The Nāṣirī Generations 258.6
Tabakat-i-Nasiri 258.6
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258.6.1
Chingiz Khan's commands, they did not inflict any injury on any of the cities and towns of Khurasan, and had nothing to do with them, except in the territory of Hirat, at a place which they call the To-i of Bushanj [Fushanj] arriving therein, committed great outrages, more particularly at Astaiabad, and at Amul, where he ordered a general massacre. Swidae [Sahudah] moved to Jam and Tus. The latter place refused to submit, on which he massacred the inhabitants, and then proceeded by way of Radakan [a well known place in history and geography, but it appears in Major St. John’s new map of Persia, published by the India Office, under the impossible name of Radian Isfarain, or Isfarayin, as it is also spelt, and Khabushan, to Damghan. The people took refuge in the strong and famous fortress of Gird-Koh, W. of the city, and refused to submit, but a good many, who could not reach it, were massacred. He then moved upon Simnan, where many people were put to the sword, but places which submitted were spared. Nusrat-ud-Din, Hazar-Asp or Hazar-Saf, the Ata-Bak of Lar, who, as already stated, had reached the Sultan’s presence, advised him to take shelter in Tang-Talu — also written Tangah-Taku — between Luristan and Pars, as related in note, page 277, but, hearing of the fall of Rai, and the near arrival of the Mughals, the Sultan and his sons retired towards Karun-dujz, and Nusrat-ud-Din is said to have retired to Lar ; and other grandees and chiefs likewise sought places of safety.
258.6.2
On his way towards Karun-dujz, the Sultan narrowly escaped a party of the enemy, as related previously, at page 277 ; and he stayed there only two days to get fresh horses, and then turned his face, it is said, towards Baghdad — the place of all others, save the camp of the Chingiz Khan, which he would be likely to avoid], but some MSS. have, to Fulad — ba-Fulad ; but, hearing that the Mughals had already reached Karun-dujz, he changed his route for the fortress of Sar-jahan — and from thence entered Gilan. Jabah [Yamah] left a force to invest Karun-dujz, and again set out towards Rai in pursuit of the unfortunate Sultan. Now, considering that, at the outset, if only 30,000 men were detached, what with fighting at Hirat and other places, besides the losses the Mughals must have sustained after such marches, to leave a force behind to invest this stronghold must have so weakened their numbers as to have rendered their destruction easy, I cannot, therefore, for a moment, credit the statement that only 30,000 horse were detached. Considering that the Pro-Mughal writers generally lessen the numbers of their own forces, to flatter their patrons’ vanity, our author’s statement, that 60,000 was the number despatched, is much more reliable, and much more probable.
258.6.3
When Sultan Muhammad reached Gilan, Sa’luk, one of the chiefs of the Gil, received him, and advised him to take up his residence in Gilan. He remained seven days there, when he again set out towards Rustamdar for Astadarah, or Astarah — the Asdar of others, and Astawa or Istawa of the Jami’-ut-Tawarikh, where all his treasures that remained with him were lost. From thence he set out in the direction of Da-nu-i — [in some MSS. and even a dependency of Amul, and, from that place, embarked on the Kulzum [the sea — the Caspian or Sea of Khurz], on the advice of the Chief of Mazandaran, as related at page 278. where one of the chief men of the Mughal army, in a foray therein, went to hell. Bushanj was but a small fortification; and they took it by storm, and martyred all the Musalmans in the place. From thence they pushed on towards Nishapur, and arrived there, and appeared before the gate of that city. A battle having taken place there [with the troops therein quartered], the son-in-law of the Chingiz Khan was killed. Without occupying themselves in avenging his death, they proceeded onwards towards Tabaristan and Mazandaran in search of Sultan Muhammad, Khwarazm Shah. The Sultan was encamped within the darah [valley and pass] of Timmishah, on the road to Mazandaran, when, suddenly, the Mughal troops came up with him.
258.6.4
Sultan Muhammad left Utsuz, the Hajib, under the canopy of state in the centre of his troops, with orders to move them to Damghan and 'Irak, whilst he, himself, entered into the mountains of Mazandaran, and embarked on the sea [the Caspian], as has been previously related. The Mughal forces now separated into two armies; the one, which was greatest, pushed on towards 'Irak in pursuit of Sultan Muhammad's troops, whilst the smaller one proceeded down the darah of Timmishah. Respecting the movements of both these armies, no further information, such as might be considered certain, reached Khurasan. Some said that, not finding Sultan Muhammad, Khwarazm Shah, in Mazandaran and 'Irak, they fell upon the son of that Sultan, whom they were wont to style Sultan Rukn-ud-Din, Ghuri Shanasti, and martyred him and the forces of 'Irak; and, by way of Azarbaijan, came out in the direction of the Dasht-i-Khifchak; but God knows best.
