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Tarikh-i Ahmad Shah (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of Tarikh-i Ahmad-Shahi (Tārīkh-i Aḥmad-Shāhī)

Language
English
Date
1877 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
31 passages, 6,766 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

The occurrence of all great events, which may not even have entered into the conception of the human mind, becomes clear and manifest at its own proper time, and in the list of extraordinary and unlooked-for events, may be mentioned the elevation of Ahmad Shah, son of Muhammad Shah, to the throne.
And the history of these events is detailed as follows : —
Muhammad Shah had received from his ancestors, dominions of large extent, which they had by dint of prowess and successful exertion wrested from other illustrious Kings and annexed to the territories already under their rule. But instead of being impressed with the importance of attending to the affairs of his kingdom, and turning his earnest attention as became an Emperor towards the management of the country, Muhammad Shah, from the commencement of his reign, displayed the greatest carelessness in his government, spending all his time in sport and play. This neglect on the part of the Sovereign was speedily taken advantage of by all the amirs and nobles, who usurped possession of subas and parganas, and appropriated to themselves the revenues of those provinces, which in former days were paid into the Royal treasury, and amounted to several krors of rupees. From these provinces not one farthing found its way into the Royal chest; but a small revenue was still derived from those few khalisa parganas which as yet remained faithful to their allegiance. As the Royal treasury became gradually emptied, the Emperor's army was reduced to great straits, and at last entirely broken up; whilst the nobles of the land, who in the time of former sovereigns could never have got together such an amount of wealth, or so large a force, now amassed large sums of money from their own jagirs, and from those Government lands of which they had seized possession, and from the jagirs of others, a twentieth portion of which they did not give to the rightful owners. With this wealth they were able to keep up an immense army, with which the Emperor was unable to cope. Thus the Emperor found himself more circumscribed than his nobles, upon whom he, in fact, became dependent, and was unable to depose or displace any one of them.
This state of things lasted till the period of Nadir Shah's arrival in Hindustan, from Iran, about the year 1151 a.h. As Muhammad Shah had no means whatever of resistance, he was completely dependent upon his nobles, with whose forces he went out to meet Nadir Shah. But owing to the want of unity in all the councils and actions of the nobles, they were unable to effect anything like a stand against him, and soon were defeated by the enemy.
The condition of the country after the departure of Nadir Shah was worse than before. The amirs took what they liked. The Emperor spent what remained to him in sports and pastime. He locked up his son, Ahmad Shah, in one part of the citadel, not wishing him to appear in public. He kept him in the greatest indigence, and would not allow him to indulge in the game of chaugan, hunting, shooting, or any royal sports, such as he practised himself.

First Durrani Invasion.

2.1

At the time (of Ahmad Afghan's first invasion) Muhammad Shah was suffering from an attack of paralysis, and was not able to sit on horseback; but he ordered his chief nobles to set out and quell this rebellion on the frontier. For this purpose Kamru-d din Khan Nusrat Jang Waziru-l Mamalik, * * Safdar Jang Mir-atish, Sa'adat Khan Bahadur Zu-l fikar Jang, third paymaster; Nasir Khan Bahadur, and Raja Isri Singh, Zamindar of Amber and Jaipur, with other nobles and sardars, took their departure on the 18th of Muharram, in the thirtieth year of the reign. In the space of fifteen days or so, this army had proceeded fifteen miles from Dehli, when news came of Ahmad Afghan having reached Lahore with his force. Also news came that Hayatu-llah Khan had guarded all the gates and streets, and had sent a force under Sadar Zilla Khan Kasur Pathan to oppose him. But Zilla Khan immediately went over to the enemy with his whole force, and Hayatu-llah Khan, seeing resistance no longer possible, fled, without striking a blow, and left all his property and treasure in Lahore. I'timadu-d daula wrote to the Emperor, representing that all the sardars and nobles were declaring themselves independent, but that if the Emperor would send his son Prince Ahmad from Dehli, to take charge of the army and to remain at its head, the war could easily be put an end to. Muhammad Shah was most unwilling to part with any authority to his son;

