The Nāṣirī Generations 271: ANECDOTE.
Tabakat-i-Nasiri 271
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ANECDOTE.
271.1.1073
In the year 618 H., the writer of this Tabakat, Minhaj-i-Saraj, returned from Timran towards Ghur. In the fortress of Sangah, which they style Akhul Mani, he saw Malik Husam-ud-Din, Husain-i-'Abd-ul-Malik, Sar-i-Zarrad. Suddenly, his brother, Malik Taj-ud-Din, [Hasan], Habashi-i-'Abd-ul-Malik, Sar-i-Zarrad, to whom they [the Mughals] had given the title of Khusrau of Ghur — mention of whom has been previously recorded — with the permission of the Chingiz Khan, returned to Ghur from Talkan ; and from him this anecdote was heard.
He stated : “ On a certain occasion we came forth from the presence of the Chingiz Khan and sat down in a tent. Uklan, the Juzbi, along with whom I had come, together with some other Nu-ins, were also seated there; and the greatest in rank among them all was the Juzbi, Uklan. Some persons brought thither two Mughals who, the previous night, when on guard around about the camp, had gone to sleep [upon their post]. Uklan, the Juzbi, asked: ‘What Mughal has brought them?’ The Mughal who had done so bent the knee, and replied: ‘I have brought them.’ The former inquired; ‘What offence have they been guilty of? State it.’ He replied: ‘These two men were mounted on horseback, and I was going my rounds and examining the guards. I came up to them, and found them both asleep. I struck their horses over their heads with a whip to let them [the riders] know they were culprits for being asleep; and I passed on. This day I have brought them up.’ Uklan, turning his face towards those two Mughals, said: ‘Were ye asleep?’ They both acknowledged it, saying: ‘We were.’ He commanded, saying: ‘Put one of them to death, and fasten his head to the locks of the other, and parade the latter round the whole camp, and then put him to death also.’ They [accusers and accused] all made their obeisance, and, at once, [the former] carried out the command. I was riveted in astonishment, and said to Uklan, the Juzbi: ‘There was no evidence or proof on the part of that Mughal [the accuser], and, when they [the accused] were well aware that, the punishment would be death, why did they confess? for, if they had denied [the charge], they would have escaped being killed.’ Uklan, the Juzbi, said: ‘Why are you astonished? You, Tajziks, do such things, and tell lies. A Mughal, were a thousand lives at stake, would choose being killed, but would not speak false; but false speaking is your occupation; and, on account of such things, it is that Almighty God hath sent a calamity like us upon you [Tajziks].”
I have again returned to the relation of this history. When the Chingiz Khan, after Sultan Jalal-ud-Din, Mangbarni, Khwarazm Shah, was defeated, set out in pursuit of the Ighrakis, for Gibari, for a period of three months he halted among those mountains. He used to go out hunting, and for the purpose of coming towards Hindustan, used, continually, to burn shoulder-blades [of sheep], but used not to obtain permission [from the prognostications], and used not to perceive therefrom omens of victory. His purpose in entering Hindustan was that, mayhap, he might return back into Chin by way of Lakhanawati and Kamrud; and, as he used not, from the portents of the shoulder-blades, to obtain dispensation to do so, he used to delay.
Unexpectedly, swift messengers reached him from Tamghaznin, Alfi says he moved from the vicinity of Parshawar, by way of the mountains of Namfan in MSS., but Bamian must be meant], and that the Ughruk was ordered to march from Buklan to join him on the way to Samrkand. At page 1074, our author plainly states where his Ughruk was left, and that he conversed with a person who had but recently left it [page 1079], and his statement with regard to it cannot be doubted in the least. It was left at the Pushtah-i-Nu'man between Tal-kan and Balkh. The pro-Mughal writers, having made the great blunder of mistaking Tae-kan of Kunduz for Tal-kan of Khurasan, make all other places agree with it, as in the case of Andarab, previously referred to. The Chingiz Khan may have had his heavy baggage, waggons, and war materials removed from the Pushtah-i-Nu’man to Buklan subsequently, after he had determined to return by the same route by which he had come, and most probably after the attacks made upon them by the Khalj chief, as related at page 1073.
271.1.p2
To return, however, to the pro-Mughal accounts. The whole of his forces being concentrated there [at Buklan], the Chingiz Khan continued encamped in the pleasant pasture-lands thereabout during the summer [of 620 H. — 1223 A.D.] ; and, when autumn came round, having appointed Daroghahs to the different cities of Iran-Zamin, despatched them [!]. Troops, too, would have been required, but none are mentioned, and the subsequent proceedings, after his death, prove that no Mughal troops were left behind in Iran-Zamin, i.e., west of the Jihun, and it is very doubtful whether any Daroghahs were. In the beginning of autumn he crossed the Jihun, and marched towards Samrkand, in the vicinity of which he encamped, and there passed the winter [620-621 H. = A.D. 1223 — 1224]. From Samrkand, Juji, who, since the investment of the capital, of Khwarazm, was ill-inclined towards his brother Chaghatae — our author, however, tells the tale differently from the pro-Mughal historians, as will be seen farther on — and had continued to remain in the Dasht-i-Kibchak, which had been assigned to his charge, was directed to move, with a portion of his forces, and to keep along the skirts of the mountains to drive the game before him, as a grand hunt was proposed farther in advance.
