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Tabakat-i-Nasiri 190 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [190.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1) — 8 parts - [190.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2) — 7 parts ### VIII.—MALIK \[SULTAN\] HUSAM-UD-DIN, ’IWAZ, SON OF HUSAIN, KHALJI. ### [190.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.1) Malik \[Sultan\] Husam-ud-Din, ’Iwaz, the Khalj, was a man of exemplary disposition, and came of the Khalj of Garmsir of Ghur. They have narrated on this wise, that, upon a certain occasion, he was conducting a laden ass towards the eminence which they call Pushtah Afroz \[the Burning Mound\], to a place within the limits of Walishtan on the borders of the mountain tracts of Ghur. Two Darweshes, clothed in ragged cloaks, joined him; and said to him: Hast thou any victuals with thee?” ’Iwaz, the Khalj, replied: “I have.” He had, along with him on the ass, a few cakes of bread, with some \[little\] dainty by way of provision for the journey, after the manner of travellers. He removed the load from the ass, spread his garments \[on the ground\], and set those provisions before the Darweshes. After they had eaten, he took water, which he had among his baggage, in his hand, and stood up in attendance on them. After those Darweshes had made use of the victuals and the drink, thus hastily produced, they remarked to each other, saying: “This excellent man has ministered unto us: it behoveth his act should not be thrown away.” They then turned their faces towards ’Iwaz, the Khalj, and said: “Husam-ud-Din! go thou to Hindustan, for that place, which is the extreme \[point\] of Muhammadanism, we have given unto thee.” In accord with the intimation of those two Darweshes, he returned again from that place \[where he then was\], and, placing his family on the ass, came towards Hindustan. ### [190.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.2) He joined Muhammad-i-Bakht-yar, and his affairs reached such a point that the coin of the territory of Lakhanawati was stamped, and the Khutbah thereof read, in his name, and they styled him by the title of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din. He made the city of Lakhanawas the seat of government, and founded the fortress of Basan-kot, and people from all directions turned their faces towards him. He was a man of pleasing mien, of exceeding handsome appearance, and both his exterior and interior were \[adorned\] by the perfection of mercy; and he was magnanimous, just, and munificent. During his reign the troops and inhabitants of that country enjoyed comfort and tranquillity; and, through his liberality and favour, all acquired great benefits and reaped numerous blessings. In that country many marks of his goodness remained. He founded jami \[general\] and other masjids, and conferred salaries and stipends upon good men among theologians, the priesthood, and descendants of the Prophet; and other people acquired, from his bounty and munificence, much riches. For example, there was an Imam-zadah of the capital city, Firuz-koh, whom they used to style Jalal-ud-Din, the son of Jamal-ud-Din, the Ghaznawi, who, to better his means left his native country and came into the territory of Hindustan in the year 608 H. After some years, he returned again to the capital city, Firuz-koh, and brought back with him abundant wealth and riches. ### [190.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.3) Inquiry was made of him respecting the means of his acquisition of wealth. He related that, after he had come into Hindustan, and determined to proceed from Dihli to Lakhanawati, when he reached that capital, Almighty God predisposed things so that he \[the Imam, and Imam's son\] was called upon to deliver a discourse in the audience-hall of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz, the Khalj. That sovereign, of benevolent disposition, brought forth from his treasury a large chalice full of gold and silver tangahs, and bestowed upon him a present of about two thousand tangahs; and gave commands to his own Maliks and Amirs, Grandees and Ministers of State, so that each one presented, on his behalf, liberal presents. About three thousand gold and silver tangahs more were obtained. At the period of his return home \[from Lakhanawati\] an additional five thousand tangahs were acquired in gifts, so that the sum of ten thousand tangahs was amassed by that Imam, and Imam’s son, through the exemplary piety of that renowned monarch of benevolent disposition. When the writer of these words, in the year 641 H., reached the territory of Lakhanawati, the good works of that sovereign, in different parts of that territory, were beheld \[by him\]. ### [190.