[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri) › [Tabakat-i-Nasiri](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty) › 187 # The Nāṣirī Generations 187: V. MALIK-UL-GHAZI, IKHTIYAR-UD-DIN, MUHAMMAD, SON OF BAKHT-YAR, KHALJI, IN THE TERRITORY OF LAKHANAWATI. Tabakat-i-Nasiri 187 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [187.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1) — 9 parts - [187.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2) — 8 parts ### V. MALIK-UL-GHAZI, IKHTIYAR-UD-DIN, MUHAMMAD, SON OF BAKHT-YAR, KHALJI, IN THE TERRITORY OF LAKHANAWATI. ### [187.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.1) Trustworthy persons have related on this wise, that this Muhammad, son of Bakht-yar, belonged to the Khalj \[tribe\] of Ghur, and the territory of Garmsir; and that he was a man impetuous, enterprising, intrepid, bold, sagacious, and expert. He came from his tribes to the court of Ghaznin, and \[to\] the Audience Hall of dominion of the Sultan Mu’izz-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam. In the Diwan-i-’Ariz \[department of the Muster-Master\], because, in the sight of the head of that office, his outward appearance was humble and unprepossessing, but a small stipend was assigned him. This he rejected, and he left Ghaznin and came into Hindustan. Arrived at the capital, Dihli \[there likewise\], by reason of his humble condition, not finding favour in the sight of the \[head of the\] Muster-Master’s department, he was also rejected. ### [187.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.2) Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar then left Dihli and proceeded to Buda’un, to the presence of the holder of that fief, the Sipah-Salar \[Commander or Leader of troops\], Hizabr-ud-Din, Hasan-i-Adib, and he fixed a certain salary for him. The paternal uncle of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar — Muhammad, son of Mahmud — was in \[the army of\] Ghaznin \[and his nephew joined him\]; and, when the battle was fought at Tara’in in which the Golah \[Rae Pithora\] was defeated, ’Ali, \[styled\] Nag-awri, entertained Muhammad-i-Mahmud \[the uncle\] in his own service. When he \[’Ali\] became feudatory of Nag-awr, he stood up among his brethren \[sic\] and conferred a kettle-drum and banner upon Muhammad-i-Mahmud, and made over to him the fief of Kashmandi \[or Kashtmandi\]; and, after his \[Muhammad-i-Mahmud’s\] death, Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar became feudatory in his place. ### [187.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.3) After some time he proceeded into Awadh to the presence of Malik Husam-ud-Din, Aghul-Bak. As he had acquired a horse and efficient arms, and in several places had shown activity and gallantry, Bhagwat or Bhugwat and Bhiuli or Bhiwali were conferred upon him in fief; and, being a man of valour and intrepidity, he was in the habit of making incursions into the territory of Muner and Bihar, and used to obtain booty from it, until he acquired ample resources in the shape of horses, arms, and men; and the fame of his alertness and bravery, and the booty \[he had acquired\], became noised abroad. Bodies of Akhlaj from different parts of Hindustan, turned their faces towards him; and his reputation reached Sultan \[Malik\] Kutb-ud-Din, who despatched a robe of distinction to him, and showed him honour. Having been honoured with such notice and favour, he led a force towards Bihar, and ravaged that territory. He used to carry his depredations into those parts and that country until he organized an attack upon the fortified city of Bihar. Trustworthy persons have related on this wise, that he advanced to the gateway of the fortress of Bihar with two hundred horsemen in defensive armour, and suddenly attacked the place. There were two brothers of Farghanah, men of learning, one Nizam-ud-Din, the other Samsam-ud-Din \[by name\], in the service of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar : and the author of this book met with Samsam-ud-Din at Lakhanawati in the year 641 H., and this account is from him. ### [187.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.4) These two wise brothers were soldiers among that band of holy warriors when they reached the gateway of the fortress and began the attack, at which time Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, by the force of his intrepidity, threw himself into the postern of the gateway of the place, and they captured the fortress, and acquired great booty. The greater number of the inhabitants of that place were Brahmans, and the whole of those Brahmans had their heads shaven ; and they were all slain. There were a great number of books there ; and, when all these books came under the observation of the Musalmans, they summoned a number of Hindus that they might give them information respecting the import of those books ; but the whole of the Hindus had been killed. On becoming acquainted \[with the contents of those books\], it was found that the whole of that fortress and city was a college, and in the Hindui tongue, they call a college Bihar. ### [187.