[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri) › [Tabakat-i-Nasiri](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty) › 170 # The Nāṣirī Generations 170: II. SULTAN-UL-A'ZAM, MU'IZZ-UD-DUNYA WA UD-DIN, ABU-L-MUZAFFAR, MUHAMMAD, SON OF BAHA-UD-DIN, SAM, KASIM-I-AMIR-UL-MUMININ. Tabakat-i-Nasiri 170 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [170.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1) — 8 parts - [170.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2) — 8 parts - [170.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3) — 8 parts - [170.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4) — 10 parts - [170.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.5) — 5 parts ### II. SULTAN-UL-A'ZAM, MU'IZZ-UD-DUNYA WA UD-DIN, ABU-L-MUZAFFAR, MUHAMMAD, SON OF BAHA-UD-DIN, SAM, KASIM-I-AMIR-UL-MUMININ. ### [170.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.1) Trustworthy narrators have related after this manner that, when Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din, Husain, Jahan-soz, was removed from the habitation of the world, and Sultan Saif-ud-Din, Muhammad, his son, ascended the throne of Ghur, he commanded, that both the Sultans, Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad, and Mu'izz-ud-Din, Muhammad, sons of Sam, who were imprisoned within the fortress of Wajiristan, should be released, as has been stated previously in the account of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din. Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din abode at the court of Firuz-koh in the service of Sultan Saif-ud-Din \[his cousin\], and Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din proceeded to the court of Bamian to the presence of his uncle, Malik Fakhr-ud-Din, Mas’ud-i-Husain Bamiani. When Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din ascended \[the throne of\] the dominion of Ghur, after the catastrophe of Sultan Saif-ud-Din, Muhammad, and the news of it reached Bamian, Malik Fakhr-ud-Din, Mas'ud, turned his face towards Mu’izz-ud-Din and said: “Thy brother hath distinguished himself; when wilt thou do the like, and bestir thyself?” Mu’izz-ud-Din hung his head in the presence of his uncle, and left the audience hall, and set out then and there for the Court of Firuz-koh. When he reached the presence of Ghiyas-ud-Din \[his brother\], he became Sar-i-Jandar \[Chief Armour-Bearer\], and he continued to serve his brother, and served him with assiduity, as has been previously recorded. ### [170.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.2) He continued in his brother’s service for the period of one year, when some cause of umbrage arose in his august mind, and he proceeded towards Sijistan, to \[the Court of\] Malik Shams-ud-Din, Sijistani, and there he remained one cold season. Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din despatched a distinguished person and brought him back again, and committed to his charge the territory of Kasr-i-Kajuran and Istiah. After he had brought the whole of the district of Garmsir under his authority, Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din entrusted to him the city of Tigin-abad, which was one of the largest cities of Garmsir. This Tigin-abad is the place about which, and the possession of it by the Sultans of Ghur, the downfall of the dynasty of Mahmud-i-Ghazi, son of Sabuk-Tigin, has been caused, and about which Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din, Husain, had improvised and sent to Khusrau Shah, son of Bahram Shah, the quatrain, which is as follows:— "Thy father first laid the foundation of enmity, Hence the world's people all under oppression fell. Have a care, lest for one Tigin-abad thou dost not give, From end to end, the kingdom of Mahmud's dynasty to the wind." The Almighty's mercy be upon the Sultans of both dynasties! ### [170.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.3) When Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din acquired the territory of Tigin-abad, the Ghuzz tribe, and the chieftains of that sept, who, retiring defeated from before the forces of Khita, had moved towards Ghaznin, during a period of twelve years had taken the Ghaznin territory out of the hands of Khusrau Shah and of Khusrau Malik, and had brought it under their own sway. Mu’izz-ud-Din was in the constant habit of making raids upon the Ghuzz from Tigin-abad, and assailing them, and continued to harass that territory until the year 569 H. when Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din subdued Ghaznin, and placed Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din upon the throne \[of that territory\] and returned to Ghur again, as has been previously recorded. The second year after this, \[namely\] in 570 H., Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din brought the districts of Ghaznin under his sway, and acquired Gardaiz; and, in the third year \[571 H.\] he marched an army towards Multan and delivered it from the hands of the Karamitah; and, in this year, 571 H., the Sankuran tribe broke out into rebellion, and committed great violence, until, in the year 572 H., he marched an army against them, and fell upon that people, and put the greater number of them to the sword. They have related that most of the Sankuran tribe were manifestly confessors of the Kur’an creed, who, on this occasion, obtained martyrdom; but, as they had stirred up rebellion, they were put to death, as a matter of exigency, according to sovereign prerogative. ### [170.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.4) In the following year after this event, Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din marched an army towards Nahrwalah by way of Ochchah and Multan. The Rae of Nahrwalah, Bhim Diw, was young in years, but he had numerous forces and many elephants; and, when a battle took place, the army of Islam was defeated and put to the rout, and the Sultani-Ghazi returned again without having accomplished his designs. This event took place in the year 574 H. In the year 575 H., Mu’izz-ud-Din led an army to Furshor and subdued it; and, in another two years subsequent to that, he marched an army towards Lohor. As the affairs of the Mahmudi empire had now approached their termination, and the administration of that government had grown weak, Khusrau Malik, by way of compromise, despatched one of his sons, and one elephant to the presence of the Sultan-i-Ghazi. This circumstance happened in the year 577 H. The following year, 578 H., the Sultan led an army towards Diwal \[or Dibal\] and possessed himself of the whole of that territory \[lying\] on the sea-coast, and acquired much wealth, and returned. ### [170.