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# The Nāṣirī Generations 271.2

Tabakat-i-Nasiri 271.2

- **Language:** English

### [271.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.1)

At this point I come to a very amusing matter, and which also is a specimen of history-writing taken from translations often second-hand, a somewhat dangerous course of procedure. At page 92 of Mongols Proper the author, immediately after stating that “Jagatai and Ogotai went to hunt Kukus and Karaguls (i.e. wild swans and antelopes)”—I have already stated how Chagatae and Uktae employed the winter near Bukhara—says that, “On the banks of the Imil he (Jingis) was met by two of his grandsons, afterwards very celebrated, namely, Kubilai \[he is afterwards styled Khubilai\] and Khulagu, one eleven and the other nine years old. They had killed their first game, and, according to Mongol custom, Jingis pricked their middle fingers to mix some blood with their food and drink, a kind of baptism of the chase. Afterwards he gave his army a fete, at a place called Buka Suchiku, and reached his Ordu or home \[camp?\] in the month of February, 1225.” This appears to have been taken from Erdmann, and, at page 99, this fete is again territories of Chin, Tamghaj, and Tingit, were in a state of revolt, and that, on account of the very great distance \[of the Chingiz Khan from the scene\], those kingdoms were about to pass out of the hands of the Mughal governors. The Chingiz Khan, on account of this information, became anxious in mind, and he consequently set out on his return by way of Lob and the country of Tibbat.

### [271.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.2)

When he reached that territory \[Tingit\], there was a Khan in the country of Tingit, a man of great energy and intrepidity, and he had an army and munitions and war materials beyond computation; and, on account of the multitude of his troops, the power of his servants, the amplitude of his dominions, the vastness of his riches, wealth, and treasures, he had assumed to himself the name of “the Tingri Khan.” On several occasions the Mughal troops had invaded his territory, but had not overcome him or slain on the side of Shidarku, but some say, as is most probable, on either side, that three corpses were found, after the battle, standing on their heads ! Among the Mughals it has become firmly established \[in their minds ?\] that for every ten tomans—100,000 persons—slain on the battle-field, one of the killed stands on its head \[sic in MSS.\]. The author of the "Mongols Proper" (p. 102) has got hold of this fable through some foreign translation, but the translator has made a muddle of it. Certainly “the great Raschid” never made such an error in telling it. Mr.

### [271.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.3)

Howorth’s version of it is as follows: “The story of Raschid about the man standing on his head is explained by D’Ohsson who says, that, when the Mongols slaughtered a large number of people, in order to mark the number of the slain, a census in which they gloried, they put a corpse on its head on some elevated point for every thousand killed !” There is nothing like a bold translation perhaps when a person may be in doubt. At length, Shidarku, unable to make any further resistance, took to flight, much to the joy of the Mughals, who considered themselves fortunate in obtaining this success, and shut himself up in his stronghold, the city of Iriq or Irkia, but which Abu-l-Ghazi, Bahadur, in the Kazan edition of his work, styles Kachti. The Chingiz Khan remarked that, as Shidarku had been so utterly defeated in this battle, and his territory devastated, he would have no more strength left to him, since great part of his troops had been slain. So, holding him of little importance, and passing his city without molesting it \[he must have left a force to watch it\], but plundering, slaughtering, and devastating the territory of Kashin, the Chingiz Khan turned his face towards Khita, and, when spring came round, he determined to move against the territories of Tingnash—and Siurjah—but, before he could carry out his intentions respecting them, he had an awful dream which warned him that his end was near, and he became very much agitated in mind in consequence.

### [271.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.4)

He is also said to have received intimation about this time of the death of the Khalifah, Un-Nasir Billah, who died in Shawwal, 622 H. When he awoke from his dream, he inquired of Baisuku Aka, his nephew, the son of Juji Kasar, who was in attendance: “Are my sons Uktae and Tuli distant or near?” As they were in their own urdus, with their forces, Baisuku Aka replied that they might not be more than two or three farsangs distant. The Khan said: “Let them bring them hither;” and, when they presented themselves the following day, along with the great Amirs, after partaking of the morning meal, the Chingiz Khan turned his face towards the assemblage and said: “I have some counsel to hold with my sons, and a confidential matter which I wish to communicate to them, and desire to be private with them for a short time.”