2.2

but being in great straits, and completely helpless, he sent for his son on the 19th of Safar, kissed him in open Darbar, gave him a copy of the Kuran and then dismissed him. He would not give him any title or rank to assume, but provided a suitable sawari of elephants, horses, etc., and Sa'adat Khan, his maternal uncle, was appointed his counsellor, that he might give him the best advice on all occasions. The management of all war affairs was given over to I'timadu-d daula. When the Royal army reached Machiwara, the spies gave information that Ahmad Afghan had reached Philor, which is about thirty miles from Machiwara. The generals entered into deliberation, whether they should cross the Sutlej or not; but they came to the resolution not to do so, lest the enemy, avoiding an attack, should cross over at some other place. They therefore determined to remain where they were. They soon heard that the enemy had crossed at the ford near Ludhiyana, which is about twenty miles distant from Machiwara, and having laid waste the country round about the high road, was proceeding towards Sirhind. As Ahmad Afghan carried on his person no signs of superior rank, Prince Ahmad was unable to learn whether he was with his army or behind, and fearing lest he should be in the rear, and suddenly fall on his army, he marched two or three miles a day along the river towards Ludhiyana in search of the enemy.

2.3

He then heard that Ahmad Afghan had passed straight on to Sirhind with his force, and had set that city on fire, and got possession of the wazir's treasure. When this intelligence reached Dehli, the greatest consternation and dismay prevailed, and the inhabitants prepared to fly with their families. * * News was brought that Prince Ahmad, with I'timadu-d daula, had fallen back from the banks of the Sutlej and met with Ahmad Afghan's force about six miles from Sirhind, and had immediately erected batteries on four sides of his force. The enemy also erected batteries on his side in the gardens of Sirhind. A fire on both sides was opened on the 13th Rabi'u-l awwal, 1161 A.H. (3rd March, 1748 A.D.), and many men were killed in both armies. The firing continued for eight days, when Ahmad Afghan, seeing that this kind of warfare would never end, threw up a battery on a mound near the Prince's force, from which the guns threw their fire right into the Royal camp, passing over the batteries of his own army. Many members of the Royal army were killed. The whole responsibility of the war rested upon I'timadu-d daula, and to him all the soldiers cried out to be led into a general action. But to this I'timadu-d daula would not consent, saying that the enemy would soon be ruined of himself.

2.4

The soldiers therefore began to make themselves as secure as they could in the camp, when of a sudden, one day, Ahmad Afghan sent a camel, with melons, apples, etc., and a letter to the Prince, desiring peace, and stipulating that if the Emperor would leave him Kabul and Thatta, which Nadir Shah had given him, and all the gold which Nadir Shah had brought from Dehli, he would evacuate the country. The Prince sent this letter with the camel to Zu-l fikar Jang (Sa'adat Khan), who forwarded it again to I'timadu-d daula. He sent an answer to Ahmad Afghan that he was to come and throw himself as a suppliant before the Prince, and do homage to him, and he would then endeavour to procure his pardon. Seeing from this advice that there was no hope of his stipulations being acceded to, Ahmad Afghan prepared for a general action, and on Friday, the 21st Rabi'u-l awwal, when three or four gharis of the day had passed — i.e. about eight o'clock a.m. — he opened fire from his guns. A ball from a cannon reached the tents of I'timadu-d daula Bahadur Nusrat Jang, and passing through them struck the wazir on his side, and, strange to say, all his attendants and followers, who were standing close around him, escaped unhurt. His son, Mu'inu-l Mulk, was at the batteries at the time, and hearing of his father's accident, came to him at once in great distress, and found him just expiring. A minute or two after he died.

2.5

* * In the mean time news arrived that Ahmad Afghan had got inside the intrenchment with his force, and was fighting there. Mu'inu-l Mulk set out immediately to oppose the enemy's further progress, and this intelligence reached the Prince, Abu-l Mansur Khan Bahadur (Safdar Jang), Raja Isri Singh, and the other sardars, who mounted their horses with the greatest expedition. * * They fought so well with the enemy, that with the greatest exertion, and a display of fiery zeal, they destroyed some thousands, defeated the Afghan army, and followed up the fight for one or two miles, slaughtering and wounding. * * The enemy, who had at that time lost half his force, was unable to withstand the attack of Safdar Jang, and seeing a favourable opening, bore down on the right wing of the Royal army, which had been deserted by Isri Singh. Safdar Jang, on hearing of the attack in this quarter, left Mu'inu-l Mulk and came to the assistance of the Prince's portion of the army, and his force committed the greatest havoc. Ahmad Afghan then fled with the remnant of his men, and taking shelter in a small fort, began to open a fire of cannon, and killed a number of men. To attack this fort, several large guns were brought up, and planted ready; but night came on before any attack was made.