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.5) In the year 581 H., he \[again\] led an army towards Lohor, and ravaged and pillaged the whole of the districts of that territory; and, on his return homewards, directed that the Hisar \[fortress\] of Sial-kot should be restored. Husain son of Khar-mil was installed therein, and the Sultan again retired. After his departure, Khusran Panjab; and, at the suggestion and representation of the Rajah of Jamun, repaired anew the fort of Sial-kot \[Sial is the name of a tribe of Jats, since displaced, and dwelling much farther south, at and around Jang-i-Sial\], which was then in a ruinous and dilapidated state, and left there Husain-i-Khar-mil \[turned into Hussein Churmili by Dow, and Hoossein Furmully by Briggs !\] as governor, with a garrison. The Mian-ji, of Jamun, was then dismissed, with a request to inform the Rajah that next year his wishes would be fulfilled. ### [170.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.6) “Khusrau Malik, after the Sultan’s departure, aided by the tribe of Khokhar, invested Sial-kot; but, as Rajah Jakr \[Chakr\] Diw, assisted and supported the defenders, Khusrau Malik was unable to take it. At this period the Rajah, who had attained to nearly his eightieth year, died, and was succeeded by his son, Rajah Bij, who is also called Bijayi Diw, in 1221 of Bikramaditya; and in that year, which corresponds with 582 H., the Sultan \[Mu’izz-ud-Din\] crossed the Sind at the Nilab ferry, where the Rajah’s Mian-ji went to receive him; and on the banks of the Bihat \[the Jhilam\] the Rajah’s son, Nar-singh Diw, joined him with a considerable force. He was presented to the Sultan through Husain-i-Khar-mil, and received with honour. He accompanied the Sultan to Lah-nor, which was taken, and made over to the charge of Kar-makh \[’Ali-i-Kar-makh, who is turned into Kirmany by Briggs !\], governor of Multan. The Rajah’s son and his agent were dismissed with honorary robes, and the town of Sial-kot, together with the fort, was entrusted to the care of the Rajah. Khusrau was taken to Ghaznin, and was subsequently put to death. From the circumstance of the Sultan, in his communications, styling the Rajah’s agents by the term Mian-ji, according to the custom of Iran, instead of Wakil, the whole family of the Jamun-wal \[not the present dynasty\] considering this title great honour, adopted it; and from it the abridged term Mian, used by their descendants, is derived.” ### [170.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.7) Dow, in his translation of Firishtah, states, under the reign of Khusrau Malik \[page 129\], that “the Emperor Chusero \[Khusrau would not have known his own name thus written\], in alliance with the Ghickers, besieged the fort of Salcot, but, their endeavours proving unsuccessful, they were obliged to desist.” Briggs, in his version, repeats this in the same words, with the exception of styling Khusrau, Khoosrow Mullik; and the Khokhars, Gukkurs; and that Khusrau had to abandon the investment; but under the reign of Mu’izz-ud-Din, Dow \[page 137\] states: “This fort \[Salcot\], as we have before related, was effectually besieged by Chusero, in the absence of Mahommed;” and Briggs also \[page 176\] says: “This fort, as we have before related, being successfully besieged and taken Khoosrow Mullik, &c.; and thus both translators totally contradict their own previous statements. Firishtah, whom they translate, of course, states, as other writers do, that Khusrau Malik was unable to take it. Led away, I imagine, by this statement, and placing reliance on its correctness, Elphinstone has repeated \[page 311\] this absurdity. He says “Khusru Malik, taking courage from despair, made an alliance with the Gakkars \[Dow, Ghickers; Briggs, Gukkurs; Elphinstone, Gakkars !\], captured one of Shahab u din’s strongest forts, and obliged him to call in the aid of stratagem,” &c. ### [170.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.1.8) Thus a totally incorrect translation of a native historian’s words, and a statement respecting which the translators themselves contradict their own previous translation, is handed down from one writer to the other. This is writing history with a vengeance. The stratagem referred to above is related in Firishtah, which see but it Malik assembled the forces of Hindustan and a levy of the \[different\] Khokhar tribes, and appeared before the gates of Sial-kot, and sat down before it for a considerable time, and again retired without being able to effect his object. After that, in the year 582 H., the Sultan-i-Ghazi \[Mu’izz-ud-Din\] appeared \[again\] before the gates of Lohor. As the Mahmudi sovereignty had reached its termination, and the sun of the empire of Sabuk-Tigin had reached its setting, and the Recorder of Destiny had inscribed the decree of Khusrau Malik’s dethronement, that monarch was not possessed of the power to resist, and he entered into negotiations for peace; and, for the purpose of having an interview with the Sultan \[Mu’izz-ud-Din\], Khusrau Malik came out \[of Lohor\]. He was seized, and imprisoned, and Lohor passed into the possession of the Sultan-i-Ghazi, and the kingdom of Hindustan came under his sway. ### [170.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.1) The Sipah-Salar, ’Ali-i-Kar-makh, who was the Wali \[Governor\] of Multan, was located at Lohor, and the father of the author of this work, Maulana Saraj-ud-Din-i-Minhaj, the Wonder of his Age, and Most Eloquent of 'Ajam, became the Kazi of the forces of Hindustan, and, dressed in an honorary robe, conferred upon him by Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din, in the audience hall \[or tent\] of the camp he established his Court of Judicature. Twelve camels were assigned to convey his tribunal \[on the march\]. The mercy of the Almighty be upon him, and upon the orthodox Sultans of the past, and the Musalman Maliks of the present! After these events the Sultan-i-Ghazi set out on his return to Ghaznin, taking along with him Khusrau Malik; and from the court of Ghaznin sent him to the court of Firuz-koh, to the presence of the Sultan-ul-A’zam, Ghiyas-ud-Din. From thence Khusrau Malik was sent into Gharjistan and imprisoned within the castle of Balarwan, and it was commanded that his son, Bahram Shah \[by name\], should be detained within the walls of the fortress of Saif-rud of Ghur; and, when the outbreak and sedition of Sultan Shah Khwarazm-Shahi arose in the year 587 H., they martyred Khusrau Malik and his son Bahram Shah. The mercy of the Almighty be upon them all! ### [170.