The Nāṣirī Generations 284: VI. BATU, SON OF TUSHI, SON OF THE CHINGIZ KHAN.
Tabakat-i-Nasiri 284
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VI. BATU, SON OF TUSHI, SON OF THE CHINGIZ KHAN.
284.1.1
When Tushi, the eldest son of the Chingiz Khan, as has been previously stated, was removed from the world for conspiring against his father, several sons survived him, and the eldest of them all was Batu. The Chingiz Khan installed him in the place of his father, and all the states Kurak-Liik Bfg^, daughter of the Badshah of the Naemans [Koshluk] ; and he was the founder, in time, of a separate dynasty. Batu ghan, with several of his brothers, set out for the y 7 lra^ of the Qhingiz Khan, when the news of his grandfather’s decease reached him, leaving Tughae Timur his representative in ^^ifchak, a,nd was present at the installation of Uktae Ka’an. Tughae Timur, like his elder brother, Barkah, became a convert to Islam, and, it is said, Barkah converted him to that faith. Batu is known by the title of the Sa-m, or Sa-inKhan, which title continued to be applied to his descendants down to modern times, and even after they became subject to the ’Usmanli Turks. Rubruquis, who had an interview with Batu, says he was seated on a couch gilt all over, and his wife beside him. He had a fresh, ruddy, complexion, and, looking earnestly at the party, at length ordered them to speak. Then their guide bid them kneel on both knees, which they did, and Rubruquis began to pray for Batu’s conversion, at which he modestly smiled, but the others present jeered him.
284.1.2
After his return from the campaign in Kliitae, as previously mentioned, Oktae Ka’an held a great hlrT/iae, in 633 H., at a place named Talan Wasir, at which his sons, kinsmen, and the old Amirs of the Chingiz KhVn were present. After a month devoted to feasting and jollity, the laws and regulations of the Chingiz Ehan were read out once more ; and various rewards were given. It was then resolved that, as various parts of the empire had not been completely subjugated, and some were in a disturbed and disaffected state, each of his sons and kinsmen should be despatched at the head of armies into different parts, in order to arrange and settle their affairs, while the Ka’an himself would proceed into the Da§ht-i-KifchaV at the head of another army. Mangu, son of Tidl, although young in years at the time, gave very sound advice on this occasion. He urged that it was not advisable that the iKa’an should go thither when he had so many sons and kinsmen whom he could send instead. This was approved by all present j and arrangements were made in conformity therewith. The §Mh-zadahs appointed for this service were Mangu, Tuli Khan’s eldest son, and his brother Buchak [Kubllae is subsequently mentioned as being present, at least for part of the time, in the Dasht-i-Kifch^t] ; of the family of tJktae, his eldest son, Kyuk, and his brother, Kladan Aghfil, and Burl, Baidar, and Kolkan, sons of Chaghatae : and among the great Amirs was the BahMur, Swidae, also written Swidan {Sahudah].
284.1.3
Having set out in the spring, in Jamadi-ul-Akh.ir, 633 H. [March, 1235 A.D.], they passed the hot season of that year by the way, and towards its end — in the latter part of it— within the confines of Bulghar [Bulghar, its capital, was about fifty miles from Kasan, and near the river Kama] joined the urzlk of Batu Sian, son of Juji, who had succeeded to his father’s appanage, and he was to hold the chief command. His brothers, tJrdah, Shaiban. and Tingkut, were likewise directed to proceed from the parts in which they were located, and join him, in order to accompany him on this expedition, which is famous as the Yurish-i-HafL Salah, or Seven Years’ Campaign. They were to invade the terntories of i^ifchak [not yet subdued], the Urus [Rus], Biilo [Poland ?], Majar [Magyar], Bashghird, As [Ossetse of Europeans], Sudak [A^da^ or Azof], Krim, and Qharkas [the territory of the Gheremis, I believe, not the Circassians], and All things being prepared, Batu Khan, with Shaiban, and Boroldae, with an army, commenced his march to subdue the Bulo [the Tarikh-i-Jahan-gir says the Kalar] and the Bashghird; and, having arrived in those parts, they, in a short time, subdued those territories, slew a great number of people, and carried off great booty. The Bulo were a mighty people of Christian faith, and the frontier of their country was adjoining that of the Farangs.
284.1.4
Hearing of Batu Khan’s advance, they, arrogant because of their grandeur, and the number of their troops, moved forward to oppose him with an army of 40 tomans—400,000—composed of chosen warriors, who considered it an eternal disgrace to fly from the battle-field. Batu Khan detached his brother, Shaiban [the Tarikh-i-Jahan-gir says Sa]knah], with 10,000 horse as a vanguard, in order to reconnoitre the enemy and obtain information as to the number and position of their army. In the course of a week he returned, bringing information that the Bulan [Poles?] were, like the Mughals, all able and efficient men, and ten times more numerous than themselves. The two armies soon came in sight of each other. They were separated by a morass—the Fanakati and Alfi say a river or water, but it would seem to refer to a morass containing a considerable body of water. Batu requested the Musalmans in his army to assemble together in prayer, and call upon Almighty God to give them the victory, while he, himself, as was his wont on such occasions, like his grandfather before him, retired to a hill or rising ground; and, during a night and day, without speaking word to any one, occupied himself in prayer and supplication to the Most High to accord the victory to his army. During the next night he sent Boroldae [the Fanakati says, his brother Shaiban] and some Amirs, with their troops, to cross the water during the night, which they accomplished.