2.6

During the night Ahmad, seeing that it was useless to hold out any longer against the superior force of the Prince, who had gained a decided advantage, he silenced his guns, and under favour of the darkness fled, no one knew in what direction. The Prince with his army remained under arms the whole night; and when morning came, they were surprised to find no trace of the enemy. The army remained in the same position till the 25th Rabí'u-l awwal, when messengers arrived from Ahmad Afghan bearing again the same proposals for peace, viz. the cession of Kabul and Thatta, and the restoration of the money which Nadir Shah had taken. The Prince, however, would not listen to these terms. As the enemy was completely defeated, and all his forces totally routed, all messages for peace were merely sent as excuses to gain time so as to enable his treasure and baggage to be brought out from Sirhind. * * When Ahmad Afghán saw that his object could not be gained by peaceable means, and that he could not get out his property from Sirhind, he came out on the 26th to offer battle again. The Prince, too, came out to battle with all his forces. The battle was carried on for some time with artillery only. The enemy retreated before the superior force of the Prince, and Ahmad Afghan himself kept at a distance, viewing the two armies. As the fire approached him, he avoided it and fled. The artillery played the whole day, but ceased their fire at eventide.

2.7

All that night the Prince's men stood to their arms. The next morning the battle was renewed on all sides, but the Afghans could not gain the superiority. When two watches of the day had passed, Ahmad Afghan took the road to Ludhiyana in flight, and sent a message through Safdar Jang to the Prince, that Muhammad Taki Khan was coming to make a treaty. Safdar Jang, believing this to be true, withdrew his men from the pursuit, thus allowing the enemy time to withdraw all his property and treasure towards Ludhiyana. * * Orders were speedily issued for pursuit, and they were responded to with the greatest alacrity by the army, who followed up and slew all the stragglers, and those who were worn out with flight, of Ahmad's army, and took all the swords, horses, and camels they could find. Whoever got the plunder was allowed to keep it for himself. Many were made prisoners, and the number of horses, mules, etc., which were captured, was immense. On the next day the army halted, and on the 29th Rabi'u-l awwal the Prince marched into Ludhiyana, a distance of twenty miles. * *

2.8

At that time Safdar Jang had the full command of the army, and no one could do anything without his orders. To him the Prince gave his commands that they should march towards Lahore, to prevent the possibility of the enemy attempting to take that city after he had recruited his strength a little. Safdar Jang did not agree to this plan, and endeavoured to delay by every kind of stratagem, and two or three days afterwards, having marched five or six kos from Ludhiyana, he encamped, hoping that news might reach the Emperor of what was going on. At last the Emperor consented that the Prince, Sa'adat Khan Bahadur, and Safdar Jang should come back to Court, and that Mu'inu-l Mulk and Nasir Khan should march to Lahore and Kabul. The Prince sent off his tents for Dehli the next day, and on the evening of the 23rd he invested Mu'inu-l Mulk with the command of the army, and sent him off towards Lahore. On the 24th, having despatched Nasir Khan towards Kabul, he set out himself in the morning for Dehli, and having reached his first stage, sent a letter to the Emperor, which reached his presence on the 26th Rabí'u-s sání. Mu'ínu-l Mulk marched with his force stage by stage to Lahore.

Death of Muhammad Sháh and accession of Ahmad Sháh.