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.2) Subsequent to these events, the Sultan-i-Ghazi caused the forces of Islam to be organized, and advanced against the fortress of Tabarhindah, and took that stronghold, and made it over \[to the charge of\] Malik Ziya-ud-Din, the Kazi Muhammad-i-’Abd-us-Sallam, Nisawi, Tulaki. This Kazi, Ziya-ud-Din, was the son of the uncle of the maternal grandfather of the writer of this History, \[namely\] Kazi Majd-ud-Din, Tulaki. At his \[Kazi Ziya-ud-Din’s\] request, they selected twelve hundred horse from the forces of Hindustan and of Ghaznin, all men of Tulak, and the whole of them were ordered to join his khayl \[band or division\], and were located within that fortress, under the stipulation that they should hold it for the period of eight months, until the Sultan-i-Ghazi should return again from Ghaznin; but the Rae Kolah Pithora, however, had arrived near at hand, and the Sultan marched to Tara’in to meet him. The whole of the Ranas of Hind were along with the Rae Kolah. ### [170.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.3) When the ranks were duly marshalled, the Sultan seized a lance and attacked the elephant on which Gobind Rae Rae \[Rajah\] of Dihli, was mounted, and on which elephant he moved about in front of the battle. The Sultan-i-Ghazi, who was the Haidar of the time, and a second Rustam, charged and struck Gobind Rae on the mouth with his lance with such effect that two of that accursed one's teeth fell into his mouth. He launched a javelin at the Sultan of Islam and struck him in the upper part of the arm and inflicted a very severe wound. The Sultan turned his charger’s head round and receded, and from the agony of the wound he was unable to continue on horseback any longer. Defeat befell the army of Islam so that it was irretrievably routed, and the Sultan was very nearly falling from his horse. Seeing which, a lion \[hearted\] warrior, a Khalj stripling, recognized the Sultan, and sprang up behind him, and, supporting him in his arms, urged the horse with his voice, and brought him out of the field of battle. On the Musalman forces not seeing the Sultan, lamentation broke from them, until they reached a place where the defeated army was safe from pursuit by the infidels. army was formed into a circle. Mahommed, who was in person in the center (sic) of the line when first formed, was told that his right and left wings were defeated, and advised to provide for his own safety. ### [170.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.4) Enraged at this counsel, he smote the imprudent adviser, and rushed on towards the enemy, among whom he commenced, with a few followers, a great slaughter. The eyes of Candi Ra, king of Delhi, fell upon him. He drove the elephant, upon which he was mounted, directly against him. Mahommed, rising from his horse, threw his lance with such force at the elephant, that he drove out three of his back teeth \[the elephant’s ! !\]. In the meantime the King of Delhi, from above, pierced the Sultan through the right arm, and had almost thrown him to the ground ; when some of his chiefs advanced to his rescue. This gave an opportunity, to one of his faithful servants, to leap behind him as he was sinking from his horse, and, supporting him in his arms, he carried him from the field, which, by this time, was deserted almost by his whole army. The enemy pursued them near forty miles.” circle. Mahomed Ghoory was in person in the centre of his line, and, being informed that both wings were defeated, was advised to provide for his own safety. Enraged at this counsel, HE CUT down the messenger, and, rushing on towards the enemy, with a few followers, committed terrible slaughter. The eyes of ’Chawand Rae falling on him, he drove his elephant directly against Mahomed Ghoory, who, perceiving his intention, charged and delivered his lance full into the Raja’s mouth, by which many of his teeth were knocked out. ### [170.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.5) In the meantime, the Raja of Dehly pierced the king through the right arm, with an ARROW \[ ! !\]. He had almost fallen, when some of his chiefs advanced to his rescue. This effort to save him gave an opportunity to one of his faithful servants to leap up behind Mahomed Ghoory, who, faint from loss of blood, had nearly fallen from his horse, but was carried triumphantly off the field, although almost wholly deserted by his army, which was pursued by the enemy nearly forty miles, &c. Maurice, Murray, Elphinstone, Marshman, and Meadows Taylor, and probably others, such as Mill and Thornton, take their accounts from the above versions of Dow and Briggs. Marshman adds, “He was pursued for forty miles by the victorious Hindoos, and was happy to escape across the Indus,” perhaps unaware that he remained at Lahor till his wound was healed \[as Dow states\] and that there was no pursuit at all. Firishtah, from the revised text of Briggs has as follows: — “In 587 H., he \[Shihab-ud-Din\] determined to enter Hindustan, and he took the fort of Pathindah \[but the MSS. I have examined have Bathindah\] which, in that day, had become the capital of Rajahs of great dignity, out of the hands of the men of the Rajah of Ajmir. He left Malik Ziya-ud-Din, Tulaki, in that fortress, with 1200 horsemen, each and every one of whom was selected and a picked man ; and was desirous of returning. ### [170.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.6) Suddenly, information reached him, that Pitho Rae, Wali \[a ruler, a prince, the governor of a province\] of Ajmir, in concert with his brother, Khandi Rae, Wali of Dihli, and bringing along with them several Rajput Rajahs, were advancing, by regular marches, with an army of 200,000 horse, and 3000 elephants, with the determination of retaking the fort of Pathindah \[Bathindah?