[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri) › [Tabakat-i-Nasiri](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty) › 261.2 # The Nāṣirī Generations 261.2 Tabakat-i-Nasiri 261.2 - **Language:** English ### [261.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.1) P. de la Croix then goes on to say, first quoting Abu-l-Faraj for “Candahar” \[page 6\], and then Fadlallah \[i.e. Rashid-ud-Din, Fazl-ullah\], that the Chingiz Khan determined, on hearing of this defeat, to despatch Tuli, his son, against the Sultan, and was about to send him off with 80,000 horse, when another courier arrived announcing the revolt of Hirat, and, instead, was despatched thither, and continues: “Just after despatching Tulican \[Tuli Khan, however, had nothing whatever to do with the second attack upon Hirat. See page 1049, and note 2\], and after an unsuccessful attack on of the troops of Islam, reached the Chingiz Khan, he Bamian news reached him of the movements of Coutoucou Noyan \[the Kuyan, Fiku, previously sent into “India”\], who had arrived within a day’s march of Gelaleddin, who advanced \[quoting “Nisavi” and “Fadlallah”\] to meet them, although one-fourth superior to his own force, and came upon them just beyond a town called Birouan, within a day’s journey of Ghazna.” This force of Mughals was overthrown as already related above, and at pages 289-90 of this Translation. ### [261.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.2) Then we have the astonishing statement \[from “Nisavi” it is said\] that, after this defeat at Birouan \[Barwan\], “There was, some days’ journey from thence, a party of Tartars \[not Mughals\] who were besieging a fortress called Ouala \[the Walian of others\], who, when they heard of the battle of Birouan, raised the siege and fled, and that “the defeat of the Moguls and Tartars was quickly known to the Emperor, who was still before Bamian.” Then follows the account of its capture and the massacre of every soul. The subsequent statements are generally correct. ### [261.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.3) As to some of the originals quoted, which I have examined in order to test the doubtful passages, I find that Rashid-ud-Din’s account is very different. He says that Amin Malik \[Yamin-ul-Mulk—Malik Khan of Hirat\] joined his sovereign with 50,000 men from the neighbourhood of Ghaznin, that the Sultan married his daughter, that the Sultan and his forces continued the whole winter at and during that time, on the news of his arrival having spread, was joined by Saif-ud-Din, Ighrak, with 40,000 men, and also by the Amirs of Ghur and their followers. He then goes on to say, that, early in the spring, hearing that the Mughals were attacking Walian \[our author’s Walisthan\], and its being hard pressed, he advanced to Barwan \[it was near the sources of the Lohgar river\], left all his heavy materials there, and moved to attack them, as related in the notice of Jalal-ud-Din, at page 288, note The Chingiz Khan heard of the first reverse within the limits of Tal-kan, not at Bamian, as De la Croix asserts, and not one word is mentioned about any siege of Bamian, and he, after hearing of the last defeat of his troops, moved at once towards Ghaznin from Tal-kan. The Fanakati mentions Tal-kan of Khurasan, and makes no mention of any siege of Bamian. ### [261.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.4) The Jahan-Kusha, the account in which I have detailed farther on, says Amin Malik was in the vicinity of Ghaznah when the Sultan arrived there, and agrees with Rashid-ud-Din’s statements in all things, brings the Chingiz Khan, at once, from the vicinity of Tal-kan of Khurasan to Ghaznin, and makes no mention whatever of any siege or capture of any place called Bamian. The Rauzat-us-Safa \[De la Croix’s Mirconde, meant for Mir Khawind\] does not mention at all; and the Chingiz Khan is made to advance from Tal-kan \[the correct name is given\], but, to show his geographical knowledge, probably, the author says he came by Andar-ab to Bamian, by which the Mughals must have gone only 7 degrees of Long.—some 480 miles—directly from W. to E. to reach Andar-ab, then come backwards some 120 or 130 miles more to the S.W. to reach Bamian through some of the most difficult ground in Asia, while between Tal-kan and Bamian the distance is only about 160 miles, and about equidistant from Marw-ar-Rud and Balkh. The Habib-us-Siyar, written by the son of the author of the Rauzat-us-Safa, agrees with that work. ### [261.