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.5) When that victory was effected, Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar returned with great booty, and came to the presence of the beneficent Sultan Kutb-ud-Din, I-bak, and received great honour and distinction. A party of Amirs at the capital \[Dihli\], through the noising abroad of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar’s praises, and, at beholding the honour he received, and the gifts bestowed upon him by Sultan Kutb-ud-Din, became envious of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, and, at a convivial banquet, they treated him in a reproachful and supercilious manner, and were deriding him and uttering inuendoes; and matters reached such a pitch that he was directed to combat with an elephant at the Kasr-i-Safed \[White Castle\]. With one blow, which he dealt the elephant on the trunk with his mace, the elephant fled discomfited. When Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar gained that distinction, Sultan Kutb-ud-Din ordered him a rich robe of honour from his own special wardrobe, and conferred considerable presents upon him. The Sultan \[likewise\] commanded the Amirs to make him presents, and he received such a number of gifts as could not be contained within the limits of writing. Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar moreover, in that same assembly, dispersed the whole of those presents and bestowed them upon the people; and, with the special imperial honorary robe, he departed, and set out towards Bihar. ### [187.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.6) Fear of him operated exceedingly in the hearts of the unbelievers of the different parts of the territories of Lakhanawati and Bihar, and the countries of Bang and Kamrud. Trustworthy persons have related after this manner, that the fame of the intrepidity, gallantry, and victories of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar had \[also\] reached Rae Lakhmaniah whose seat of government was the city of Nudiah, and who was a very great Rae, and had been on the throne for a period of eighty years. At this place, an Anecdote respecting the circumstances of that Rae, which had been heard \[by the writer\], is here recorded; and it is this, that, when his father was removed from this world, Rae Lakhmaniah was in his mother’s womb. The crown was placed on the belly of his mother, and all girded up their loins in her service. The Raes of Hind used to hold their family in great importance, and were wont to consider them in the position of Khalifah by descent. When the birth of Lakhmaniah drew near, and the signs of giving birth became manifest to his mother, she assembled the astrologers together and they made observation whether the horoscope was auspicious. With one accord they represented : “ If this child should be born at this hour, it will be unfortunate exceedingly, and will never attain unto sovereignty ; but, if it should be born two hours subsequent to this time, it will reign for eighty years.” ### [187.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.7) When his mother heard this conclusion from the astrologers, she commanded that she should be suspended with her head downwards, with her two legs bound together ; and the astrologers were placed in order that they might continue to observe the horoscope. When the time came, they agreed that the \[auspicious\] hour of birth was now arrived. She directed that she should be taken down, and forthwith Lakhmaniah was born. On reaching the ground, his mother, unable any longer to endure the agony of labour, died, and Lakhmaniah was placed upon the throne. He reigned for a period of eighty years, and trustworthy persons have related to this effect, that, little or much, never did any tyranny proceed from his hand ; and whosoever preferred a request to him for anything, other than one lak \[one hundred thousand\] he did not bestow, after the manner of the beneficent Sultan, Kutb-ud-Din, the Hatim of his time. It has been narrated on this wise, that, as in that country, the kauri \[shell\] is current in place of silver the least gift he used to bestow was a lak of kauris. The Almighty mitigate his punishment \[in hell\] ! ### [187.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.8) I now return to the history of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar. When he returned from the presence of Sultan Kutb-ud-Din, and subdued Bihar, his fame had reached the hearing of Rae Lakhmaniah, and the different parts of his dominions likewise. A number of astrologers, wise men, and counsellors of his kingdom presented themselves before the Rae, and represented, saying : In our books of the ancient Brahmans they have foretold that this country will fall into the hands of the Turks and the time of its fulfilment has drawn near. The Turks have subjugated Bihar, and next year they will surely come into this country. It is expedient for us that the Rae should consent so that he, along with the whole people, should be removed from the country in order that we may be safe from the molestation of the Turks.” ### [187.1.