Chaghatae and Uktae took up their quarters during that winter near Bukhara, and devoted themselves to fowling and hunting, and sent weekly to their father 50 khar-wars of game. When the spring of 621 H. set in, the Chingiz Khan moved towards Turkistan ; and now he showed his fiendish nature in its true colours. He compelled the unfortunate Turkan Khatun, the aged mother of the late Sultan, and the ladies of his family — his wives and daughters, and to whom had been also added the females of Sultan Jalal-ud-Din's family captured after the battle on the Sind — to wend their way on foot [some authors say bare-footed] and bare-headed, in front of his troops on the line of march, and to raise lamentation, as they went along, on the downfall and humiliation of their empire, and the death of those Sultans ; and this they were compelled to do until they reached Kasyurat, in order, as he affirmed, that people might take warning therefrom. This again was partly the innate hostility of Mughals against the other Turks. Turkan Khatun lived on in this miserable state until 630 H., when death relieved her.
Advancing by regular marches, the Chingiz Khan reached the Sihun, after Chaghatae also joined him from their expeditions ; and, when he reached a place named Kiulan — but this name is gliaj and Tingit, and gave intelligence that the whole written Kulan Bazi, and Kulan Tazi, in as many different authors—supposed to be situated in the vicinity of Fanakat, but, apparently, farther N.E., Juji, from the direction of the Dasht-i-Kibchak, drew near, driving the game on his side before him. The Chingiz Khan now moved towards him, the two half-circles of troops dispersed for the purpose, drawing gradually closer together, and reached a place named Akabar or Akabir or Akair and styled Uka in the Rauzat-us-Safa [and Oukieir—Akiir? by Petis de la Croix, but on what authority does not appear, as, in this particular part of his History of Genghizcan the Great he gives none, and makes it out to be “the city of Toncat,” where subsequently the kuriltae or diet was held, but in no history with which I am acquainted, and such as I have named, is any reference made to any city, and such a city as Tonkat or Toncat is never referred to]. The Chingiz Khan now mounted and entered the circle to enjoy the sport, and after he was satisfied his sons were permitted to do the same, and subsequently the great chiefs. The sport over, the remainder of the animals received a brand on one of the thighs, and were allowed to escape. After this Juji presented himself on bended knee, with offerings for his father’s acceptance, among which were 100,000 horses, every 20,000 of which were of different colours—dappled grey, white, piebald, bay, and black, his father’s troops being in want of horses.
The Chingiz Khan continued encamped in this place during the summer of this year [621 H.], and, all his sons and Amirs having joined him from all parts, including Jabah [Yamah] and Swidae [Sahudah], he now held a great kuriltae or assembly. He distributed honours and rewards, and put to death a number of the I-ghur chiefs; why is not said, but it no doubt had reference, in some way, to the dismissal of the ulus of the I-di-Kut, mentioned in note, page 1101, and evidently refers to what the Tarikh-i-Jahan-gir mentions in a few words, that, on his arrival in this part, he received the submission of the petty rulers around, but that some, who, at the outset, were the first to submit to him, now showed symptoms of hostility, and a body of troops had to be sent to coerce them. Their names are not given. Juji was now allowed to return to his government of the Dasht-i-Kibchak, and, in the last month of the year 621 H. [Dec.-Jan., 1225 A.D.], after an absence of seven years, the Chingiz Khan reached his native yurat in Mughalistan—the Chinese say, on the banks of the Tula river—and again enjoyed the society of his wives and children.
271.2.1
At this point I come to a very amusing matter, and which also is a specimen of history-writing taken from translations often second-hand, a somewhat dangerous course of procedure. At page 92 of Mongols Proper the author, immediately after stating that “Jagatai and Ogotai went to hunt Kukus and Karaguls (i.e. wild swans and antelopes)”—I have already stated how Chagatae and Uktae employed the winter near Bukhara—says that, “On the banks of the Imil he (Jingis) was met by two of his grandsons, afterwards very celebrated, namely, Kubilai [he is afterwards styled Khubilai] and Khulagu, one eleven and the other nine years old. They had killed their first game, and, according to Mongol custom, Jingis pricked their middle fingers to mix some blood with their food and drink, a kind of baptism of the chase. Afterwards he gave his army a fete, at a place called Buka Suchiku, and reached his Ordu or home [camp?] in the month of February, 1225.” This appears to have been taken from Erdmann, and, at page 99, this fete is again territories of Chin, Tamghaj, and Tingit, were in a state of revolt, and that, on account of the very great distance [of the Chingiz Khan from the scene], those kingdoms were about to pass out of the hands of the Mughal governors. The Chingiz Khan, on account of this information, became anxious in mind, and he consequently set out on his return by way of Lob and the country of Tibbat.