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.5) The Tarikh-i-Jahan-gir agrees with Rashid-ud-Din, and the Fanakati, nominated the Nu-in, Fiku, who was his son-in-law, to advance from Hirat and Khurasan towards Ghaznin. When he \[with his troops\] arrived on the confines of Barwan, Sultan Jalal-ud-Din advanced against that army, and gave it battle, defeated it and put it to flight, and despatched great numbers of the Mughal infidels to hell. A second, and a third time, Mughal armies advanced, and were overthrown. In the army of Sultan Jalal-ud-Din were a great number of the Ighrak \[tribe\], all warlike men, and ruthless horsemen, and, between that body of the Ighrak, and the 'Ajamis and Khwarazmis, a quarrel arose respecting the booty, and hostility ensued; and that body of Ighrak troops separated from Sultan Jalal-ud-Din, and went off to another place, and the Sultan remained with the Turks \[only\]. ### [261.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.6) When the Mughal Nu-in, Fiku, returned defeated to the Chingiz Khan, the latter moved \[from his camp at\] the service\], and were defeated, and they retired to Tal-kan, before which the Chingiz Khan then was. The writer then hushes up the subsequent overthrows of the Mughals at the Sultan’s hands, and proceeds to narrate the defection of a great part of his troops, consequent on the quarrel between Yamin Malik, as he styles Malik Khan of Hirat \[whose title was the Yamin-ul-Mulk. See page 287, and page 540, note, para. 2\], and Saif-ud-Din, Ighrak. Malik Saif-ud-Din, Ighrak, together with other Khalj Amirs, and the A’zam Malik \[the A’zam-ul-Mulk, son of 'Imad-ud-Din, the Balkhi\], a Ghuri chief, with their troops, Khalj \[there were Kankulis, and Ghuzz, among them too. See page 376\], Turkmans, and Ghuris, went off in the direction of Parshawar, while the other Turks and Khwarazmis with the Sultan, retired towards Ghaznin. It must not be lost sight of, in connexion with this mention of Ghuzz, that they were once in possession of Ghaznin, Kabul, and Zabul. These Khalj Turks, under the name of Khilich, Dr. Bellew makes Ghilzi Afghans of, and Col. G. B. Malleson first turns them into “Abdalis” and afterwards into “Ghilzais!” These selfish and disloyal chiefs, however, very soon received their deserts. ### [261.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.7) They proceeded towards Nang-rahar \[originally called Nek-anhar — the district immediately south of the Kabul river, and extending from Bhati-kot on the east to the Surkh-Ab Kotal on the west, and to Kaja on the south, which was the fief of the A’zam Malik, and then included in the jurisdiction of Burshor, or Parshawar\]. Arrived there he entertained the other chiefs for a time, but, there being aversion between Nuh, the Jan-dar \[in Elliot, incorrectly rendered from an imperfect MS., probably, Koh jdn-ddr, a strange name for a man. The office of Jan-dar has been previously described\], who was head of a khel \[clan\] of about 5000 or 6000 families, and Malik Saif-ud-Din, Ighrak, he, in consequence, turned his face towards Parshawar with his 20,000 followers, while Nuh, the Jan-dar, stayed behind in the pasture-lands of Nangrahar \[not “cantoned himself,” as in the work above quoted\]. When Saif-ud-Din had proceeded one stage on his way, he sent a message to the A’zam Malik saying: — “We are as father and son towards each other: thou, the son, I the father. If thou desirest my good pleasure, send away Nuh, the Jan-dar, to his own place of dwelling, and his own locality, and do not allow him to remain in Nangrahar. \[The Khalj tribe — or rather a portion of them — had been located in the neighbourhood of the Safed-koh, on the southern slopes, in Karman and Shaluzan for several centuries previous. See note 5, page 539, para. ### [261.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2.8) 2.\] The A’zam Malik replied: “It is not well, at this time of warfare, that antagonism should exist among the soldiers of Islam.” Thus saying, he rode off with some fifty of his Khowas — or retainers — after Saif-ud-Din, Ighrak, to endeavour to bring about a reconciliation between him and Nuh, the Jan-dar. Saif-ud-Din went forth to receive the A’zam Malik, and brought him in, and seated him by his side at a convivial drinking party. The A’zam Malik began to refer to the matter of Nuh, the Jan-dar, and to interpose in his favour. Saif-ud-Din, Ighrak, inebriated as he was, suddenly got up, mounted his horse, and, attended by 100 horsemen, set out towards the encampment of Nuh, the Jan-dar. Nuh, under the impression that he was coming to him, consequent on the A’zam Malik’s intervention, with a friendly object, went forth, with Pushtah-i-Nu’man, with all the forces remaining there with him, and turned his face towards Ghaznin. He fought a battle with Sultan Jalal-ud-Din, Mang-barni, and Malik Khan of Hirat, and other Khwarazmi Maliks who stood by him, on the banks of the Sind river; and Sultan Jalal-ud-Din and the troops of Islam were defeated, and threw themselves into the Sind river. Of the Musalmans some were drowned, some attained martyrdom, some were made captive, and a few escaped in safety out of the river. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.261.2) · Pramāṇa