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.1.9) The Rae replied, saying : Is there any token given in your books with respect to this man who is to subdue our country?” They replied : “The indication of him is this, that, when he stands upright on his two feet, and lets down his two hands, his hands will reach beyond the point of his knees in such wise that the fingers will touch the calves of his legs.” The Rae answered: “It is advisable that trustworthy persons should be despatched in order that they may, in a proper manner, investigate those peculiar characteristics.” In accordance with the Rae’s command, they sent trustworthy persons, and they made investigation respecting this matter, and, in the external form and figure of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, those characteristics they found. ### [187.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.1) When they became assured of these peculiarities, most of the Brahmans and inhabitants of that place left, and retired into the province of Sanknat, the cities and towns of Bang, and towards Kamrud; but to begin to abandon his country was not agreeable to Rae Lakhmaniah. The following year after that, Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar caused a force to be prepared, pressed on from Bihar, and suddenly appeared before the city of Nudiah, in such wise that no more than eighteen horsemen could keep up with him, and the other troops followed after him. On reaching the gate of the city, Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar did not molest any one, and proceeded onwards steadily and sedately, in such manner that the people of the place imagined that mayhap his party were merchants and had brought horses for sale, and did not imagine that it was Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, until he reached the entrance to the palace of Rae Lakhmaniah, when he drew his sword, and commenced an onslaught on the unbelievers. ### [187.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.2) At this time Rae Lakhmaniah was seated at the head of his table, and dishes of gold and silver, full of victuals, were placed according to his accustomed routine, when a cry arose from the gateway of the Rae’s palace and the interior of the city. By the time he became certain what was the state of affairs, Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar had dashed forwards through the gateway into the palace, and had put several persons to the sword. The Rae fled bare-footed by the back part of his palace; and the whole of his treasures, his wives, and \[other\] females, his domestics and servants, his particular attendants, were taken, and the Musalmans captured a number of elephants, and such a vast amount of booty fell to their lot, as cannot be recorded. When the whole of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar’s army arrived, and the city and round about had been taken possession of, he there took up his quarters; and Rae Lakhmaniah got away towards Sankanat and Bang, and there the period of his reign shortly afterwards came to a termination. His descendants, up to this time, are rulers in the country of Bang. ### [187.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.3) After Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar possessed himself of that territory \[Rae Lakhmaniah's\], he left the city of Nudiah in desolation, and the place which is \[now\] Lakhanawati he made the seat of government. He brought the different parts of that territory under his sway, and instituted therein, in every part, the reading of the Khutbah, and the coining of money and, through his praiseworthy endeavours, and those of his Amirs, masjids, colleges, and monasteries \[for Darweshes\], were founded in those parts. Of the booty and wealth \[taken\] he despatched a large portion to the presence of Sultan Kutb-ud-Din, I-bak. After some years had passed away, and he had ascertained the state of the different mountain tracts of Turkistan and Tibbat to the eastward of Lakhanawati, the ambition of seizing the country of Turkistan and Tibbat began to torment his brain ; and he had an army got ready, and about 10,000 horse were organized. In the different parts of those mountains which lie between Tibbat and the country of Lakhanawati are three races of people, one called the Kunch, the second the Mej \[Meg\], and the third the Tiharu ; and all have Turk countenances. They have a different idiom too, between the language of Hind and Turk. One of the chiefs of the tribes of Kunch and Mej, whom they were wont to call 'Ali, the Mej, fell into the hands of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, the Khalj, and, at his hand also, the former adopted the Muhammadan faith. ### [187.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.4) He agreed to conduct Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar into those hills, and act as guide ; and he brought the latter to a place where there is a city, the name of which is Burdhan \[kot\]. They relate, after this manner, that, in ancient times, Shah Gushtasib returned from the country of Chin, and came towards Kamrud, and, by that route, got into Hindustan, and founded that city \[Burdhan-kot\]. A river flows in front of that place, of vast magnitude, the name of which is Beg-mati; and, when it enters the country of Hindustan, they style it, in the Hindui dialect, Samund \[ocean\] ; and, in magnitude, breadth, and depth, it is three times more than the river Gang. ### [187.