271.2.2
When he reached that territory [Tingit], there was a Khan in the country of Tingit, a man of great energy and intrepidity, and he had an army and munitions and war materials beyond computation; and, on account of the multitude of his troops, the power of his servants, the amplitude of his dominions, the vastness of his riches, wealth, and treasures, he had assumed to himself the name of “the Tingri Khan.” On several occasions the Mughal troops had invaded his territory, but had not overcome him or slain on the side of Shidarku, but some say, as is most probable, on either side, that three corpses were found, after the battle, standing on their heads ! Among the Mughals it has become firmly established [in their minds ?] that for every ten tomans—100,000 persons—slain on the battle-field, one of the killed stands on its head [sic in MSS.]. The author of the "Mongols Proper" (p. 102) has got hold of this fable through some foreign translation, but the translator has made a muddle of it. Certainly “the great Raschid” never made such an error in telling it. Mr.
271.2.3
Howorth’s version of it is as follows: “The story of Raschid about the man standing on his head is explained by D’Ohsson who says, that, when the Mongols slaughtered a large number of people, in order to mark the number of the slain, a census in which they gloried, they put a corpse on its head on some elevated point for every thousand killed !” There is nothing like a bold translation perhaps when a person may be in doubt. At length, Shidarku, unable to make any further resistance, took to flight, much to the joy of the Mughals, who considered themselves fortunate in obtaining this success, and shut himself up in his stronghold, the city of Iriq or Irkia, but which Abu-l-Ghazi, Bahadur, in the Kazan edition of his work, styles Kachti. The Chingiz Khan remarked that, as Shidarku had been so utterly defeated in this battle, and his territory devastated, he would have no more strength left to him, since great part of his troops had been slain. So, holding him of little importance, and passing his city without molesting it [he must have left a force to watch it], but plundering, slaughtering, and devastating the territory of Kashin, the Chingiz Khan turned his face towards Khita, and, when spring came round, he determined to move against the territories of Tingnash—and Siurjah—but, before he could carry out his intentions respecting them, he had an awful dream which warned him that his end was near, and he became very much agitated in mind in consequence.
271.2.4
He is also said to have received intimation about this time of the death of the Khalifah, Un-Nasir Billah, who died in Shawwal, 622 H. When he awoke from his dream, he inquired of Baisuku Aka, his nephew, the son of Juji Kasar, who was in attendance: “Are my sons Uktae and Tuli distant or near?” As they were in their own urdus, with their forces, Baisuku Aka replied that they might not be more than two or three farsangs distant. The Khan said: “Let them bring them hither;” and, when they presented themselves the following day, along with the great Amirs, after partaking of the morning meal, the Chingiz Khan turned his face towards the assemblage and said: “I have some counsel to hold with my sons, and a confidential matter which I wish to communicate to them, and desire to be private with them for a short time.”
271.2.5
When the Amirs and others who were then present withdrew, the Chingiz Khan turned towards his sons and said: “My beloved ones, the time approaches for me to take my last journey, and the period of my dissolution is at hand ! By the power of the Almighty, and the aid of Providence, I have acquired and consolidated [not very consolidated west of the Jihun, at least, and in very few, if in any, places had Intendants even been established, much less troops located, at this period, but certainly there were ample proofs of the butchery and desolation he and his barbarian hordes had committed] for you an empire, so extensive, that from one side of it to the other is one year’s journey. I wish to ask of you who, by your counsel, is subdued his country, and many times he had overcome the
271.2.6
the person most befitting to succeed me.” Uktae, Chaghatae, and Tuli— for he was also present according to some of my authorities, but Juji had recently died in the Dasht-i-Kibchak — bent the knee, and replied “ Our father is sovereign, and we are his servants, and will obey what he commands.” The Great Khan replied : “I have implicit faith, in all things, in the wisdom and experience of Karachar, and desire his opinion, and whom he approves of I will appoint.” Having received the opinion of that Nu-yin, the Chingiz Khan directed that the Covenant entered into in by-gone times by Kabal Khan and the Bahadur, Ka-juli, bearing the Al-Tamghah of Tumna-i Khan, which had descended to him from his ancestors, and to which his forefathers had also appended their names [see the note on the Turks at page 896] should be brought from the treasury. This having been done, it was shown to his sons ; and he continued “ I name Uktae as Khan, and appoint him my successor, and make over the throne to him. Do ye likewise act in accord one with another, and enter likewise into a Covenant that ye will not deviate from his commands, and that ye will attend his kuriltaes.” This they did ; and the Covenant was attested by the Amirs and Ministers. He also requested that the mother of Uktae, Burtah Kuchin, should exercise the sovereign authority over the ulus until such time as a kuriltae should assemble to confirm Uktae’s succession, which would be two years.