258.6.5
The Mughals first possessed themselves of Karan-dijz [which was never called “Karendar,” nor was it situated “between Nessa and Nishapoor,” nor was it situated “in the Kurdish mountains, between Kermanshah and Baghdad,” at a place called “Ardahan,” nor was it “in Khorassan.” See “Mughols Proper,” pp. 81 and 714], so called after Karan, an ancient Dialamah king and champion, of the Gil race, and situated in the Kazwin Darah—that is to say, Karan’s Castle. Without the points on the last letter, د might be mistaken for ر, but any one acquainted with the Persian language would naturally, whether there were points or not, read د affixed to the name of a fortress, as dizh, as a matter of course. It was plundered and levelled with the dust, after which the Mughals moved against I-lal—[called Ilal by our author, at page 280, which was not called “Ilak” then, and I think there is no proof adducible that it is called “Al Ask” now. It is precisely the same word, in the original, as Petis de la Croix’s “Ylale”.] where was the Sultan’s mother, and other ladies of his family, and the younger children, and invested it.
258.6.6
Abu-l-Ghazi, Bahadur’s history has I-lan, but in the Tarikh-i-Alfi this place is, invariably, styled the fortress of Lar-jan—and it is also stated that it was on a mountain in Tabaristan, which, in after times, was noted for a spring, the drops of water from which petrified. The same authority states that Yamah [as in our author, and the Jabah of others] detached a Mughal-leader named Suntae with a force to invest it. No one could call to recollection the time when that stronghold ever wanted for water, for cisterns had been constructed previously, capable of containing such a quantity of water that if no rain fell for years, when they were once filled, there would have been no want of it. It seemed, however, as though Providence was against the Khwarazmis and Musalmans in general, for, in fifteen days after the investment began, there was scarcely any water remaining, and no rain fell—an unusual event in that district—from the time the Mughals invested it. Consequently, the Sultan’s mother, Turkan Khatun, and the Wazir, Nasir-ud-Din, who was there also, were compelled to come down, and surrender. Almost at the moment of their reaching the foot of the walls the rain began to fall, and continued to pour, in such wise, that the water flowed out under the portals of the fortress!
258.6.7
The place was sacked, and all the vast treasures of gems, gold, and other precious things, fell into the hands of the barbarian Mughals, to such an amount that, besides precious stones and the like, ten thousand thousand—10,000,000 miskals [about drachms each] of red gold, and 1000 kharwars—a load sufficient for an ass—of silken fabrics, clothes, etc., were among the spoils. This booty was sent, along with the unfortunate Turkan Khatun, her children, grandchildren, and connexions, and Nasir-ud-Din, the Wazir, towards Samrkand, to the camp of the Chingiz Khan; but, on their way thither, they found that his camp was then in the neighbourhood of Tal-kan [Nasr-koh of Tal-kan of Khurasan, as our author states farther on]. When the captives were brought before him, the Wazir, Nasir-ud-Din, was forthwith put to death, together with all the male children of the Sultan’s family, however young. What befel the females may be imagined. I shall have something more to say respecting them and their cruel fate farther on. After that, when Sultan Jalal-ud-Din was defeated on the banks of the Sind, and his haram too fell into the power of the Mughals, the females were sent to join Turkan Khatun and were all kept together in one place.
258.6.8
When Sultan Muhammad, who was then seeking safety on one of the islands in the Caspian [Ab-i-Sugun, referred to in note page 278, is contained in the map of the Caspian and countries around it, in the Masalik wa Mamalik, and is placed on the south shore, about midway between Amul and Astarabad], as previously related at page 279, heard of the capture of this stronghold, and the fate of his family, he died, within a few days, of a broken heart [but, according to our author, and contrary to all those who wrote after and improbable too — whilst being conveyed back towards Khwarazm. See page 279], in Shawwal, the tenth month of 617 H. [end of Nov., or early in Decr., old style, 1220 A.D.]. Considering that the first day of 618 H. commenced on the 24th of February, 1221 A.D., it is very evident that the Sultan could not have died on the 10th of January of that year, as stated in "Mongols Proper" on the authority of M. Wolff.