pearls, and an elephant with trappings of gold.

4.7

On the 1st of Muharram, A.H. 1152 (30th March, 1739), writers were appointed to levy ransom from the inhabitants under the orders of Tahmasp Khan Wakilu-s Saltanat, and lay it before the Shah; but, in order that the inhabitants might not be completely ruined, nobles of both States were directed to superintend the settlement of the ransom in the hall of justice, where all might be spectators. The town now offered a strange spectacle. Emissaries of the kotwal and Persian nasakchis wandered from house to house and from street to street, to take inventories of the property, and enforce the appearance of the citizens, so that the sum to be contributed by each individual might be fixed according to his means. It was the wish of the Shah that the townspeople should be preserved from violence and treated with lenity. * * Unoffending people, high and low, rich and poor, were compelled day after day to appear in the hall of justice, where they were kept from morn till night, often later, and then departed, speculating in their wretchedness on what the morrow might bring forth, and wondering to find themselves still alive. Mir Waris and Khwaja Rahmatu-llah openly, and two other persons in secret, had conspired to effect their destruction, and acted as delators. Without ever arriving at the truth, their calumnies were accepted as such. They forgot that they would reap what they sowed, feared neither God nor man, and maltreated the people.

4.8

The inventory was now ready. It appeared from this that the contributions of the capital would amount to two krors. The Shah, therefore, appointed Asaf Jah, Waziru-l mamalik, 'Azimu-llah Khan, Sarbuland Khan, Mubarizu-l Mulk, and Murtaza Khan to collect the money. Five divisions were made of all the city, and lists of the different muhallas, with their inhabitants, and the contributions to be levied from each were prepared and given to the above-named amirs. Now commenced the work of spoliation, watered by the tears of the people. By Nawab Asaf Jah Bahadur and Nawab Sahib Waziru-l mamalik, but especially by the latter, who contributed a great part of the money himself, the collections were made in the most humane manner; but where the other three noblemen presided, and more particularly in the division of Mubarizu-l Mamalik, the sufferings of the citizens knew no bounds. Not only was their money taken, but whole families were ruined. Many swallowed poison, and others ended their woes with the stab of a knife. The author, whose house was in the division allotted to Mubarizu-l Mamalik, endured great persecution.

5

At a former epoch, the Monarch of the Universe and Emperor of Emperors, the Asylum of Islam, whose throne is that of Alexander, and whose court the heavens, the most noble and exalted sovereign, Nadir Shah (may his kingdom endure for ever!), found it necessary to send ambassadors to transact certain affairs with the officials of this suppliant in the court of heaven. We, at that time, consented to all the demands made of us; but when, at a subsequent period, Muhammad Khan Turkoman was deputed from Kandahar to recall these matters to our memory, the officers charged with the administration of this realm failed to comply with the demands of the great Emperor, and thus sowed the seeds of contention. At length the Persian army crossed the frontiers of Hindustan, and the forces of the two monarchies met in battle on the plains of Karnal. A great victory signalized the prowess of the Persian warriors. But as the illustrious Emperor, the head of the Turkoman tribes, and fount of manly virtues, treated us with kindness, we felt honoured by his friendship, which made our court the envy of Iram, and proceeded in his company to Shah-Jahanabad, where we offered for his acceptance all the treasures, jewels, and precious things of Hind. The great Emperor, complying with our request, placed a portion of our offerings within the circle of his acceptance, and, moved by the feelings of friendship, natural to the similarity of our origin and position, and by a just consideration of the favour due by a Turkoman to a descendant of the Gurgaris, gave into our charge the crown and seals of the realm of Hindustan. In return for this liberality, surpassing indeed the kindness of a father to his son, or of brother to brother, all the countries about Sind, westward of the rivers Attock and Sind, and of the Sanjar stream, which flows from the latter, namely : Peshawar, Banga-shat, the country of Kabul, Ghaznin and the Kohistan, Hazarat, the fortress of Bhakkar and Sakhar, Khudabad and Layagaon, the Derajat with the Buluch and other populations, the province of Thatta, the fortress of Rahima, the city of Badin, the parganas of Chun, Samwal, Kehran, and all other parganas dependent on the harbours, with all forts, villages and cultivated lands, parganas and ports from the source of the river Attock, the Bakarnachak pass, and the numerous branches of the river near Thatta, to where the river Sind and the Sind and Singarh rivulets flow into the ocean; together with whatever of any kind is the produce of lands watered by the river Attock and its branches, and that may lie westward of the river Sind and the Singarh rivulet; all these have we detached from our dominions, and annexed to those of Persia. Henceforth the officers of that powerful State shall collect the revenue and exercise all authority in the aforesaid countries, and the people, great and small, dwellers in towns and in plains, tillers of the soil, men of every degree, shall be subject to their laws, and the ministers of this eternal government shall no longer have sway among them. But the fortress of Dawar, the cities of Tuhari and Bindrawach, and all the countries eastward of the rivers Attock and Sind and the Singarh rivulet, these remain attached to the kingdom of Hind.