271.2.7
He further commanded that, as the countries of Mawara-un-Nahr and other territories adjoining it had previously been assigned by him to Chaghatae, and as there were ancient [sic in foes still existing between I-ran and Turan, namely Sultan Jalal-ud-Din and his brother, he would make over Chaghatae to the paternal charge of Karachar ; and urged that Nu-yin to act towards his son as he had acted before towards himself, his father, and continue to give Chaghatae the benefit of his assistance in the government of the affairs of his dominions. He also caused Chaghatae and Karachar to enter into a Covenant as father and son ; and the last-mentioned Covenant was made over to Chaghatae’s charge, and that previously mentioned, between the brothers, to Uktae. “The Great Khan further requested, that, when his death should happen, no lamentations whatever were to be made, and that it should be kept a profound secret [‘the ruling passion’ of treachery was ‘strong even in death’] ; and that as soon as Shidarku, the king of Kashin, should leave his city and come to the Mughal camp, as he had agreed to do, he should be put, at once, to death, in order that firm possession of his territory might be secured. Having said this, he closed his eyes, and thou mightest have said that the Chingiz Khan had never existed.”
271.2.8
Alfi, quoting Hafiz Abru, and other authorities, differs considerably from the above in some points. It states that, after settling the succession, at which Chaghatae was not present, the Chingiz Khan requested his sons, Uktae and Tuli, to return to their own tribes and territories, that is such tribes and countries as had been entrusted to them, lest Chaghatae, who was not present, might not act according to his father’s commands, and might raise sedition in the empire ; and he further urged them, for the sake of his good name and fame, to observe his laws and regulations.
271.3.1
Uktae and Tuli took leave of their father, and returned to their respective posts, while the Chingiz Khan, with a numerous army, marched towards the country of Tingnash— [which may even be more correctly Ningaish — It is written in various ways. The Rauzat-us-Safa has Tang- Chingiz Khan in battle. At the period that the Chingiz [Khan moved towards the territory of Tingnash—some copies have Tangnash, and Tinash, while others have Biktash—but the first mode of writing is contained in the majority of trustworthy writers], and Khurjah—when he reached them, the Badshahs of those countries were ready to become tributary, and to submit to him. On reaching a place named Liwak-shan which is on the frontier boundary between Khurjah, Tingnash, or Biktash, and Tingkut, the Badshah—also styled Wali—of Khurjah despatched envoys, with numerous and valuable presents for his acceptance, among which was a bowl of the finest pearls, and to tender their sovereign’s submission and obedience. The Chingiz Khan commanded that such among those present at that time in his assembly, as had their ears bored, should be presented with pearls, while those, whose ears were not already bored, had them bored very quickly, and received pearls also; and, notwithstanding this, a great number of pearls remained undistributed. The Chingiz Khan commanded, saying, “It is a day of largess: let the pearls be scattered that people may pick them up.” This was done;
271.3.2
and, in consequence, a number of pearls were lost in the ground, and for a long time after that pearls used to be found there. About this time Shidarku, Badshah of Kashin, who had shut himself up in his capital, Irtakia, Irikia, or Irikiah, sent an envoy to the Chingiz Khan to intimate that, if the Mughal Khan would enter into a covenant with him, stipulating for his safety and security, he would, within the period of one month, come in person to his presence and present pesh-kash, which is equivalent to doing homage. The Chingiz Khan gave the required guarantees, and confirmed them with most solemn oaths; and the envoy departed. After the envoy had gone, the Chingiz Khan was taken ill, and grew excessively weak; and, from an awful dream which he had, warning him of his approaching death, he was much disturbed. It was at this time, according to the authority I have named, that he sent for his sons, and appointed his successor: the remainder agrees with the statements of other writers. His death, as he desired, was kept a profound secret;
271.3.3
and, when Shidarku, Badshah of Tingkut or Kashin—he is styled so indiscriminately—according to the terms agreed upon, left his capital, the city of Irtakia, and drew near the Mughal camp, the Nu-yins and Amirs came forth to receive him, and escorted him and his train, as though about to lead him to the presence of the Chingiz Khan, but, on their arriving within a short distance of the Urdu, a body of Mughals, posted for the purpose, fell upon Shidarku and his followers, and butchered the whole of them. An army was then despatched to Irtakia, which the Mughals entered, plundered, and massacred its inhabitants, and then desolated the country round. Such is Alfi’s account.