3.1

The Emperor was naturally of a weak constitution. * * He was frequently subject to bad fevers, and at this time he was thus afflicted, when he one day was carried in a litter to the Masjid Sangí Gate, which was inside the fort, and there sat in state with all his nobles and attendants. All of a sudden he fainted away. * * He recovered a little from his fainting fit, * * but his speech had entirely left him. Every moment the Emperor's illness changed its symptoms, and he was insensible during the whole night. The next morning, on the 27th Rabí'u-s sání, in the thirty-first year of his reign, A.H. 1161 (15 April, 1748 A.D.), the Emperor breathed his last. Those who were present at the time of his decease were of opinion that the wisest course to pursue would be to conceal from the public the news of the Emperor's death till the arrival of the Prince, and they accordingly enjoined strict silence on all those who were aware of the melancholy event which had happened. They then put the corpse into the wooden case of a European clock, which was very long, and stood in the Hayát Bakhsh Garden, and for a shroud they procured a cloth from the dárogha of the kitchen, pretending it was required for the dinner table. They buried him in the garden. Letters were then despatched to the Prince, informing him of the dangerous illness of the Emperor, and urging him to come to Dehli with all possible speed, but they made no mention of the Emperor's death.

3.2

The Prince, on hearing the sad news, pushed on with all haste. * * Beyond Pánípat he was met by a procession bearing the Golden Umbrella and the other emblems of Royalty, which had been sent by Safdar Jang. Though the Prince, on seeing these emblems, was given to understand that his father had died, he did not wish to assume hastily the regal title, but proposed to go on to Dehli as usual, and there, having mourned for his father three or four days, and having performed all the funeral ceremonies, then to assume the title of Emperor. But Safdar Jang, seeing the evil that was likely to result from this, would not permit such delay. The Prince was forced to submit, and assumed the Royal Umbrella and all the insignia of royalty, and the usual rejoicings took place. * * The length of Muhammad Shah's reign was thirty years and twenty-seven days, dating his ascent to the throne from the murder of Farrukh Siyar. When the Prince succeeded his father on the throne of Dehli, he took the title of Mujahidu-d din Ahmad Shah Ghazi, and in the prayers and on the coins these titles were adopted, and to his deceased parent he gave the title of Hazrat Firdaus Aramgah.

3.3

Ahmad Shah was not a man of great intellect; all the period of his youth till manhood had been spent in the harem, and he had had absolutely no experience whatever of the affairs of a kingdom, or of the cares of government. Besides this, he was surrounded by all kinds of youthful pleasures, which every person, seeing the turn of his mind, was anxious to display before him to entice his fancy. As a natural consequence, he gave himself up entirely to pastime and sports, and bestowed no thought on the weighty affairs of the kingdom. To manage a country and wield a sceptre is a matter full of difficulty, and until an Emperor understands thoroughly himself the good and bad tendency of every measure, he cannot be fit for a ruler. For this reason Ahmad Shah was unable to govern the empire entrusted to him.

3.4

In the month Jumada-s sani, or one month after his ascent to the throne, news was brought from the Dakhin that Nizamu-l Mulk Asaf Jah, the Nazim of the Dakhin subas, who also filled the office of head paymaster in the Royal Court, and whose son Ghaziu-d din Khan acted for him, had died. In his place, his younger son Ahmad Khan Nasir Jang was appointed, he having before acted with satisfaction to his master for his father, when Nizamu-l Mulk came to Dehli in Muhammad Shah's time, and this appointment was made at once to prevent the chance of any rebellion or insurrection breaking out, among rival candidates. On hearing this news, the Emperor bestowed on Abu-l Mansur Khan Safdar Jang the empty post of wazir, vacated by I'timadu-d daula's death; and the paymastership, vacated by the death of Nizamu-l Mulk, he bestowed on Zu-l fikar Jang.

3.5

The same day, Jawed Khan, the head eunuch, who in the time of Muhammad Shah had the entire management of the harem, and had the entrée to the women's apartments, and although 50 years old, could neither read nor write, but being constantly in the presence of the Emperor, had represented himself as being well up to business and an intelligent man, prevailed on the simple-minded youth of an Emperor to appoint him darogha of the Diwan-i khass, with a mansab of 6000, thus exalting him far above his equals. * * The Emperor gave over the entire management of the country to him. The Nawab, who had in the days of the former sovereign carried on a secret intimacy with Ahmad Shah's mother, who was originally a dancing girl, now openly governed the realm in concert with her, and, contrary to the custom of all harems, where no male domestics are allowed at night, he always remained in the women's apartments all night, and in the day used to converse with low characters, such as khansamans, and did not look on the nobles.