Muhammad Shah's third visit to the Sovereign of Persia, and departure of the latter.

6.1

On the 29th of Muharram the glory of the realms of Hind proceeded to partake of an entertainment given by the ruler of Iran. A quarter of the day passed in rejoicings. A hundred and one pieces of cloth, within which were precious objects from foreign countries, and several trays of jewels, offered by the Shah, were accepted by the royal visitor, who then took his departure. All the nobles in the regal suite, to the number of nearly one hundred, received presents suited to their rank. This festival was not without its object, for the Shah had resolved to return to his own dominions. This was as yet secret, but on the 6th of Safar the Mulla-bashi, standing at the door of his august master's residence, with a loud voice made the following proclamation:— "Soldiers, the King of Kings and Lord of beneficence, our master, the protector of the world, conquered the country of Hindustan and restored it. To-morrow our victorious banners move towards 'Irak. Be you prepared!"

6.2

On the morrow the Shah rode forth from the citadel, and pitched his camp near the Shalamar gardens, five kos from the town, and once more the government of Hindustan devolved on Muhammad Shah. On the 8th of the month 'Abdu-l Baki Khan, and Hayatu-llah Khan, son of the Nawab Nazim A'azzu-d daula, were sent to Lahore with an order directing the latter to collect and forward a contribution of one kror of rupees. The messengers, travelling with rapidity, reached Lahore on the 21st of the same month. They were met by the Nawab Nazim in the Shalamar gardens. Hence they continued their way in company to the city. The illustrious messenger here met with the kindest and most courteous reception, and the friendship already existing between the noble entertainer and his guest was much increased. Through the exertions of Kifayat Khan the demand for a kror of rupees was modified, and a sum of twenty lacs taken in addition to the former contribution.

6.3

Tidings having been brought of the Shah's arrival at Ohakgard, a place thirty kos from Lahore, on the banks of the Ravi, across which a bridge of boats had been formed, the Nawab Sahib Nazim and 'Abdu-l Baki Khan set out to meet His Persian Majesty on the 27th of Safar. On the 3rd of Rabi'u-l awwal, the monarch crossed the river at the above-named spot, and formed his camp on the right bank. The Nawab Nazim and his companion entered the camp that same day, and were admitted to the presence. The Nazim met with great courtesy, and was honoured with several presents; besides these the Shah conferred on him the farman of the Nizamat of Multan (Saifu-d daula Bahadur, the late Nazim, was dead), to which His Majesty had caused to be affixed the seal of Muhammad Shah. Dresses of honour and Arabian horses were given to Khwaja 'Abdu-llah Khan, second son of the late Saifu-d daula, to Khwaja Hayatu-llah Khan, and to the other chiefs in the Nazim's suite. * *