284.1.5
Next morning early Batu passed over and attacked the Bulan in person. By what means he crossed with his army, whether by a bridge or otherwise, is not stated, but it must have been a hazardous proceeding. Repeated charges were made upon the enemy, but they, being so strong in point of numbers, did not move from their position; and Shaiban greatly distinguished himself, in such wise that his prowess called forth praises from both sides. The force which, under Boroldae, had passed over during the night, now attacked the enemy in the rear. The Mughal troops penetrated into their camp, and began cutting the ropes of the tents. They made towards the tent of Kalar, their Badshah [Bela IV., king of Hungary of European writers?], and cut the ropes with their swords, and overturned it. Seeing this, his soldiers lost heart, and the main body of the Mughal army under Batu, having pushed forward at the same time, the Bulan gave way and took to flight. The Mughals pursued, and made such slaughter among them “as cannot be computed.”
284.1.6
The first place attacked, according to the Fanakati, and the Tarikh-i-Jahan-gir, but which works enter into no details, was the city of Mankas—which, on account of the denseness of the forests among which it lay, was difficult to approach, even on foot. The trees were, however, felled on either side, and around it, sufficient to enable four carts to move abreast, which enabled Batu to invest it. The city was, in due time, captured, and the inhabitants massacred; and it is stated that the left ears of all those slain were Bartas, Saklab, as far as the boundaries of Rum, came cut off in order to obtain the number of them, and that the total amounted to 270,000. Its capture, in 636 H., is mentioned farther on. Such was not unusual, even in comparatively modern times. Gerbillon [1699] mentions that, in the battle which took place between "Bosto or Bostugo Khan, Prince of the Kalmuks," and "Zuzi Khan Prince of the Mughals, the latter were defeated with great slaughter, and that nine camel-loads of ears and locks of hair were brought to him. When the spring of the following year came round, Batu Khan, having disposed of the affairs of Kifchak, Rus, and Alan, resolved to turn his arms against the territory of Kalar [Bulo of Alfi] and Bashghird or Bashkir.
284.1.7
Wolff, in his History of the Mughals, refers to nine sacks full of ears having been collected after the battle near Liegnitz, fought on the 9th April, 1240 A.D. [15th Ramazan, 638 H.], but this appears much too late a date for the capture of the city in question, as that took place early in the campaign, in the year 633 H. [1235-36 A.D.], under which year also it is recorded in Alfi; and, from what follows, the inhabitants do not appear to have been Christians. After this victory, the territories previously named are said to have fallen under the sway of the Mughals, "and a portion of Farang likewise."
284.1.8
This disastrous battle is that which took place, according to Von Hammer, on the banks of the Sayo, a tributary of the Theiss, in which Bela IV., King of Hungary, was overthrown in the spring of 1241 A.D., which accords with the last quarter of 638 H., but Alfi records it under the events of the year 623 of the Rihlat, equivalent to 633 H.; but this can scarcely be correct, for the other princes only set out to join Batu in that year, and, as it is mentioned soon after the capture of the city of Mankas, the correct date would be 634 H., which commenced on September 3rd, 1236 A.D. In the accounts given by European writers generally, Batu Khan's troops are incorrectly styled an army of "Tartars" [there were certainly some Tartars among these forces, as well as Turks and Tajziks, who were subject to the Mughal yoke], by some called "Thatturi," and, by others, "Mangali," and these were under the command of "Bathus and Peta, sons of Hocotum Cham, son of Genzis Cham"!
284.2.1
"Bathus, with his forces, had ravaged Great Russia, Lithuania, Poland, and Bohemia. The Cumani, a Sarmatian nation [the Kumans of Oriental authors], whose territory had been previously ravaged by the Mughal troops, brought intimation to the king of Hungary of the invasion of the countries of Rus, Alan, and Kifchak by the Mughals, and sought permission themselves to take shelter in Hungary, promising, in return, to turn Christians, and to be loyal subjects. Permission was granted; and some 40,000 Kumans, with their slaves, came into Hungary. The subjects of Bela IV., king of that country, were disaffected towards him; and, as the advance of Bathus took place within a year of the Kumans' arrival in their country, the Hungarians accused them of having instigated the Mughals to come, and slew their chief, and his attendants, on his way to join King Bela. This act caused the Cumans to join the invaders, who had ravaged Russia and sent part of their forces into Silesia, Moravia, and Bohemia, while Bathus with an army of 300,000 men was advancing towards the frontiers of Hungary. Meanwhile, King Bela, with an army nearly as numerous, moved to encounter them; and, as he advanced, they retreated leisurely towards Agria, both leaders seeking a favourable opportunity to give battle; but Bela's troops, as I have said before, were under his sway; and, in that region, he subjugated all the disaffected, and rather wished that Bela might be defeated.