271.3.4
[The death of] Chingiz Khan took place on the 4th of Ramazan, 624 H.: in the Turkish year of Tunguz or the Hog, which was the year of his birth, his ascending the throne, and of his decease, which last date is equivalent to the 16th of August, 1227 A.D. A few writers say 623 H. He had reigned [twenty-one years, and was aged] 73; but, as he was born on the 20th of Zi-Ka’dah, 549 H., he was exactly 75 years, 1 month, and 10 days old, whatever Abul-Ghazi, Bahadur Khan, or Father Gaubil have said to the contrary; and he was certainly too old to have Having carried out their father’s last instructions, the sons of the deceased Khan proceeded to perform the funeral ceremonies according to the custom of their people. There was no secrecy whatever after Shidarku had been put to death, and his capital secured; and there was no killing every one they met.
271.3.5
Bentinck censures Marco Polo for relating, that, “in his time, the Tartars were accustomed, at the funerals of their Kháns, to slay all those they met in the way, and that they slew all whom they met on the way to the place appointed for the sepulchre of Jenghtz Khán; and that, a little before [true: a little before] his arrival in Grand Tartary, there had been 20,000 persons massacred in that manner, at the interment of Mangu Khán, grandson of the conqueror.” Bentinck further remarks, and quite correctly too, that none of the Eastern authors, who have written on the Tartars [Mughals?], charge them with “such an abominable custom.” He adds, that “in Grand Tartary”—he means Mughalistan and the Mughals—the inhabitants live so dispersed in their kharg-ahs or huts, that one might travel several hundred leagues without meeting a thousand. Polo too kills the Chingiz Khán six years only after his defeat of the “Um” Khan, as he styles the Awang Khan, and asserts that he was shot in the knee by an arrow before the castle of Thaigin!
271.3.6
Petis de la Croix, who often quotes “the great Raschid,” very correctly says [page 382]: There is no likelihood that the barbarous custom, which has since been practised amongst the Tartars and Moguls, to kill those they meet in the way, when they are carrying to the grave the body of a Grand Can, was at this time observed; for the historians mention no such thing, and, besides, this custom is not countenanced by the law.” The custom of burial among the Mughals is given in detail by our author farther on.
271.3.7
After performing the funeral ceremonies—the preliminary mourning—the bier of the Great Khan was taken up, and his army set out on their return homeward, and the bier was in due time conveyed to his úrdús in the locality of his aṣl or aṣlī yūrat, which was “within the limits of,” not at, Kara-Kuram. The corpse was finally buried at the foot of a large and solitary tree, under which, one day, when following the chase—not when he was “ill”—he had rested, and at which time he remarked: “This place is suitable for my sepulchre.” The place in question is called Bulkan Kaldun, according to some authorities, and Burkan Kaldun by others, including Abu-ul-Ghazi, Bahadur Khan, which is merely the change of l for r. After the burial, the place was proscribed against intrusion from one generation to another, the word used to denote it is quruq or quruq an ’Arabic word signifying “confiscated,” “prohibited,” “embargo,” “ban,” etc., and it was called the —“the exclusive or especially prohibited place,” which words appear to be the translation of Burkan Kaldun. The Ta-ishi, Yasu Buqa, the Uhud Urmangqut of the race of Kaian, was the Korchi or guardian of the spot, which guardianship appertained exclusively to his tribe, who were, in consequence, exempted from all other duties and services.
271.3.8
It is likewise stated, as a wonderful fact, that, in that same year, that plain——thus showing that it was a plain, and neither “a mountain” nor “a cave”—became totally destitute of grass on account of the numerous trees of various kinds which grew up therein, and soon became such a dense forest of Islam, this Tingri Khan held counsel with his Maliks that one could not pass through it ; and, the place being alike inaccessible and interdicted from curiosity, the exact whereabouts of the burial-place of the Chingiz Khan became wholly unknown. Tuli his son, who died about four years after, was also buried there. The Habib-us-Siyar distinctly states that the Chingiz Khan’s body was taken back to Kara-Kuram and buried in that neighbourhood, and that no human being was permitted to invade the spot ; and this agrees with what other authors state, as given above, and the burial customs of the Mughals.
271.3.9
It is amusing to read, in the face of the statements of authors who wrote their histories in the territories of the Mughal sovereigns, with the best means of obtaining information on such a point, and about which there is absolutely nothing to conceal, the various theories of European writers. Petis de la Croix, after stating that the spot was proscribed from the visitation of any one, says : "They buried him there [under the tree] with all the pompous ceremonies of the Mogul religion, and afterwards erected a most noble monument in this Place upon his Grave " ! Where is the native historian who ever said so, or who ever once mentioned such things as "the pompous ceremonies of the Mogul religion " ? All this is purely imaginary. Again he says : "The people, who came to visit the Tomb, planted other Trees round it, which so artfully covered it, and in such beautiful Order, as rendered it in time one of the finest Monuments in the World." He, however, quotes no authorities for these highly-coloured statements, and, moreover, buries him in "Tangut," which is totally incorrect.