6.4

On the 9th of Rabi'u-l awwal the Shah's camp was at Kaluwal, a village on the banks of the Chinab, the largest river of the Panjab. A heavy fall of rain, such as is usual in the rainy season, had occurred the previous night, and the bridge had been broken, some of the boats being swamped, and others knocked to pieces. The river's width had so increased that it was impossible to reconstruct a bridge at this point, but a narrower part was found near the village of Akhnur, where a bridge was formed by means of iron cables. On the 11th the Nazim received fresh proofs of the Shah's generosity. The Persian camp broke up from Kaluwal on the 14th, and commenced crossing the river at Akhnur. A portion of the army had effected its passage, when the force of the swollen and pent-up stream carried away the bridge with a deafening roar, and hurled two thousand Kazalbashis into a watery grave. But as the Shah was anxious to cross the river, he proceeded himself, mounted on Mahd-sundar, the powerful elephant that had been bestowed on the Nawab Nazim, in search of a ford, or some spot suited to the formation of a bridge. However, it is vain to struggle against destiny, and His Majesty failed in the object of his search ; and it was consequently decided that the army should be ferried over in boats at Kaluwal. The camp was therefore moved on the 25th, and the passage was commenced.

6.5

By the 2nd Rabi'u-s sani, three quarters of the army and baggage had been landed on the opposite bank, and on the following day the Nazim was permitted to depart, his own sword being returned to him, and his elephant to Hayatu-llah. The Nazim and his son reached Sialkot the same day. The Persian Emperor, who entertained a great affection for the Nawab Nazim, directed an epistle to be prepared and forwarded to the ruler of Hind, desiring His Majesty to increase the allowances and the body of horse of this chieftain from seven to eight thousand. The districts of Gujarat, Sialkot, Pursarur, and Aurangabad, from which was derived the expenditure of Kabul and Peshawar ; also Dangali and other places, producing about four krors of dams, and constituting the Jagir of Nasir Khan, Nazim of Kabul ; some districts forming the zamindaris of Khuda-yar Khan 'Abbasi, and of Ghazi Khan Dudahi, zamindar of Multan, all of which are east of the Attock river, and had been for three years made over to Nadir Shah, these were now placed under the charge of the Nazim, subject to a yearly payment of twenty lacs of rupees. The Nazim was at first loath to enter into this arrangement, but several considerations induced him. The chief of these was that if this matter were not thus settled, the Shah would leave an army in the country, which would be the cause of numerous evils.

6.6

On the 7th of the month the Shah himself crossed the river, and encamped on the right bank, the move being made known to all by discharges of cannon. The Shah felt the greatest anxiety to reach Khurasan, where his presence was urgently required to put a stop to disturbances that had broken out in Bukhara and Khwarizm, for the rulers of these countries, blinded with pride and ignorance, had withdrawn their necks from the yoke of subjection. Proceeding without a halt, the Shah crossed the river Attock on the 21st of Jumada-s sani, and on the 25th of Sha'ban cast his shadow over the country of Kabul. Hence he marched by way of Darah Isma'il Hut to correct Khuda-yar Khan 'Abbasi, zamindar of Khudabad. Having made Hut and Ghazi Khan Dudahi obedient, he remained some time in the government of Bhakkar. Before leaving Kabul, the Nawab Sahib A'azzu-d daula and Hayatu-llah Khan Bahadur, who governed the province of Multan as his father's deputy, had been directed to join the Shah whenever his army should enter the territories of Khuda-yar Khan, and to assist in settling the affairs of that district. Hayatu-llah Khan lost no time in joining the Shah and the Nazim, starting on the 26th of Shawwal from the fortress of Jamun, which had fallen to his arms only a few days before, passed one night at Lahore. On the 23rd of Zi-l hijja he left Multan to proceed towards the Persian camp by water.