\]. Sultan Shihab-ud-Din, abandoning his intention of returning \[to Ghaznin\], advanced to meet them, and at the mauza’ \[place, Suddenly the Sultan arrived. A number of Amirs district, village\] of Tara’in, on the banks of the Sursuti, seven kuroh \[a distance of rather less than fourteen miles\] from Thani-sar, now known as Tarawari \[but in several MSS. of Firishtah, which I have seen, it is not and forty kuroh from Dihli, an encounter and conflict took place. The right and left wings of Sultan Shihab-ud-Din having broke and faced about \[it does not say that they were actually broken by the Hindus, and it appears to mean that they declined the onset, or recoiled\], and not a great number remained in the centre either. ### [170.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.7) \[There is not a word about his army forming a circle\] At this juncture one of the Sultan's confidential attendants represented \[saying\] the Amirs of the right and left \[wings\] who were nourished by the beneficence and favours of your Court \[or dynasty\] not keeping their ground resolutely, have taken to flight, and the Afghan \[Firishtah does not appear to have had authority for introducing Afghans here, from the statements of the contemporary writers of these times\] and Khalj Amirs, who were the commanders of the advance, who continually boasted of their valour and prowess, are not to be found \[seen\], and, should you promptly \[I give the exact words, except adopting the second person plural for the third\] turn the reins of retrocession towards Lahor, it seems expedient \[so to do\].” This speech not agreeing with the Sultan’s temperament, he drew his sword from its sheath, and, with the troops \[remaining\] of the centre, charged the enemy's forces and commenced the conflict. \[Firishtah then quotes some lines to the effect that both friend and foe lauded his prowess.\] Suddenly the eye of Khandi Rae, the Sipah-Salar \[commander of the army\] of Dihli, falling on the Sultan, he urged the mountain-like elephant on which he was mounted towards the Sultan, who at once seized his spear and made towards him, and smote him in the mouth with such effect, that many of his teeth fell out. Khandi Rae likewise \[i.e. ### [170.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.2.8) — which Briggs has read for arrow\] showed the greatest audacity and agility, and, from the top of his elephant, inflicted such a wound \[with what weapon not said\] on the upper part of the arm of the Sultan that he was nearly falling from his horse. A Khalj youth on foot \[there is not a word about his chiefs coming to his rescue\] discovered it, jumped up behind him on the horse, and, taking the Sultan in his arms, bore him out of the battle-field, and conveyed him to the forces of the runaway nobles which were twenty kuroh off; and the tumult and disquiet which had arisen, consequent on the defeat of the army of Islam, and not finding the Sultan, subsided.” . . . There is not a word about ### [170.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.1) According to the Zain-ul-Ma’asir, quoted by Firishtah immediately after the above, “Sultan Mu'izz-ud-Din, having become faint from the effects of the wound, fell from his horse. This not being noticed \[in the mêlée\], no one came to his aid. Night intervened, and, when one watch of the night had passed, a party of his Turkish slaves came to seek him, and went into the battle-field and began searching among the slain. The Sultan \[who appears to have revived\], recognizing the voices of his faithful slaves, acquainted them with his situation. His slaves gave thanks for his safety, and, taking him on their shoulders, in turns, proceeded along throughout the night, and by day-dawn reached their own people.” This battle is said to have taken place in the fifteenth year of the reign of Rae Pithora, and the Hindu writers state that this was the seventh time the Sultan had invaded Hind, in all of which he had been defeated! ### [170.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.2) “The Malik-ul-Haji, Ziya-ud-Din \[subsequently ’Ala-ud-Din\], Muhammad, the Sultan’s niece’s husband, was present in this battle. See page 393, Ghuri youths, and other distinguished men, had noticed the Sultan, along with that lion-like Khalji, had recognized him, and had gathered round him, and broke spears and made a litter and a stretcher, and had borne him to that halting-place. The people \[now\] became composed, and once more, through \[the safety of\] his life, the true faith acquired vigour, and the dispersed army, on the strength of the safety of the life of that Sultan-i-Ghazi, again came together, and retired, and turned their faces towards the Musalman dominions. The Kazi of Tulak was left \[in charge of\] the fortress of Tabarhindah, and Rae Pithora appeared before the walls of that stronghold, and fighting commenced. For a period of thirteen months and a little over the place was defended. ### [170.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.3) The following year the Sultan-i-Ghazi assembled the troops of Islam, and commenced his march towards Hindustan, to avenge the \[disaster of the\] previous year The author heard from a trustworthy person, a distinguished man of the highland district of Tulak, whom they used to style by the title of Mu’in-ud-Din, Ushi, who said : I was in that army along with the Sultan-i-Ghazi, and the number of cavalry composing the army of Islam that year was one hundred and twenty thousand arrayed himself before him, said, ‘O King, we trust to thy conduct and wisdom ; but as yet thy design has been a subject of much dispute and speculation among us.’ Mahommed replied, ‘Know, old man, that since the time of my defeat in Hindostan, notwithstanding external appearances, I have never slumbered in ease, or waked but in sorrow and anxiety. I have therefore determined, with this army, to recover my lost honour from those idolaters, or die in the noble attempt,’ ” &c. ‘O King, we trust in thy conduct and wisdom ; but as yet thy design has been subject of much speculation among us.’ Mahomed Ghoory replied, ‘Know, old man, that since the time of my defeat in Hindustan, notwithstanding external appearances, I have never slumbered in ease, or waked but in sorrow and anxiety. I have therefore determined, with this army, to recover my lost honour from those idolaters, or die in the attempt,” &c. Here, again, Elphinstone has been deceived, and, quoting Briggs, further disseminates a wrong translation. ### [170.