271.4.1
Gaubil says he was buried "in the cave of Ki-nyen, in a mountain to the north of the sandy desert, and that his posterity were also buried there. Several Mughal lords of his posterity, whom he met at Pekin, he says, informed him that the Chingiz Khan was buried on the mountain of Han, in Lat. 47° 54', Long. 9° 3' W. of Pekin. Another writer, not named, says the place of his burial was called Sali-chwen, and that the Chinese word chwen denotes "the Sali to have been a place full of fountains [springs ?], lakes, and hills." The statement of Erdmann, p. 444, agrees nearest with the Oriental writers, but D'Ohsson's, vol. i, p. 381, seems purely mythical.
271.4.2
But why need I mention all this ? Has not Professor Forbes himself discovered not only the place of burial, but even the tomb in which the corpse was enclosed? I wonder he did not discover Tuli’s tomb also, for he was buried there too. In a paper read before the British Association in September, 1876, he asserts [but what are the proofs ?] that it lies "almost a day’s journey from Urga, viz. from twenty to twenty-five miles," and that "the tomb consists of a stone structure which is now level with the ground ; there is a circle of stone ten feet thick, and one hundred yards in diameter, and in the centre of this there is a circle which has once been a covered building, some fifteen yards in diameter," etc., etc. Did not he "discover" an inscription too ? If it is a Mughal tomb, look below ground, not above, seeing what our author and others say with regard to Mughal modes of sepulture. I must say a few words respecting the wives and children of the Chingiz Khan before closing the notice of him, as European writers have rendered the names of them even more unintelligible than those of his four famous sons. He is said to have had 500 Khatuns [wives] and concubines, every one of whom was taken from some tribe or other after he had reduced or conquered it. Some were married to him according to the Mughal rites and customs. and Amirs, saying: "The Chingiz Khan is come. On
271.4.3
but most of them were such as had been carried off, and were kept in his haram. Those who were held in the highest respect and esteem were the following five:— 1. Burtah Kuchin—She was neither called Burte Judshin nor Burte Fudshin and consequently, whether Fudshin or Fougin was the title given by the Chinese Emperors to those of their wives who ranked “immediately after the Empress,” or whether not, these names and titles do not appertain to Burtah Kuchin, who was the Chingiz Khan’s chief. She was the daughter of the Nu-yin, Dae, the Badshah, as he is styled, of the Kungkur-at Mughals, which was one of the most numerous, and distinguished for valour, as well as one of the proudest of the whole of the Nairun tribes, one reason for which is stated to have been that, in issuing from Irganah-Kun, they led the way, and such was their celerity in doing so, that they burnt their feet on the ironstone not yet become cool.
271.4.4
They are Nairun Mughals beyond the shadow of a doubt, and yet the author of the 'Mongols Proper' informs us, at p. 703, 'I have small doubt that they were Turks, for although small clans still survive among the Mongols who are called Khongkiras (i.e. Kunkurat), by Ssanang Setzen, there is no tribe among them which bears the name, while we find that one of the four main divisions of the Uzbegs is called Kiat Kungrat,” etc., etc. The author has made a very delightful muddle here. The Kungkur-ats are truly Turks of the Mughal i-mak, but Nairun Mughals, of which Kaiat is one of the two great divisions, and perhaps he is not aware that the Uzbaks are Mughals, whence the term Kaiat-Kungkur-at. There are Kungkur-ats, Ilan-julis, and many other tribes mentioned in these notes, still to be found in Turkistan and Mughalistan. Mir ’Abd-ul-Karim, Bukhari, who wrote in 1222 H. — 1807 A.D. — continually refers to them in his work; and some of the Kashghar Mission actually met a “Kirghiz who was a Nayman,” and “Yulduz Kalmyk who are Turgut and Koshot!”
271.4.5
When the Chingiz Khan was defeated by the Makrits, his Kungkur-at wife was taken captive, and made over by them to the Awang Khan, their sovereign. She is said to have been pregnant of Juji at the time; and the Awang Khan, out of his former friendship for the husband, treated her with respect, and sent her back when the Chingiz Khan demanded her. Juji was born on the way home; and his appearance on the scene appears to have been unexpected, for his name, given in consequence, signifies 'the unexpected guest.' I may have to refer to this circumstance again, farther on. Burtah Kuchin subsequently bore three other sons—Chaghatae, Uktae, and Tuli, and five daughters, who were, in due time, married to different Mughal and other chiefs, who, with a single exception, are styled Gurgan, signifying, in the Turki language—not the “Chinese,” I believe—son-in-law. One of these sons-in-law, a son of the chief of the Kungkur-at, had previously borne the title of Gurgan, but I have not space for much detail.