4

Udham Bai, the mother of Ahmad Shah, was first introduced into Muhammad Shah's harem in the beginning of his reign, and she received the title of Udham Bai, and for some time remained the favoured one in the sight of the Emperor. But her good fortune deserted her, and she fell to a state of abjectness. She became the contempt of the harem, lost all her character and station, and was not even at last allowed to see her own son. When, however, her son, Ahmad Khan, ascended the throne, her star of prosperity daily increased, till at last she surpassed all the Begams. She was first called Bai Jiu Sahiba, afterwards "the Parent of the Pure, the Lady of the Age, Sahib Ji Sahiba, on whom be peace!" Then she was called Hazrat, afterwards Kibla-i 'alam, in addition to the former titles held in the deceased Emperor's time, and although she had already a mansab of 50,000, yet, owing to the intimacy she kept up with the Nawab, she managed to have the rule of the whole Empire. Notwithstanding the lowness of her origin, and the very humble position which she had till lately held, the fruits of her generosity and magnanimity soon became known and lauded. First of all she gave to all the young children of the deceased Emperor, who in his time got no monthly pension, £50 a month. To many of the Begams she gave larger pensions out of the Government purse, to many more out of her own private funds; and on any person who had managed anyhow to make his case known to her she bestowed charity. Having called together the families of her children and grandchildren, she distributed to them large presents of money, and fixed monthly salaries for their maintenance. In short, the Queen and the Nawab took the whole government into their own hands, and the Emperor had nothing left but the empty title.

Second Durrani Invasion.

5.1

After several months, Ahmad Khan Afghan again made his appearance with an army, and crossing the Indus, made direct for Lahore. Mu'inu-l Mulk marched out from Lahore, and crossing the Ravi with a large force, went to meet him, and encamped two miles from Lahore, where he threw up three intrenchments. Ahmad Khan, after crossing the Chinab and Jhelam, reached within six miles of his camp, and some smart skirmishing took place; but Mu'inu-l Mulk, seeing that the enemy's force was so superior to his own, would not engage in a general battle. Ahmad Khan's forces, separating in all directions, laid waste the villages and fields on every side, till they arrived in the neighbourhood of Lahore, destroying all the country in its proximity. Mu'inu-l Mulk took no notice of this destruction to the country, though it was apparent to his eyes. The news of Ahmad Khan's attack speedily reached the ears of the Emperor and the wazir, but no one thought of sending troops to assist Mu'inu-l Mulk; on the contrary, the wazir was not a little pleased to hear of his embarrassment.

5.2

At last news arrived that Mu'inu-l Mulk had, according to the advice and instructions of the Emperor, ceded to Ahmad Afghan the four mahals of Lahore, viz. Sialkot, Imanabad, Parsarur and Aurangabad, which had formerly belonged to the ruler of Kabul. Nasir Khan was appointed to manage these four mahals and send the yearly revenue to Kabul. Ahmad Khan, being perfectly satisfied with this arrangement, quitted the Panjab for Kabul, and Mu'inu-l Mulk returned to Lahore.

5.3

One day a number of oppressed subjects assembled themselves together in the empty courtyard opposite the Nawab's palace, and waited there till he came out to go to the Emperor, when they mobbed him and detailed all their grievances. The Nawab, as usual, tried to put them off by fair words and deceitful promises, and wished to escape from them inside the palace, but was forcibly detained, his clothes being held by the people, who would not let him go till he settled for the payment of their arrears. His clothes were torn to pieces, and the fragments remained in the hands of the soldiers. The complaints of the sepoys grew daily louder. The Emperor went to the Queen-mother, and said that he was completely overpowered by his troops, and his reputation was entirely gone; and therefore begged for assistance from the Queen, so as to escape from their importunity. This gave rise to much discussion. At last, having taken all the ornaments from the three Begams, he pledged them for money, to the value of several lacs of rupees, but he paid no one their salaries. The soldiers, on account of their want of pay, and the nobles through the want of some controlling power instead of their own authority, became helpless, and reduced to extremities.