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.4) Marshman says \[vol. i. p. 44\] that \[Shahab\] stated this in one of his letters ; but, unfortunately, Firishtah himself says nothing of the kind ! His words are : — “When his \[the Sultan’s\] standards, the emblems of victory, reached the Peshawar territory, one of the Pirs \[a holy man, a saint\] of Ghur, who was \[sufficiently\] bold, bowing his forehead to the ground \[only Pirs are not wont to do so\], represented \[saying\], ‘It is not understood at all whither the Sultan goeth, nor what his object is.’ Sultan Shihab-ud-Din replied : ‘O such an one \[فلان\] I know for certain that, from the time I have been defeated by the Rajahs of Hind, I have abstained from my wife’s bed \[I do not give the literal words to this part of the sentence, but it tends to show that he had but one wife, and his having but one child appears to prove it\], and have not changed the clothes on my body; and, having passed this year in grief, sorrow, and sadness, I have not permitted the Amirs of Ghur, of the Khalj, and of Khurasan, who, notwithstanding their ancient servitude, abandoned me in the battle and fled, to present themselves in my presence, nor have I seen their faces during this period. Now, placing dependence on the goodness of God, I am proceeding towards the country of Hind ; ### [170.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.5) and I have no expectation of the services of those old \[ancient\] Amirs, who, from their cradles to this time, have been nourished by the favours of this \[my\] family.’ The Pir, hearing this statement, kissed the ground of service, and said, ‘Victory and success attend the followers at the sovereign’s stirrup,’ ” &c. This is rather different to the statements above. in defensive armour. When the Sultan-i-Ghazi with such-like organization and such a force arrived near unto Rae Kolah Pithora, he had gained possession of the fortress of Tabarhindah by capitulation, and had pitched his camp in the neighbourhood of Tarain. The Sultan \[now\] made disposition of his forces. The centre division of the army, the baggage, the standards and banners, his canopy of state, and the elephants, were left several miles in the rear. He marshalled his ranks, and was advancing leisurely. The light-armed and unincumbered horsemen he had directed should be divided into four divisions, and had appointed them to act against the infidels on four sides ; and the Sultan had commanded, saying : "It is necessary that, on the right and left, and front and rear, 10,000 mounted archers should keep the infidel host in play ; ### [170.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.6) and, when their elephants, horsemen, and foot advance to the attack, you are to face about and keep the distance of a horse’s course in front of them." The Musalman troops acted according to these instructions, and, having exhausted and wearied the unbelievers, Almighty God gave the victory to Islam, and the infidel host was overthrown. Rae Pithora, who was riding an elephant, dismounted and got upon a horse and fled \[from the field\], until, in the neighbourhood of \[the\] Sursuti, he was taken prisoner, and they despatched him to hell ; and Gobind Rae of Dihli was slain in the engagement. The Sultan recognized his head through those two teeth which had been broken. The seat of government, Ajmir, with the whole of the Siwalikh \[territory\], such as Hansi, Sursuti, and other tracts, were subjugated. These events took place, and this victory was achieved, in the year 588 H.; and the Sultan placed Malik Kutb-ud-Din, I-bak, in the fort of Kuhram, and returned \[home again\]. Malik Kutb-ud-Din advanced from Kuhram to Mirath, and took that city and fortress, and, in the following year, he possessed himself of the capital city, Dihli. In this same year likewise — 589 H. — he \[Kutb-ud-Din\] took the fort of Kol. In the year 590 H., the Sultan \[again\] marched from Ghaznin and advanced towards Kinnauj and Banaras, and, in the vicinity of Chandwar, he overthrew Rae Jai-Chand and by that victory three hundred and odd elephants fell into his hands. ### [170.3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.7) Under the shadow of the ascendancy and auspices of that victorious and just monarch, victory was conferred upon his slave, the Malik-i-Karim \[the Beneficent Malik\], Kutb-ud-Din, I-bak, so that he continued to subdue the territory of Hindustan and parts adjacent, namely, the state of Nahrwalah, and Thankir, the fort of Gwaliyur, and Buda’un, the whole of which he took, the dates of every one of which will, please God, be subsequently recorded in the \[account of the\] Kutbi victories. ### [170.3.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.3.8) When the august Sultan, Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad, son of \[Baha-ud-Din\] Sam, departed this life in the city of Hirat, the victorious Sultan, Mu'izz-ud-Din, Muhammad, son of Sam, was on the frontiers of Tus, and Sarakhs, of Khurasan, and, with the purpose of performing the mourning ceremonies for his brother, he came to Badghais of Hirat. Having performed the mourning rites, he nominated different Maliks to the several fiefs of the kingdom of Ghur. He gave the city of Bust, and the districts of Farah and Isfizar to his late brother’s son, Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Mahmud, son of Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, and to Malik Ziya-ud-Din, the Pearl of Ghur, who was uncle’s son of both the Sultans, and the son-in-law of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, the territory of Ghur and Garmsir, namely, the throne of Firuz-koh, and the town and territory of Dawar and also presented him with two elephants. To Malik Nasir-ud-Din, Alb-\[Arsalan\]-i-Ghazi, son of Kazil Arsalan, Saljuki, who was the son of a sister of the two Sultans, Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din gave the city of Hirat \[and its dependencies\], after which he returned again to Ghaznin, and brought along with him to that city some of the Amirs and Maliks of Ghur to serve under him, and commenced his preparations