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.4) The territory of Lakhanawati has two wings on either side of the river Gang. The western side they call Ral \[Rarh\], and the city of Lakhan-or lies on that side; and the eastern side they call Barind \[Barindah\], and the city of Diw-kot is on that side. From Lakhanawati to the gate of the city of Lakhan-or, on the one side, and, as far as Diw-kot, on the other side, he, Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, 'Iwaz, \[caused\] an embankment \[to be\] constructed, extending about ten days' journey, for this reason, that, in the rainy season, the whole of that tract becomes inundated, and that route is filled with mud-swamps and morass; and, if it were not for these dykes, it would be impossible \[for people\] to carry out their intentions, or reach various structures and inhabited places except by means of boats. From his time, through the construction of those embankments, the route was opened up to the people at large. ### [190.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.5) It was heard \[by the author\] on this wise, that, when the august Sultan, Shams-ud-Din \[I-yal-timish\], after the decease of Malik Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah \[his eldest son\], came into the territory of Lakhanawati to suppress the sedition of Malik Ikhtiyar-ud-Din-i-Balka, the Khalj, and beheld the good works of Ghiyas-ud-Din, 'Iwaz, the Khilj, whenever mention of Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz’s name chanced to arise, he would style him by the title of “Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Khalji,” and from his sacred lips he would pronounce that there could be no reluctance in styling a man Sultan who had done so much good. The Almighty’s mercy be upon them! In short, Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz, the Khalj, was a monarch worthy, just, and benevolent. The parts around about the state of Lakhanawati such as Jaj-nagar, the countries of Bang, Kamrud, and Tirhut, all sent tribute to him ; and the whole of that territory named Gaur passed under his control. He acquired possession of elephants, wealth, and treasures, to a great amount. ### [190.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.6) It seems most strange that those who have run away with the idea that Jajnagar lay east of the Ganges and the Megnah, in south-eastern Bengal — in Tiparah of all places — never considered how it was possible for Ulugh Khan, son of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Tughlak — not that monarch himself — to invade Taling \[Talinganah\] and Tiparah, if the latter were Jaj-nagar, in one and the same short campaign, or that Hoshang, Sultan of Malwah, during a short expedition or raid rather, could have reached south-eastern Bengal in search of elephants. To have done so, he would have had to pass right through, and return again through, the extensive territory of an independent sovereign equally powerful with himself \[he had only 1000 horse with him on the occasion in question\], and to have crossed and recrossed two or three mighty rivers, besides many others of considerable size, or he forded the Bay of Bengal perhaps to reach the supposed Jaj-nagar. Elphinstone, too, on the authority of Hamilton \[Hindostan, vol. i. page 178\], who says that "Tiperah, by Mahommedan historians, is called Jagenagur," has fallen into the same error; and, not content with this, even the map accompanying his History has "Jajnagur" in large letters in a part of India where no such territory ever existed! Hamilton would have had some difficulty, I think, in naming the "Mahommedan Historians" who made such assertions. The name of one would much surprise me. ### [190.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.7) The way in which Jaj-nagar is mentioned in different places, by different writers, and under different reigns, clearly indicates its situation. Ulugh Khan, son of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Tughlak, on his second campaign into the Dakhan, having reached Diw-gir \[Dharagarh\], advanced into Taling \[Talinganah\], took Bidr, and invested Arangul, now Warangul. Having captured it, and given it the name of Sultan-pur, before returning to Dihli, he went for amusement or diversion into Jaj-nagar. He merely crossed the frontier of Talinganah. Hoshang, Sultan of Malwah, taking with him 1000 picked horsemen disguised as horse-dealers, set out from Mandhu or Mandhun, and entered the Jaj-nagar territory in quest of elephants. He managed to seize the Rae of Jaj-nagar by stratagem, obtained a number of elephants, and brought him along with him, partly for his own security, on his way back to Malwah; and, on reaching the frontier of the Jaj-nagar state \[on the side of Malwah\], he set the Rae at liberty. The Lubb-ut-Tawarikh-i-Hind states that Jaj-nagar is a month's journey from Malwah, but from what part of Malwah is not said. The first ruler of the Sharki dynasty of Jaunpur — the eunuch who is turned into a "Pathan" by the archaeologists — extended his sway as far as the territory of Kol to the south; and, on the east, as far as Bihar; and compelled the rulers of Lakhanawati and Jaj-nagar to pay him tribute. ### [190.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.1.8) In 680 H. Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Balban, set out towards Lakhanawati to reduce Tughril, his rebellious governor of Bangalah, who had defeated two armies sent against him. On the approach of the Sultan and his army, Tughril, who had been making preparations for retreat, retired towards the territory of Jaj-nagar. On the Sultan's arrival at Lakhanawati, no trace of the rebel could be found; but, discovering subsequently whither he had gone, he set out in pursuit in the direction of Jaj-nagar, until he arrived at a place some seventy kos from that territory, when a patrol from the advanced guard of his The august Sultan, Shams-ud-Din wa ud-Dunya \[I-yal-timish\], on several occasions, sent forces from the capital, army, having gained information of his whereabouts, surprised Tughril encamped with his forces on the banks of a river, at and around a large stone reservoir, and slew him. The next march would have brought him to the Jaj-nagar territory. The river, no doubt, was the boundary. ### [190.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.1) The Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shahi of Ziya-ud-Din, Barani, differs from this account, and says — according to the Calcutta printed text — that Tughril fled to Haji-nagar and, in some places, Jaji-nagar, but there is no ^ in Jaj-nagar, and, if Ziya-ud-Din’s text was correct, it is a different place altogether. ‘‘The Sultan, following in pursuit by successive marches, in a certain number of days, arrived on the frontier of Sunar-ganw \[or kingdom of Bang\], the Rae of which — Dinwaj by name \[sic\] — paid homage to the Sultan, and stipulated that, in case Tughril evinced a desire to fly towards the sea \[also means river\], he should prevent his doing so. Proceeding by successive marches, the Sultan had reached within 60 or 70 kos of Jaj-nagar, when information of Tughril’s whereabouts was obtained,’\* &c. From this statement it would seem that the place in question, whether Haji-nagar or Jaji-nagar, was beyond Sunar-ganw ; but it is not said whether any great river was crossed, neither is it stated that the Sultan marched eastwards, and he might, in case Jaj-nagar is correct, as stated in the extract above, he have turned to the south-west on reaching the frontier of Sunar-ganw. I am inclined, however, to think that Sangarah, mentioned in the fourth para, below, is correct, and not Sunar-ganw. Where the Sunar-ganw frontier commenced we know not; ### [190.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.2) but it must have been a territory of some extent, as it was ruled, subsequently, by a “Sultan.” A district of this name is also mentioned by Ziya-ud-Din as lying near Talinganah. Be this as it may, however, the following extract, taken from the Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shahi of Shams-i-Saraj, Alfi, Tabakat-i-Akbari, and others, will, I think, tend to settle the question respecting the situation of the Jaj-nagar territory: — 754 \[Alfi, 755 Sultan Firuz Shah set out for Bangalah to reduce its ruler, Ilyas, Haji \[Sultan Shams-ud-Din\], to subjection. On Sultan Firuz Shah’s reaching the vicinity of Panduah, Ilyas evacuated it, and threw himself into Akdalah \[also written Akdalah\], “a mouza’” near Panduah, on one side of which is the water \[a river ?\], and on the other an impenetrable and considered one of the strongest fortifications of Bangalah \[Westmacott, in the Calcutta Review for July, 1874, places Ekdala \[Akdalah\] some forty-two miles on the Maldah side of the river Tangan, and north of Gaur or Lakhnawati — “the later city of Gour,” as he styles it\], and so situated that, in the rainy season, the whole country would become flooded, and not a piece of elevated ground would be left for the Sultan even to pitch his tent on. Another writer calls it an island or insular fortress. He came and encamped, according to one of these works, on the bank on the other side of the water facing it ; but the others state that he encamped his forces near the place on the same side. ### [190.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.3) As he had to change the position of his encampment after a short time, this movement led Ilyas to imagine that the Sultan was about to retire ; and he sallied forth with his troops and attacked the forces of Firuz but sustained a complete overthrow, and had to retire into his stronghold again. The rains having commenced, Firuz Shah had to abandon the investment, came to terms with Ilyas, and retired towards his own dominions by the Manik-pur ferry. Dihli, towards Lakhanawati, and acquired possession of Bihar, and installed his own Amirs therein. In the year 622 H. he \[I-yal-timish\] resolved upon marching into Lakhanawati; and Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz, moved his Firuz Shah. Having passed the river Maha-nadri, Mahan-dari, or Mahan-adri — sic in MSS. — Buda’uni — Firishtah — the river which falls into the Son doubtless is meant\], he reached the city or town of Banarsi — Shams-i-Saraj and Alfi have Banaras — and Buda’uni Baranj — which is the capital and abode of the Rae of Jaj-nagar \[Shams-i-Saraj has Rae of Jaj-nagar-Udisah\]. The Rae fled towards Taling \[Talinganah\], and, the Sultan not pursuing him \[Firishtah says pursuing\], proceeded to hunt elephants in the vicinity \[Shams-i-Saraj says the Sultan remained some time at Banaras, and the Rae took shelter in one of the islands of or on the river\]. \[See the Asiatic Journal, vol. ### [190.