271.4.6
2. KULAN KHATUN, daughter of Ta’ir Asun, the chief of the Urhar Makrit tribe. Her father submitted to the sway of the Chingiz Khan, and brought his daughter, and presented her as an offering to him. Abu-l-Ghazi, Bahadur Khan, ignores her altogether, in his History, and substitutes Kor-Basu, the widow of the Tayanak Khan, who is mentioned as one of his wives of lesser degree farther on. Kulan Khatun had a son by the Chingiz Khan named Kulakan—Kulakan who was assigned rank, in several previous occasions we have fought with him and every way, equal to the other sons of the Chingiz Khan. He died early leaving several sons, and one of them, Kuchah, succeeded to his father’s rank and position, and the command of the 6000 men, which the Chingiz Khan had conferred upon him. 3. Yassukan, a Tattar lady, whose name, in some Histories, is written Tassukan, but it appears that the two points of the first letter — in this instance have been carelessly written with the points over instead of under She bore a son, who was named Ujar, but he died in his youth. 4. Konju Khatun, daughter of the Altan Khan of Khitae. She was by no means good-looking, but, as her father was the greatest sovereign of that age, she was treated with respect accordingly. She bore no children, and was still living, in her own urdu, in the time of Artu or Artuk Buka. 5. Yassulun, sister of Yassukan the third wife, but married to the Chingiz Khan after the death of her sister.
271.4.7
Besides these were other Khatuns, who, although not considered so high in rank or position, were nevertheless treated with great reverence, and sometimes would monopolize the company of their husband. One of these was Anikah Khatun, daughter of the Jakambu, also written Jankabu, the brother of the Awang Khan. His name is said to have been Badae. After the overthrow and death of his brother, he took shelter in Tingkut, where he obtained protection, and was treated with honour. The Badshah of that country gave him the title of Jakambu, equivalent to “Dsambu,” in Degum Dsambu,” and Mathi Dsambu,” etc., in Tibbati titles. Jakambu signifies Amir-i-Mu’azzam,” and ‘‘ Buzurg-i-Mamlakat.” The Chingiz Khan espoused her, and married one of her sisters, named Bihtumish Kuchin, to his son, Juji, and another, Siurghuktiti Bigi, to Tuli, and all four sons of Tuli Khan were by her. After the Chingiz Khan had married Anikah a few days only, in consequence of a dream which he had, he gave her in marriage to one of his Amirs, the Nu-yin, Gahti, also called Gati the Ura-ut [he is turned into “ a on the borders of China, » in the ‘‘ Mongols Proper !], who happened to be the Amir in waiting that night.
271.4.8
Another of the Chingiz Khan’s Khatuns was Kor-Basu, the widow and chief Khatun of the Tayanak Khan, Badshah of the Naemans. She was sometime after the Tayanak Khan’s death ; and, according to the Mughal custom, the Chingiz Khan entered into bonds of marriage with others, the daughters of Sultans [Mughal and Tattar Chiefs ?] and Amirs ; and he also had a son named Jurjin, by a lady of the Naeman tribe, who died before any other of his children : and another son named Jifan or Arjifan, who died in childhood. His mother was of the Tattar i-mak.
271.4.9
The Great Khan likewise adopted a boy of the Tingkut tribe, in his seventh year, brought him up ; and was wont to style him his fifth son. He was the Jifan, who had a great name for valour, and was the Personal Ming—in the Tajik language Hazarah— of the Chingiz Khan, which was limited to 1000 persons, and from it many of the chief officials and leaders were chosen. In Uktae Khan’s expedition into Khitae, Jifan adopted a son himself, a Tingkut, named Burah, taken captive as a child of three years, who was from the urdu of Burtah Kuchin, as were many other defeated him. Now he has returned, and his forces have become very numerous, and he is proceeding against the with these four tribes assigned to Chaghatae Khan — Chaghatae’s tribes. These writers have assumed that there was a great and distinct tribe called “Chagtae,” or “Chugtar,” as a recent author writes it, and a “Chagtae language” ! Some have even gone so far [see “The Turks in India,” by Henry George Keene, M.R.A.S., Judge of Agra, etc. : London : 1879] as to assert that Babar, who founded the Mughal empire in India, was not a Mughal, but a “Chugtae Turk.” He was a Barlas Mughal pure and simple, of the race of Kaiat. It is quite time such fallacies should be given to the winds.