5.4

At this time Kaim Khan Afghan, who was the chief of Kanauj and Farrukhabad, and a noble in the Royal Court, who held a mansab of 7000, and had the titles of Kaim Jang and Kaimu-d daula, whose father likewise had held these lands in the time of the former Emperor, made arrangements for war upon Sa'du-llah Khan, son of the Zamindar of Alola and Bangash, in the district of Sambhal, on the other side of the Ganges, and got together a large force and artillery. Sa'du-llah Khan heard of his approach, and prepared to resist his attack, but first tried the effect of negociation. * * But as Kaim had the superiority in force, he would not listen to any negociation. A general battle ensued. In the midst of the battle a ball struck Kaim and killed him. Sa'du-llah Khan returned with immense spoil to his own territory. The Emperor entertained no feelings of displeasure or distress on hearing of this business, but the wazir seized upon the favourable opportunity for taking possession of the lands of Kaim Khan, determining that as so great a sardar as Kaim had been removed, it should be a long time before such another took his place. At last the Emperor had nothing whatever to say to anything that went on, and the Nawab became in reality the reigning sovereign as far as concerned the managing the revenues and general affairs of the country.

5.5

The Emperor considered it to be the most agreeable to him to spend all his time in ease and pleasure, and he made his zenana so large that it extended for a mile. For a week together he would remain without seeing the face of any male being, and he would live in his gardens for one and two months at a time.

Second Rohilla Insurrection. Malhár Holkar.

6.1

After the departure of Safdar Jang, Ahmad Khan's followers put to death the kotwál of Farrukhábád, who had been appointed by the wazír. On hearing this a fire was kindled in the wazír's mind, and he determined to take possession for himself of all their lands and houses. The Rohillas had greatly the superiority in numbers, and the wazír's force, unable to withstand them, gave way. The wazír remained watching his force giving way, and as the battle drew near to him, his elephant was wounded in several places, and he himself received a ball in the chin which just grazed the skin, singeing his beard, and narrowly missing his head. The mahout, seeing this, turned the elephant's head, carried him out of the battle-field, and in one day brought him to the neighbourhood of Koel, a distance of forty miles, where his wound was healed. The sardárs of his army fled from the field on all sides; none remained with the wazír. The whole of the tents and baggage fell into the hands of the Rohillas.

6.2

Raja Isri Singh, master of 7000 horse, died. As he had no son, his younger brother, Madhu Singh, who was grandson of the Ráná, and had lived with the Ráná since his birth, was installed in his place. In the confusion consequent on change of rulers, Malhár Holkar Mahratta Dakhiní, who was Názim of the Málwa country, came with a large force and sat down before Jaipur. Madhú Singh, being unable to cope with Holkar's force, tried the effect of peaceful negociation; but Holkar would listen to no terms, except those of Madhu Singh giving up all his treasure and guns, in which case he promised to evacuate the country; if not, he would take possession of the territory; and as an earnest of his intentions, he laid waste the country of Jaipur for about ten or twelve miles, and the inhabitants of the town were unable to get supplies of grain and grass. Madhu Singh, being thus reduced, came to Holkar, whose men at once seized all his jewels and money and plundered as they chose. Holkar then dismissed the Raja, and returned to his own territory.

6.3

The wazir sent Raja Ram Husain, his diwan, and Raja Jagat Kishor, who had the suba of Bengal, to Malhar Holkar, with a message that he ought to assist him in punishing the impudence of the rebel Afghans. These two used their utmost powers of persuasion to influence Holkar to come over the Jumna by Agra, and when the wazir heard of this arrangement having been definitely made, he himself started, but this time took none of the Jats, etc., with him. He gave the whole charge of the force into Holkar's hands. At that time there was no great sardar of note in Hindustan who had obtained a superiority over the rest. The wazir used to go sometimes to Holkar's tents, and Holkar came to his. Holkar left his tents two or three miles ahead of the wazir, and in this way proceeded till they reached the country of the Afghans. They had this time collected together a force one hundredfold as great as the former one. Holkar's army, as it proceeded, laid waste the country, cutting off all supplies from the Afghan force. On the other side of the Ganges the road was in the hands of the Afghans, who guarded it on both sides. A battle took place between the two forces, but Ahmad Khan Afghan was unable to withstand the enemy, and retreated along the banks of the river, till he found a ford where he crossed, and thence fled. The towns of Farrukhabad, Alaipur, and others, fell into the possession of the Dakhinis.