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.5) To the banks of this river Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar came; and ’Ali, the Mej, joined the army of Islam ; and, for a period of ten days, he took the army up the river among the mountains, until he brought it to a place where, from remote times, they had built a bridge of hewn stone, and consisting of upwards of twenty arches. After the army of Islam passed over that bridge, he \[Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar\] installed here, at the head of the bridge, two of his own Amirs, one a Turk slave, and the other a Khalj, with troops, in order to guard it until his return. When Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, with the whole of the rest of his forces, passed over that bridge; and, when the Rae of Kamrud became aware of the passage \[over the bridge\] by the conquering troops, he despatched trustworthy persons \[saying\]: "It is not proper, at this time, to march into the country of Tibbat, and it is necessary to return, and to make ample preparations, when, in the coming year, I, who am the Rae of Kamrud, agree that I will embody my own forces, and will precede the Muhammadan troops, and will cause that territory to be acquired." Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar did not, in any way, accept this counsel, and he turned his face towards the mountains of Tibbat. ### [187.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.6) One night, in the year 642 H., the author was sojourning, as a guest, at the dwelling of the Mu'tamad-ud-Daulah, a trusted vassal of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, at a place, in the territory of Lakhanawati, between Diw-kot and Bekanwah, at which place his host was residing, and heard from him the whole of this account. He related on this wise, that, after passing that river, for a period of fifteen days, the troops wended their way, stages and journeys, through defiles and passes, ascending and descending among lofty mountains. On the sixteenth day the open country of Tibbat was reached. The whole of that tract was under cultivation, garnished with tribes of people and populous villages. They reached a place where there was a fort of great strength, and the Musalman army commenced plundering the country around. The people of that fort and town and the parts adjacent advanced to repel the Muhammadan army, and they came to a battle. From daybreak to the time of evening prayer a fierce encounter was carried on, and a great number of the Musalman army were killed and wounded. The whole of the defensive arms of that host were of pieces of the spear bambu, namely, their cuirasses and body armour, shields and helmets, which were all slips of it, crudely fastened and stitched, overlapping \[each other\]; and all the people were Turks, archers, and \[furnished with\] long bows. ### [187.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.7) When night came, and the Musalman force encamped, a number \[of the enemy\], who had been made prisoners, were brought forward, and they \[the Musalmans\] made inquiry of them. They stated on this wise, that, five leagues’ distance from that place, there was a city which they called Kar-battan \[or Kar-pattan, or Karar-pattan\], and \[that\] in that place would be about 50,000 valiant Turk horsemen, archers; and that, immediately upon the arrival of the Musalman cavalry before the fort, messengers with a complaint had gone off to the city to give information, and that, at dawn next morning, those horsemen would arrive. The author, when he was in the territory of Lakhanawati, made inquiry respecting that \[before\] mentioned city. It is a city of great size, and the whole of its walls are of hewn stone, and \[its inhabitants\] are an assemblage of Brahmans and Nunis, and that city is under the authority of their Mihtar \[chief or lord\], and they hold the pagan faith; and every day, at daybreak, in the cattle-market of that city, about one thousand five hundred horses are sold; and all the tangahan horses which reach the Lakhanawati country they bring from that place. The route by which they come is the Mahamha-i \[or Mahanmha-i\] Darah \[Pass\] and this road in that country is well known; for example, from the territory of Kamrud to that of Tirhut are thirty-five mountain passes, by which they bring the tangahan horses into the territory of Lakhanawati. ### [187.