7

To the exalted and most noble of Khans, the illustrious Zakariya Khan, Nazim of the provinces of Lahore and Multan, with assurances of our warmest friendship, be it known that, whereas His Majesty has resolved to make a tour this year through the country of Sind, in order to chastise certain rebellious chieftains in those parts, and whereas it is deemed probable that one or more of these chiefs may attempt to fly towards Multan, which would render it necessary for the conquering army to cross the river Sind, to pursue and capture the fugitives; and whereas between this powerful government and that of Hindustan there exists perfect concord, it is necessary that the illustrious Nazim should be prepared to move from Lahore towards Multan on receiving an order to this effect, and with his troops guard the approaches to this city, that those who may cross the river may be punished, and such energy displayed for this purpose as may render unnecessary the co-operation of the royal forces. In addition the Khan may rest assured of the kindly feelings of the Emperor of Emperors towards him, and may expect everything from his generosity. Written on the 21st of Jumada-s sani, a.h. 1152.

8

Of all the frontier-chiefs none equalled Khuda-yar Khan in the extent of their possessions, the number of their soldiers, and the fertility of their resources. When first Nadir Shah arrived under the walls of Kandahar, this chieftain formed vain schemes of checking the advance of the victorious army and holding the passes, thus, as if impelled by fatality, making an enemy to himself of a monarch favoured by fortune, whose sword, like the orb of light, had flashed over the world from east to west. Now, that the tidings of the Shah's advance broke upon his dream of fancied security, he left his son in command of his troops, and himself, with his women and wealth, withdrew into the fortress of Amarkot, a strong place, surrounded on two sides by water and on the other two by sand-hills.
When the Shah's army drew near, the son gave up all idea of fighting, and prepared to do homage to the Emperor on condition that his father should not be required to appear; but these terms were not acceded to, and the foolish youth was kept prisoner. The Shah again moved rapidly forward to lay siege to Amarkot, and the news of this advance shook, as if with the shock of an earthquake, the warlike resolve of Khuda-yar Khan. He immediately sent away his women and his property to the sandy country, but stayed behind himself to make arrangements for the removal of twenty-two lacs of rupees, for which carriage had not been procurable, and determined to follow on the morrow.
But the morrow brought forth unexpected events, for the Shah, learning that the game might still be secured by a bold cast of the net, pushed forward from Ladgaon, distant from Amarkot thirty farsakhs, on the evening of the 28th of Zi-l ka'da, and suddenly surrounded the fort about daybreak on the following morning. Immediately the soldiery commenced the work of destruction. Khuda-yar Khan, seeing no path open to escape, came forth with cries for mercy, and did homage; and this course, which he should have before adopted, proved his salvation. The Shah, mindful of the maxim that there are more joys in forgiving than in punishing, received him with kindness, and forgave his faults. The twenty-two lacs found in the fort and some jewels were seized by the Emperor's officers, and the Shah returned to Ladgaon, where the camp equipage had been left, and where were discussed the affairs of Khuda-yar Khan, who had accompanied His Majesty since his surrender.
About two hours before the close of day His Majesty received A'azzu-d daula in the royal audience tent. This nobleman was treated with even more than former courtesy, and the Emperor graciously observed that he must have been put to much inconvenience in so long a journey. On the 7th the Nawab Nazim received tokens of the esteem in which he was held by the Shah.
Khuda-yar Khan 'Abbasi, since his submission, had remained in the royal camp. The monarch now, with kingly munificence, raised him from the dust and re-established him in possession of his zamindari, with the title of Shah Kuli Khan, and the government of the province of Thatta. The conditions of this arrangement were an annual payment of ten lacs of rupees and the furnishing to the Persian monarch of a contingent of two thousand horse under one of the Khan's sons. The Khan, who might have expected a very different treatment as the result of his conduct, was dismissed with the present of a horse to his home on the 15th of Muharram, A.H. 1152 (12th April, 1739 A.D.).
Nadir Shah, having finally settled the affairs of Hindustan, resolved to set his face towards the country of Khurasan, where frequent disturbances occurred, acting as a thorn in his side.