6.4

They destroyed the houses, and took away as plunder all the guns, etc., and a large amount of treasure which the Rohilla force had been unable to carry away with them. The Afghans, because that the Dakhini force was unable to pursue them, encamped on the Ramganga, near Bareilly. The wazir, crossing over the Ganges with his army, went to attack the Afghans. The Dakhini army remained on this side, and the Afghan force on the other side of the river. The wazir and Malhar Rao separately went in pursuit of the army, which was encamped on the banks of the Ramganga. A running fight was kept up between the contending forces for several days. At last the Afghans, departing from thence with all their families and baggage, went to Alola, the residence of Sa'du-llah Khan. The wazir and Malhar followed them thither, and blockaded Alola. Ahmad Khan and Sa'du-llah Khan first went in the direction of the Jumna, which is towards the northern hills, and has a ford at Burya, that they might cross the river there, and having plundered Sirhind, might go on to Lahore. But they were afraid to undertake this enterprise, from fear of the enemy. They sent off their families into the hills, and hid themselves in the thickest jungles of a forest, which is one hundred miles in length, and thirty or forty miles in breadth, and there remained concealed. The victorious army entrenched themselves near these jungles, and held themselves in readiness for a fight.

6.5

During this time the forces of the Mahratta Dakhinis, splitting up into small bodies, began plundering Muradabad, and all the cities and parganas of that part of the country. These places, having never before been visited by any plundering army, had been inhabited long time by merchants and bankers, who had amassed great wealth, which they kept in these cities. The Dakhini force attacked and ransacked the whole country, not allowing a single man to escape, and every article of money or property they carried off as booty. Many of the old families were completely ruined. Most of the better class of men, to save themselves from disgrace, committed suicide.

6.6

The Afghan force, which remained concealed in the jungles, now and then sallied forth against the wazir's troops, and, having made successful attacks, returned to their place of shelter. The wazir's men were quite on the alert to attack in their turn; but they could not by any means get the enemy out of the woods into the open. They then tried to blockade the forest, and cut off all supplies of grain; but as they received their supplies from the Raja of Kumaun in the rear, the Afghan army was not in the least inconvenienced. Many a time the wazir sent word to the Raja, to seize on all their supplies; but his message had no effect. Although the wazir had intrenched himself, was watching patiently his opportunity, and had spent large sums of money in this undertaking, yet the Emperor of Dehli gave himself not the slightest concern about what was going on. He was employed constantly in pleasure and sport ; and the Nawab, who was entrusted with the whole management of the Empire, was busy peculating in the public money. * * When the Amiru-l umara (Sa'adat Khan) returned from Ajmir, and paid his respects at the Court at Dehli, he found the Emperor's condition changed entirely.

6.7

The Nawab (Jawed), in the absence of Ahmad Afghan, and of Mir Bakhshi (Sa'adat Khan), who had gone towards Ajmir to settle the affairs of the Rajputs, had acquired such an accession of power that it was almost impossible for him to have more — to such a degree, in fact, that when the Bakhshi wished that he might receive some jagir and money pension in return for his services and the fortune which he had expended in the war, he was unable to obtain the gratification of his wish, but, on the contrary, his rank and power became somewhat diminished. Although he petitioned the Emperor, his petitions were made over to the Nawab. The Bakhshi, who was a man of good birth, and had never been accustomed to make his requests through the medium of any third party, became greatly distressed and annoyed at this, and relaxed in his visits to the royal presence. His servants pressed him for their pay ; but the Amir explained to them his abject condition, and showed it to the world, till at last he fortified his house with rockets and other firearms, and then shut himself up. And it was commonly reported that he said (whether true or false) to his friends, " There is no Emperor here. Why should we go to the darbar of a eunuch, to be insulted, and have our dignity lessened? To whom shall I state my case that I may be heard?