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.4) xiv., July to December 1822, page 438, in which is a good account of this tract of country, entitled “Notes on Birar”\], during which time the Rae despatched emissaries and sought for peace, sending at the same time three elephants, besides rarities and precious things \[Shams-i-Saraj says after his return from Padmawati\]. Hunting as he went along, the Sultan reached the territory of Rae Bhanu Diw \[Shams-i-Saraj, Bir-bhan Diw — Alfi, Pir-mahi Diw — perhaps Bir-Mahi\], who sent him some elephants. He then returned from thence with the object of hunting, came to Padmawati — South Bihar probably — which is a part abounding with elephants, captured thirty-three, and killed two which could not be secured. The Tabakat-i-Akbari, Firishtah, and Buda’uni, quote a verse composed on the occasion by Malik Ziya-ud-Din, thus showing to what extent the two latter — particularly Firishtah — copied from the former; but Firishtah appears somewhat confused in the latter part of his account, or has made considerable verbal alterations for some purpose; whilst Buda’uni \[MS.\] says the Sultan left Barani \[Banarsi?\], and proceeded from thence to Badwati \[Padmawati\] and Bram-Tala to hunt elephants. From Padmawati Sultan Firuz Shah returned to Karah in Rajab, 762 H. ### [190.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.5) Jaj-nagar is mentioned on several other occasions in the history of the Dakhan, and its whereabouts distinctly indicated. Sultan Firuz, Bahmani, entered it in 815 H., and carried off a number of elephants. In the account of Nizam Shah, of the same dynasty, Jaj-nagar and Udisah are mentioned as totally separate territories. In the reign of Muhammad Shah, son of Humayun, a famine having arisen in his dominions, people migrated in order to obtain food into Malwah, Jaj-nagar, and Gujarat; and, shortly after, the Rae of Udisah, aided by the Rae of Jaj-nagar, invaded Talinganah by way of the Raj-mandri district. Now, if any one will look at the map, and take what has been mentioned into consideration, where else can Jaj-nagar possibly lie than in the tract I have indicated? Certainly not on the east side of the Bay of Bengal. It may not be amiss here to say a few words respecting the ancient boundaries of Bangalah as described by different authors, although little remains to be said after Dr. Blochmann’s elaborate paper on the subject before referred to. The Jami’-ut-Tawarikh of Fakir Muhammad says that the territory which in after times was styled Bangalah, according to such writers as have written about it, consisted of Bihar, Gaudha or Gaur or Lakhanawati, Bang, and Jaj-nagar. During the campaign in Bangalah, in Aurangzeb’s time, against his brother Shah Shuja’, the Afghan Zamindar of Birbhum and Jajnagar is said to have joined him. ### [190.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.6) According to the A’in-i-Akbari, the Subah of Bangalah from Gadhi to the port of Chatganw \[Chittagong\] is 400 kuroh in breadth; and, from the mountains bounding it on the north to the uncultivated tract vessels \[war-boats ?\] up the river. A treaty of peace was concluded between them, and the Sultan \[I-yal-timish\] extorted thirty-eight elephants and eighty laks of treasure, and the Khutbah was read for him, and the coin stamped in his name. When the Sultan \[I-yal-timish\] withdrew, he conferred Bihar upon Malik ’Izz-ud-Din, Jani; and Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz, marched into Bihar from Lakhanawati, and \[again\] took possession of it, and treated it with severity, until, in the year 624 H., the august Malik, Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah, son of Sultan Shams-ud-Din \[I-yal-timish\], at the instigation of Malik ’Izz-ud-Din, Jani, assembled the forces of Hindustan, and marched from Awadh and proceeded into Lakhanawati. At this time Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz-i-Husain, the Khalj, had led an army from Lakhanawati towards the territory of Kamrud and Bang, and had left the city of Lakhanawati unprotected. Malik Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah, took possession of it; and Ghiyas-ud-Din, ’Iwaz-i-Husain, the Khalj, on account of that disaster, returned from that force \[which he had led into Kamrud and Bang\], and fought an engagement with Malik Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah. Ghiyas-ud-Din, Iwaz-i-Husain, and the whole of the Khalj Amirs, were taken prisoners, and Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din, Iwaz, was martyred. ### [190.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190.2.7) His reign extended over a period of twelve years. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.190) · Pramāṇa