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.2.8) In short, when Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar found out the nature of that tract — the Musalman troops being fatigued and knocked up by the march, and a large number having been martyred and disabled on the first day — he held consultation with his Amirs. They came to the conclusion that it was necessary to retreat, in order that, next year, after making ample arrangements, they might return again into that country. When they retreated, throughout the whole route, not a blade of grass nor a stick of firewood remained, as they \[the inhabitants\] had set fire to the whole of it, and burnt it; and all the inhabitants of those defiles and passes had moved off from the line of route. During these fifteen days not a pound of food nor a blade of grass did the cattle and horses obtain; and all \[the men\] were killing their horses and eating them, until they issued from the mountains into the country of Kamrud, and reached the head of that bridge. They found two arches of the bridge destroyed on this account, that enmity had arisen between both those Amirs \[left to guard it\], and, in their discord, they had neglected to secure the bridge and protect the road, and had gone off, and the Hindus of the Kamrud country had come and destroyed the bridge. ### [187.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187.3) On the arrival at that place of Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar with his forces he found no way of crossing, and boats were not procurable. He was lost in surprise and bewilderment. They agreed that it was necessary to halt in some place, and contrive \[about constructing\] boats and floats, in order that they might be enabled to pass over the river. They pointed out an idol temple in the vicinity of that place \[where they then were\] of exceeding height, strength, and sublimity, and very handsome, and in it numerous idols both of gold and silver were deposited, and one great idol so \[large\] that its weight was by conjecture upwards of two or three thousand mans of beaten gold. Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar and the remainder of his followers sought shelter within that idol-temple, and began to devise means for obtaining wood and rope for the construction of rafts and crossing the river, in such wise that the Rae of Kamrud became aware of the reverses and helplessness of the Musalman army. He issued commands to the whole of the Hindus of the country, so that they came pouring in in crowds, and round about the idol-temple were planting spiked bambus in the ground, and were weaving them together, so that it \[their work\] was appearing like unto walls. When the Musalman troops beheld that state of affairs, they represented to Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, \[saying\]:—“If we remain like this, we shall all have fallen into the trap of these infidels: it behoveth to adopt some means whereby to effect extrication.” With one accord they made a rush, and all at once issued from the idol-temple, attacked one point \[in the stockade\], and made a way for themselves, and reached the open plain, and the Hindus after them. When they reached the river bank the Musalmans halted, and each one, to the best of his ability, sought means of crossing over. Suddenly some few of the soldiers urged their horses into the river, and, for the distance of about an arrow flight, the water was fordable. A cry arose in the force that they had found a ford, and the whole threw themselves into the water, and the Hindus following them occupied the river’s bank. When the Musalmans reached mid-stream, \[where\] was deep water, they all perished, \[with the exception of\] Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, who, with a few horsemen, a hundred more or less, succeeded, by great artifice, in effecting the passage of the river; and all the rest were drowned. After Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar emerged from the water, information reached a body of the Kunch and Mej. The guide, ’Ali, the Mej, had kinsmen at the passage, and they came forward to receive him \[Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar\], and rendered him great succour until he reached Diw-kot. Through excessive grief sickness now overcame him, and mostly out of shame at the women and children of those of the Khalj who had perished; and whenever he rode forth all the people, from the house-tops and the streets, \[consisting\] of women and children, would wail and utter imprecations against him and revile him, so that from henceforth he did not ride forth again. During that adversity he would be constantly saying: “Can any calamity have befallen the Sultan-i-Ghazi that my good fortune hath deserted me?” and such was the case, for at that time the Sultan-i-Ghazi, Mu’izz-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Sam, had attained martyrdom. In that state of anguish Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar became ill, and took to his bed, and died. Some have related that there was an Amir of his, ’Ali-i-Mardan, a Khalj of great intrepidity and temerity, to whose charge the fief of Naran-go-e \[or Naran-ko-e\] was made over. When he obtained information of this disaster he came to Diw-kot, and Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar was confined to his bed through sickness, and three days had passed since any person was able to see him. ’Ali-i-Mardan in some way went in unto him, drew the sheet from his face, and with a dagger assassinated him. These events and calamities happened in the year 602 H. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.187) · Pramāṇa