6.8

It is better to give up such service." He then concerted a plot with I'timadu-d daula, and they both wished to bring the other nobles, who were anything but satisfied with the Nawab, and found their dignity much lessened by him, to join with them and create an insurrection. The Nawab heard of this plot, and frightened the Emperor by the intelligence, and advised him at once to depose Zu-l fikar Jang (Sa'adat Khan) from his rank and title. * * Ghaziu-d din was given the title of Nizamu-l Mulk and Amiru-l umara, and received the office of Mir Bakhshi and the Subadari of Agra. I'timadu-d daula obtained the Subadari of Ajmir and Faujdari of Narnaul in the room of Sa'adat Khan deposed, with the titles of Imamu-l Mulk Khan-khanan, besides all his former titles and rank. The Jagirs of Sa'adat Khan, which he had received in the present reign, and which partly had been bestowed in the time of the old Emperor, were resumed. Sa'adat Khan waited a few days more, to see if he should be restored to his former dignity; but when he found that it would not be so, he sold all his jewels and silver, paid up and discharged all his soldiers, and requesting of the Emperor permission to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, he prepared everything for his journey thither. The Nawab persuaded the Emperor to place guns near Sa'adat Khan's house, to prevent his coming out, and no one was allowed to go from without to visit him. * *

6.9

On hearing the news (of the approach of Ahmad Abdali), the Emperor wrote a letter to the wazir, telling him of the impending war, and requesting him quickly to finish the war with the Rohillas and Ahmad, and then return to him. The wazir (Safdar Jang), before this letter had arrived, and as soon as he had heard what was going on in the Panjab, opened negociations with the enemy, and on the arrival of the Emperor's letter, he received some presents from Sa'du-llah Khan Rohilla, and took from him written promises to pay more in the future, on which conditions he allowed him to retain his lands. Ahmad Khan, too, was permitted to keep his ancestral property, and leave was granted him to give over all the other lands which had been seized to any one he chose. Having made peace in this manner, he retired. Mahmud Khan, son of Ahmad Khan, and the brother of Sa'du-llah Khan Rohilla, came into the wazir's camp, paid their respects, and then departed again. The wazir marched from thence towards Lucknow, and settled that province. * * The news of Ahmad Abdali's rebellion daily increased, and the newsmongers from Lahore brought word that Mu'inu-l Mulk had sent his mother and family to Jammu, where they would be safe out of reach of all pursuit. All the inhabitants of the city, seeing their ruler take flight in this manner, sent off their families to Dehli and other parts to the south-east.

6.10

When much negociation had been carried on, and Mu'inu-l Mulk heard that Ahmad had reached the banks of the Indus, and was intending to cross, he sent him nine lacs of rupees. As the pay of the chief officers and others in the Emperor's service was very great, and it had been allowed to run on for twenty-two months, on the 14th Rabi'u-s sani, the khwajas and peons of the harem, having left their posts, assembled at the large gate, which is called the Nazir's gate, and, sitting down there, stopped the way for passengers and the supplies of water, grain, etc., which were being brought in and out. A disturbance threatened, and the Nazir, Roz-afzun Khan, had that day sent in his resignation to the Emperor, because there were no receipts, and the expenditure from the treasury was enormous. * *

6.11

Ahmad Abdali, leaving his encampment on the other side of the Ravi, crossed over with his troops, and pitched his tents near Lahore. Mu'inu-l Mulk also crossed over, and encamped in the rear of the city, and preparations were made for battle. On the 1st of Jumada-l awwal, Ahmad made a movement in advance with all his army, and a general battle took place. Raja Kora Mai was killed. Mu'inu-l Mulk, on hearing this sad news, gave up the battle, and began to reflect that Kora Mai, who had been the great opponent of peace, was gone, and as the Abdalis were fond of money, it would be far best to give them anything they wished, and make peace. He therefore sent a message to this effect. Ahmad, seeing that Mu'inu-l Mulk's force was all scattered, considered this a favourable opportunity. He sent a message to Mu'inu-l Mulk: "My business was with Kora Mai: now that he is dead, go you into the fort, and remain there. I have nothing to do with you or the city. The money which I have demanded from you, do you give me, either collected from the peasants, or from your own resources; then I will depart." Mu'inu-l Mulk, being defeated, could not but consent to everything Ahmad proposed, and Ahmad's men took possession of the city, which they plundered. * * After a time, Ahmad, having made presents to Mu'inu-l Mulk, retired to Kabul.