for an expedition against Khwarazm. ### [170.4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.1) In the year 601 H., he marched his forces into the Khwarazm territory; and Sultan Muhammad, Khwarazm Shah, fell back discomfited before the Ghaznin forces and retired to Khwarazm. When the Sultan-i-Ghazi appeared before the gates of Khwarazm, and carried on hostilities for some days, the people of Khwarazm commenced engaging the Ghuris on the bank of the aqueduct which had been drawn from the river Jihun towards the east of the city, and the name of which place and water is Kara-Su \[the Black Water\], and of the Amirs of Ghur several persons were slain and taken prisoners in that engagement. ### [170.4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.2) As the capture of \[the city of\] Khwarazm was not accomplished on account of the scarcity of the appliances of the Ghaznin forces, the length of the campaign, and the lack of forage, the Sultan withdrew his troops from the gates of Khwarazm and retired along the banks of the Jihun, and towards Balkh. The forces of Khita, and the Maliks and Amirs of Turkistan had arrived on the banks of the Jihun, and had possessed themselves of the route of the army of Islam. When the Sultan-i-Ghazi reached Andkhud on a Tuesday, at the time of evening prayer the van of the infidels of Turkistan reached the Sultan’s position, and set to to fight. The commander of the van of the army of Islam was the Salar \[chief, leader, &c.\], Husain-i-Khar-mil, and he put the infidels to the rout. He was one of the Maliks of Juzarwan. He at once represented to the Sultan-i-Ghazi the fact of the success of the Islami forces and the repulse \[!\] of the infidel troops. “It is advisable,” he said, “that the sovereign of Islam should command that the army of Islam should mount at once and pursue the routed infidels, and fall upon them unexpectedly, whereby a great victory may be achieved.” ### [170.4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.3) The Sultan-i-Ghazi replied: “For years past I have been seeking such an encounter as this. I shall not be found to hold back: to-morrow, at dawn, by the guidance of the Most High, we will do battle face to face, and see unto whom Almighty God will bestow the victory. I shall at least have acquired the merit of having fought for the faith as by creed enjoined.” Malik 'Izz-ud-Din, Husain, son of Khar-mil, perceiving that the mind of the Sultan-i-Ghazi was imbued with this intention, was convinced that the Sultan gave vent to these words by virtue of unbounded reliance in the true faith, and the ardour of piety; \[for regard had to be given to the fact\] on the other hand, that the host of the infidels which had come upon them was countless, and all fresh and calm, while the Musalman army was wearied by the march from Khwarazm, and the horses were emaciated, and would not be strong enough to withstand the enemy; and he withdrew from the service of the Sultan, and, with the whole of his retinue and followers, to the number of five thousand horse, set out, at night, towards Juzarwan, and almost all the troops \[also\] whose horses were weak and emaciated departed. ### [170.4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.4) In the morning, notwithstanding that only a few horsemen of the centre division and his own slaves remained with him, the Sultan drew out his ranks and commenced the engagement The army of the unbelievers, having formed a circle round about the troops of Islam, came on, and, in despite of the remonstrance his slaves were using that of the army of Islam only a small number of men remained, and that it was advisable to retreat, the Sultan-i-Ghazi still continued to maintain his position, until, of cavalry and his own personal slaves, only about one hundred horsemen remained, who, with a few elephants, the Turkish slaves, and the Ghurian leaders, who were the Sultan’s grandees, in front of his charger’s head, were hurling back the infidels, devoting their lives, and obtaining martyrdom. Trustworthy persons have related on this wise, that the Sultan-i-Ghazi stood his ground so persistently that his august state canopy, from the wounds of the arrows of the infidel Mughals \[and the arrows remaining sticking fast\], became like unto a porcupine, and he would not turn his head round in any direction, until one of his Turkish slaves, whose name was Ayyah Juki, came up, seized the Sultan’s bridle, and dragged him away towards the fortress of Andkhud, and conducted him thither, and brought him within the walls of that fortress. ### [170.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.5) The following day, Sultan ’Usman of Samrkand, who vancing by way of Charizm \[! ! !\], and Tacash, the King of that country, not able to oppose him in the field, shut himself up in the city. The King pitched his camp on the banks of the great canal which the Chilligies had formerly dug to the westward of that city. He forthwith attacked the place, and in a few days lost many brave nobles in the pursuit of glory. In the mean-time, news arrived, that Aibech, the general of the King of Chitta in Tartary and Osman King of Samarcand were advancing with great armies, to the relief of Charizm. Mahommed was so unwilling to abandon his hopes of taking the city, that he delayed till the allied armies advanced so near, that he was under the necessity of burning all his baggage, and to retreat with the utmost expedition to Chorassan \[! !\]. But an army from the city pressed so close upon his heels, that he was obliged to give them battle. He was totally defeated, losing all his elephants and treasure. ### [170.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.6) ‘‘In the meantime the confederate Kings, who had taken a circuit, to cut off Mahommed’s retreat, met him full in the face, as he was flying from the King of Charizm Murv, and in the beginning of the next year marched to complete the conquest of Khwarazm \[! ! !\] \[This is what is styled “ his western campaign against the King of Kharizm” in THE Student’s Manual, but I think Khwarazm lies north of Ghaznin\]. Mahomud Ghoory, having encamped on the banks of the great canal, which had formerly been dug to the westward of the city, forthwith attacked the place, but lost many brave officers and men in an attempt to escalade it \[! ! !