271.5.1
The contingent of his third son, Uktae, formed four Hazarahs of the same number as those of his other two brothers, consisting of the Hazarahs of Jala-ir Yamjalin or Bamjalin a branch of the Suldus, Mangut, and Suniat. After Uktae came to the throne, the whole of his personal troops consisted of men of these four tribes. The share of Kulakan, another son of the Chingiz Khan, and to whom he was greatly attached, numbered 4000, in four Hazarahs, consisting of men of the Birlas, and other tribes. These four Mings or Contingents in all numbered 16,000 horse. The Chingiz Khan conferred a contingent to the number of 5000 upon his younger brother, U-Tigin, or Aw-Tigin, as it is also spelt, consisting of Urad Kalangi-uts, Baisuts, Juri-ats, also called Jajar-ats, and small numbers of many of the other tribes not included in the previously mentioned Hazarahs. The contingent of the sons of Juji Ksar, another brother of the Chingiz Khan, consisted of 1000 men drawn from several tribes; and that of Ilchidae, or Ilchikdae, son of Kajuun, a third brother of the Chingiz Khan, who died in his youth, numbered 3000 horse, consisting of Naemans, Uri-anghut, and some other scattered tribes. The contingent of his mother, Ulun Ankah, numbered 3000 Kurlas and Olcunuts.
271.5.2
At the time of his decease the Chingiz Khan assigned the whole of his Sasah, or personal troops, and all the Hazarahs of the Centre, Right, and Left, consisting of 101,000 men, and sixty yurats, to his youngest son, Tului or Tuli, who always continued with him, and who, in his lifetime, commanded them, under himself, hence no separate contingent appertained to him; and, after Tuli's decease, they fell to the share of his sons, Mangu, Kubilae, and others. It must be understood that these were contingents always kept up by the Princes, Nu-yans, Juzbis, and Bahadurs, to whom they were assigned, and not as being the entire amount, by any means, of the Chingiz Khan’s forces. They were capable of being expanded at any time. That such was usual, we have sufficient proof in the number of troops which Hulaku led into I-ran-Zamin, drawn from a portion of these contingents, some of which subsequently increased very much; and we are told that one of Chaghatae’s Hazarahs, in a short period of time, had increased to the number of 100,000.
271.5.3
I have been particular in mentioning these Hazarahs because, to judge from one of the questions propounded at the Oriental Congress of 1876, great doubt appears to have arisen in the minds of some persons on the subject, and some have even asserted that the real Mughal element in the Chingiz Khan's armies was very small, and that Mughal is “nothing more than a dynastic name adopted by Ghengis to denote the empire which he founded,” but, from what I have here given, those who know Turks from Tattars, and Altun Khan of Tamghaj. It is advisable that we should make peace with him, and enter into alliance with him, and that, in concert, we should proceed into the country of Khita, and overthrow the Altun Khan.” His opinion and that of his Maliks agreeing, this was determined upon, and peace was made by the Tingri Khan with the Chingiz Khan, and a firm treaty was entered into between them. When the Tingri Khan’s heart became tranquil on this union, he came to the Chingiz Khan, and united with him; and the forces of the Tingri Khan combined with the Mughal army, and they turned their faces towards the countries of Chin and Khita. There was a river the name of which is Kara-Mur [Mur-an?], and they crossed it with the intention of devastating the country of Khita. A number of Nu-ins and [other] Mughals represented to the Chingiz Khan, saying: “Our army is moving towards Khita: if we should sustain a defeat, the troops of the Tingri Khan are likewise our enemies.
271.5.4
His territory will be in our rear, and not one of us will reach our own country in safety. It is advisable, since the Tingri Khan is among us, that we should slay him, and set our minds at ease respecting him, so that there will not be an enemy behind us, and, with our hearts at rest, we can turn our faces towards the Khita country.” The Chingiz Khan resolved to act upon this counsel, and he seized the Tingri Khan, and gave orders to kill him. On the Tingri Khan becoming certain that they would slay him, he said : “ Convey a single message from me to the Chingiz Khan, and that message is this : ‘ I have not shown any perfidy towards thee. I came to thee under treaty. Thou art acting perfidiously towards me, and art going to act contrary to the covenant entered into with me. Now give ear. When thou slayest me, if from me issues blood white in colour like unto milk, know that three days after me thou diest.’ ” When they conveyed this message to the Chingiz Khan, he laughed, and said : “ This man has become mad : blood like milk never issues from the wound of a slain person, nor has any one ever seen white blood. It behoveth the more speedily to put him to death.”
271.5.5
When the executioner struck the Tingri Khan with his sword, white blood like unto milk issued from the wound ; and he perished. When the tidings of this astonishing circumstance reached the Chingiz Khan, the accursed, he quickly arose, and came to the spot ; and, when he saw that the occurrence was actually so, it struck his heart, and his strength forsook him ; and, on the third day, his heart broke, and he went to hell. He had made his last request, saying : It is incumbent that ye slay the whole of the Tingri Khan's people, both male and female, small and great, young and old, and not leave a single person alive ” When the Chingiz Khan was departing to hell he had devised the sovereignty to his son Uktae ; and Uktae turned back, and massacred all the people of the city and territory of the Tingri Khan.