### [271.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.5)

When the Amirs and others who were then present withdrew, the Chingiz Khan turned towards his sons and said: “My beloved ones, the time approaches for me to take my last journey, and the period of my dissolution is at hand ! By the power of the Almighty, and the aid of Providence, I have acquired and consolidated \[not very consolidated west of the Jihun, at least, and in very few, if in any, places had Intendants even been established, much less troops located, at this period, but certainly there were ample proofs of the butchery and desolation he and his barbarian hordes had committed\] for you an empire, so extensive, that from one side of it to the other is one year’s journey. I wish to ask of you who, by your counsel, is subdued his country, and many times he had overcome the

### [271.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.6)

the person most befitting to succeed me.” Uktae, Chaghatae, and Tuli— for he was also present according to some of my authorities, but Juji had recently died in the Dasht-i-Kibchak — bent the knee, and replied “ Our father is sovereign, and we are his servants, and will obey what he commands.” The Great Khan replied : “I have implicit faith, in all things, in the wisdom and experience of Karachar, and desire his opinion, and whom he approves of I will appoint.” Having received the opinion of that Nu-yin, the Chingiz Khan directed that the Covenant entered into in by-gone times by Kabal Khan and the Bahadur, Ka-juli, bearing the Al-Tamghah of Tumna-i Khan, which had descended to him from his ancestors, and to which his forefathers had also appended their names \[see the note on the Turks at page 896\] should be brought from the treasury. This having been done, it was shown to his sons ; and he continued “ I name Uktae as Khan, and appoint him my successor, and make over the throne to him. Do ye likewise act in accord one with another, and enter likewise into a Covenant that ye will not deviate from his commands, and that ye will attend his kuriltaes.” This they did ; and the Covenant was attested by the Amirs and Ministers. He also requested that the mother of Uktae, Burtah Kuchin, should exercise the sovereign authority over the ulus until such time as a kuriltae should assemble to confirm Uktae’s succession, which would be two years.

### [271.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.7)

He further commanded that, as the countries of Mawara-un-Nahr and other territories adjoining it had previously been assigned by him to Chaghatae, and as there were ancient \[sic in foes still existing between I-ran and Turan, namely Sultan Jalal-ud-Din and his brother, he would make over Chaghatae to the paternal charge of Karachar ; and urged that Nu-yin to act towards his son as he had acted before towards himself, his father, and continue to give Chaghatae the benefit of his assistance in the government of the affairs of his dominions. He also caused Chaghatae and Karachar to enter into a Covenant as father and son ; and the last-mentioned Covenant was made over to Chaghatae’s charge, and that previously mentioned, between the brothers, to Uktae. “The Great Khan further requested, that, when his death should happen, no lamentations whatever were to be made, and that it should be kept a profound secret \[‘the ruling passion’ of treachery was ‘strong even in death’\] ; and that as soon as Shidarku, the king of Kashin, should leave his city and come to the Mughal camp, as he had agreed to do, he should be put, at once, to death, in order that firm possession of his territory might be secured. Having said this, he closed his eyes, and thou mightest have said that the Chingiz Khan had never existed.”

### [271.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2.8)

Alfi, quoting Hafiz Abru, and other authorities, differs considerably from the above in some points. It states that, after settling the succession, at which Chaghatae was not present, the Chingiz Khan requested his sons, Uktae and Tuli, to return to their own tribes and territories, that is such tribes and countries as had been entrusted to them, lest Chaghatae, who was not present, might not act according to his father’s commands, and might raise sedition in the empire ; and he further urged them, for the sake of his good name and fame, to observe his laws and regulations.

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Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.271.2) · Pramāṇa