\]. Meanwhile news arrived that Kurra Beg, the general of Ghoorkhan, King of Khutta, and Othman Khan Samarkhandy, were advancing with armies to the relief of Khwarazm Shah. Mahomed Ghoory, unwilling to abandon his hopes of taking the city, delayed his retreat till the allied armies advanced so near, that he was compelled to burn his baggage, and to retire with the utmost precipitation towards Khorassan. His army was pressed so closely by troops from that province, that he was compelled to give battle, and was wholly defeated, losing all his elephants and treasure, while the confederate Kings who had taken a circuit to cut off his retreat towards Ghuzny, intercepted him.’’ ### [170.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.7) This may truly be called the Romance of History. Deceived, apparently, by this translation, Elphinstone \[page 316\] has fallen into great error. He says: ‘‘He \[Shahab u din\] gained a great victory over the king of that country \[Kharizm\], besieged him in his capital, and soon reduced him to such straits as to constrain him to sue for aid to the Khitan Tartars,’’ &c. Never was a statement more erroneous. Marshman too, possibly quoting from the same, says “Mahomed led his troops against Takash,” as he styles Sultan ’Ala-ud-Din, Muhammad, the son of Sultan Takish. The following is Firishtah’s account: — “Sultan Shihab-ud-Din was between Tus and Sarakhs when the account of the decease of his brother, Ghiyas-ud-Din, reached him, and in whose name the kingdom was \[i. e. in whom the sovereignty rested. This is the passage misinterpreted by Dow — ‘‘who retained nothing of the empire but the name.’’ The original is j\ y \*..,1\]. From thence he set out for Badghais, performed the mourning ceremonies there, and, in this year, he divided the whole of the states of Khurasan \[Firishtah here shows that he is himself no authority as to the geography of was a second Yusuf \[in beauty\], and the Afrasiyabi Maliks of Turkistan, who were Musalmans, interposed and brought about an accommodation, and the infidel forces drew back again, and the Sultan returned to Ghaznin, and commanded that forces should be organized for a three years’ campaign in Turkistan, and determined to march into Khita. ### [170.4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.8) At that period, an assemblage of contumacious persons, \[consisting\] of Khokhars, and other rebels of the tribes of the hills of Lohor and Jud hills had broken out into revolt. and, in the cold season of that year, the Sultan came into Hindustan, and sent that refractory race to hell, and was defeated by the Turks and Khita-is, as already noticed, it became noised abroad throughout his territories that the Sultan, Shihab-ud-Din, had disappeared in that battle, and it was unknown what had happened to him— whether he had been killed, or whether he was still living, and had gone into any foreign part. Consequently, the seditious in his territory — in all parts— raised their heads, and each stretched forth his hand towards some tract of the territory. Among the seditious was one, Rae Sal by name, who was in the hilly country, between the city of Luhawar and Ghaznah ; and, in concert with a body of Kokars, in the tract, and who always used to pay revenue to the treasury of Shihab-ud-Din, having revolted from authority and obedience, he commenced plundering and harrying that district, and completely closed the route between Luhawar and Ghaznah \[Ghaznin\], and in such wise that not a soul could pass along it.” \[He is called Re-bal and Ran-bal in Jami'-ut-Tawarikh \* but both names are doubtful, and are, probably, meant for Rae-Sal, “the ruler of the Koh-i-Jud \[the Salt Range\], at which the frontier of Hind commences, who had turned Musalman, and subsequently relapsed ; ### [170.4.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.9) and the Khokhars, who also used to pay tribute to the Sultan, in consequence of these reports, also rose.” Taj-ul-Ma’asir, after stating that the proceedings of Lik-Tal, and the rumoured death of the Sultan, was the cause of great confusion and disturbance, says, “ the Kokar tribe, rising in rebellion, entertained the idea of becoming independent, and obtaining dominion. The sons of Kokar, Bakan and Sarkak \[Firishtah has but one, whom he calls ' the chief of the Khokhars, who bore the name of Sarkah'\], also entertained the desire of acquiring sovereign power.” Then there is an account of their taking Lohor, and of their defeating the feudatories of the Multan province, Baha-ud-Din and his brother, and others, and that the Sipah-Salar, Suliman, had to fly before them.\] Alfi continues:— “When Shihab-ud-Din reached Ghaznah in safety, in the manner previously described, and this matter came to his knowledge, he determined to proceed into Hindustan, and thoroughly chastise the rebels of that part. Therefore he first directed Amir Muhammad, son of Abi ’Ali \[this must be his kinsman, the son-in-law of Ghiyas-ud-Din, the late Sultan\], who was his lieutenant over Luhawar and Multan \[the Amir-i-Dad, Hasan, was probably subordinate to him\], to remit with all possible celerity the revenue of the year 601 H. \[and yet the Taj-ul-Ma’asir gives the year 600 H. ### [170.4.10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.4.10) as that of his return from Khwarazm, and his expedition against the Khokhars\], as it was required in the preparations making for the invasion of Khita. \[Jami’-ut-Tawarikh says, after the Sultan had taken his slave Lek-Tal \[or Lik-Tal\], who had taken possession of Multan, and had put him to death, and disposed of that affair, he despatched Muhammad, son of Abi ’Ali, to Lahor and Multan as governor, in order that he should send the tribute of those territories, which for the last two years were in arrears, to provide him with funds for his campaign against Khita.\] Amir Muhammad wrote, in reply, that the revenue of the years \[sic\] mentioned was ready, but that the Kokars \[Khokhars\], and Rae Sal, the chief of the Jibal-i-Judi \[the Jud Hills\] \[Taj-ul-Ma’asir does not make the distinction between two different tribes, but says the sons of Kokar, 'Bakah and Sarkah— in another MS.\], had so closed the lower route to Ghaznah \[neither the carried on holy war as prescribed by the canons of Islam, and set a river of the blood of those people flowing. When Bolan nor the Khaibar, the two by some supposed sole routes into Afghanistān, are referred to\], that not a person could proceed by it. ### [170.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.5.1) “On hearing this, Shihāb-ud-Dīn wrote \[he sent the Amīr-i-Hājib, Sirāj-ud-Dīn-i-Abī Bikr\] to his slave, Kutb-ud-Dīn, who was the commander of the forces of Hind, \[to the effect\] that ‘having despatched a person to the Kokars to forbid them against committing these odious acts, he should call upon them to repent of their doings and return to obedience, on which he would pass over their misconduct.’ Kutb-ud-Dīn despatched a person to them, in conformity with this command, and urged them to submit. The son of Kokar \[not mentioned before\] replied: ‘This is not your affair: it was necessary for Sultān Shihāb-ud-Dīn to send a person of his own, if he were alive; wherefore, then, did he not send to us, that we also might have sent the taxes for him?’ That emissary, in reply, said: ‘Consider this great regard towards you, that he hath sent me, who am his slave, to you.’ Again, the son of Kokar said, in answer; ‘All this is mere talk: Shihāb-ud-Dīn is not forthcoming.’ The emissary replied: ‘The verification of this matter is easy: send one of your own confidential people to Ghaznah, that he may, with his own eyes, see, and come and say whether Shihāb-ud-Dīn is living or not.’ In short, the son of Kokar did not give ear to the emissary’s words, and still continued firm, as before, in his sedition and rebellion; and, when the person sent by Kutb-ud-Dīn related to him the state of affairs, he represented it to the Court of Shihāb-ud-Dīn. ### [170.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.5.2) The Sultān directed Kutb-ud-Dīn to assemble the \[available\] troops of Hindūstān and march against the Kokars, and to annihilate and eradicate, beyond ought that could be conceived, that seditious and contumacious race. “When the command reached Kutb-ud-Dīn, he assembled and made ready his forces, and was about to move against that tribe, when Sultān Shihāb-ud-Dīn himself was on the point of marching his troops towards Khitā, but, successive complaints of the violence and outrages committed by the Kokars reached him, and his people represented to that Sultān such numbers of things \[respecting them\], that it became incumbent on him to quell them and restrain their sedition first, and then to proceed in the other direction. Consequent upon this he gave up his determination of invading Khitā, and pitched his \[advanced\] tent in the direction of Luhāwar, and, on the 5th of Rabī’-ul-Awwal, of this same year \[602 H.\], he set out from Ghaznah towards Hindūstān. When Shihāb-ud-Dīn reached Purshawar, he found that the Kokars, in large numbers, had taken up a position between the Jīlam \[Jhilam\] and the Sudarah \[Sūdhara\]. On hearing this news, Shihāb-ud-Dīn made a forced march from Purshawar on Thursday, the 25th of the same month, and fell upon them unawares \[Jāmi’-ut-Tawārīkh says he attacked them on the 25th\]; from break of day till the time of afternoon prayers he kept up the flame of battle and conflict; ### [170.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.5.3) and the Kokars fought in such wise that, with all that grandeur and power, the Sultān had nearly been forced back from his position, when, unexpectedly, at that juncture, Kutb-ud-Dīn, I-bak, with the forces of Hindūstān, arrived \[upon the scene\], and commenced slaughtering the Kokars. As Kutb-ud-Dīn’s troops were fresh and vigorous, the Kokars were unable to resist them, and they took to flight. The soldiers of Islām, pursuing them, inflicted such havoc upon them as cannot be conceived. Those that escaped the sword fled to the dense depths of the jangal and the Musalmāns set fire to he set out on his return towards Ghaznin. in the year 602 H., at the halting-place of Dam-yak, he attained martyrdom at the hand of a disciple of the Mulahidah, and died. One of the learned men of that period has composed a verse on this occurrence. It is here recorded that it may come under the observation of the sovereign of the Musalmans, and that verse is as follows:— “The martyrdom of the sovereign of sea and land, Mu’izz-ud-Din, From the beginning of the world the like of whom no monarch arose, On the third of the month Sha’ban in the year six hundred and two, Happened on the road to Ghaznin at the halting-place of Dam-yak.” May the Most High King encompass that Sultan-i-Ghazi with his mercy and forgiveness, and preserve the sovereign of the age! ### [170.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.5.4) With respect to the equity and justice of this monarch in the world, the mention of them could not be contained in the capacity of writing; and the observance of the law of the Chosen One, and the preservation of the system of holy warfare likewise, according to the tenets of the Muhammadan faith, was accomplished in that sovereign. According to the traditions which they have related concerning the Prophet—on whom be peace!—they say, that he, having been asked respecting the general resurrection, affirmed that it would take place six hundred and odd years after him; and the martyrdom of this sovereign occurred in the year 602 H., and, in this same year, likewise, indications of the last judgment appeared, and they were the irruption of Chingiz Khan, the Mughal, and the outbreak of the Turk. Therefore it is evident that that monarch was the strong barrier of Islam in the world, and, when he attained martyrdom, the gate of the final judgment opened. ### [170.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170.5.5) The amount of wealth acquired in holy wars, accumulated in the treasury at Ghaznin, was so great that the indication of the like has not been noticed with regard to the treasury of any sovereign, and Khwajah Ismail, the Treasurer, stated at the Court of Firuz-koh, at the time of bringing an honorary robe to the Malikah-i-Jalali, the daughter of the august Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam \[Mu'izz-ud-Din’s niece and Ziya-ud-Din’s betrothed wife\], that of jewels contained in the Ghaznin treasury, of diamonds alone, which are the most precious of gems, there were actually fifteen hundred mans. The amount of other jewels and money may be judged of accordingly. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.170) · Pramāṇa