284.2.2
At length the two armies drew so near each other that their respective camps were only separated by a marsh [this, no doubt, is the river or water of the Musalman writers], which the Mughals finding passable crossed over by stealth in some places, and surrounded the camp of the Hungarians. One morning at daybreak the Mughals began the attack by volleys of arrows. The Hungarians, confounded at this unexpected attack, could not be persuaded to leave their camp. The upshot was that they were totally defeated, and the greater number perished: some say from 100,000 to 65,000 men. Pesth is said to have fallen immediately after. “The Mughals then proceeded to ravage Upper Hungary, and King Bela had to fly into Austria. Then the invaders passed the Danube on the ice, entered and subdued Strigonia, while detached bands pursued Bela into Dalmatia. Unable to take him, they turned aside into Croatia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria, pillaging and destroying. At this time news reached Bathus of the decease of Hocotam Cham [his father!], on which he set out on his return homewards through Cumania and Ruthenia.” This latter is a specimen of history writing; Juji Khan, Batu’s father, had been dead ten years before the campaign began. Rubruquis, who passed through the Dasht-i-Kibchak about sixteen or seventeen years after these events, says the whole country between the Danube and the Atil was possessed by the Koman Kapchak, “who are,” he says, “called Valani by the Germans, and their country Valania.”
284.2.3
It will be seen from this that there is some discrepancy between the two accounts of eastern and western writers, and that the latter have made terrible havoc with the names, wrongly imagined that Batu was the son of Uktae Ka'an, instead of being his nephew, and turned all the Mughals into “Tattars.” There is little doubt but that the Kumans were of Turkish descent, and that, as before stated, there were some Turks, Tattars, and Tajziks in Batu’s army. Kadan Aghul, and Malik, sons of Uktae, were by a Kuman concubine. Other blunders committed by most European writers are with regard to the dates, and the supposition that Uktae’s death was the cause of the return of the Mughal princes and their armies, whereas, as has been, and will be presently, related, these wars were over, and they returned to their respective territories before the death of Uktae, which took place on the 5th day of the sixth month of 639 H. — 10th December, 1241 A.D.; and yet, according to the European writers, the battle of Lignitz was only fought in April of that very year, and the “Mongols” only crossed the Danube on the ice, after the great battle in which Bela, king of Hungary, was overthrown, to attack Gran, on the 25th December, 1241, or, according to this theory, twenty days after “Hocotam’s” death.
284.2.4
After overrunning the country of Bolo the Shah-zadahs, and Amirs, during the [following] winter, assembled on the banks of the river Janan; and the Bahadur, Swidae [Sahudah], with a large force, was despatched into the country of Urus [also styled Rus], and the frontiers of Bulghar. He penetrated as far as the city of Kermak and overthrew the armies of that state, after much fighting, and brought it under subjection; and, the capital thereof having been reduced to wretchedness and desolation, the Amirs of that place came out, proceeded to the presence of the Shah-zadahs, and made their submission. They were well treated, received favours tribes of Khifchak, Kankuli, Yamak, Ilbari [Albari], Rus, and benefits, and were permitted to return [as vassals of the Mughals]. Again they became rebellious, and the Shah-zadahs again detached Swfdae [Sahudah]. He soon reduced the disaffected, and put all concerned in the outbreak to death. After these events a council was held by the Shah-zadahs, and it was agreed that each one, with the troops under him, should march towards different points [where this council was held is not stated], subdue such territories as lay in his way, and destroy the fortified places. Mangu, accordingly, continued to advance on the left hand towards Jirkah or Ghirkah keeping along the banks of the Jirkah or Chirkah river, and Bajman [This name is doubtful. It is written Najman, or Bajman Tahman and Uss without any points.
284.2.5
It may also be read Tajman, or it may be Tachman, but it seems to be Bajman, from the various modes here given, who was a great Amir, and redoubtable warrior of the tribe or people of the Aolbarlang of the peoples of Khifchak, and Kajir Olukah of the tribe of As [Ossetae ?], he made prisoners. It happened in this wise. Bajman, with a body of robbers, who had escaped the sword [probably at the time Kuktae and Swfdae [Sahudah], at the commencement of Uktae’s reign, moved into those parts. See note page 1115], having been joined by other fugitives, were harrying the parts around and carrying off property, and the sedition was increasing daily. The Mughals were unable to lay hands on this Bajman, and he used to hide in the vast forests of canes along the banks of the Atil or Wolga. Mangu caused two hundred vessels to be prepared, on each of which he embarked 100 Mughals, while Mangu himself, and his brother, Tukal, moved along down either bank with their forces. [Neither Mangu nor his brother embarked on board these vessels : they would have defeated their own object if they had done so.] At last the troops under Mangu reached one of these forests of canes, and discovered traces of a recent encampment. After some search, an old woman, who had been left behind because she was sick, was discovered.
284.2.6
On being questioned, she, to save her life, confessed that Bajman and his followers had recently decamped, and were then lurking in a certain island, which she pointed out, with all his property and effects. As his boats were not there, and he was unable to cross to the island, Mangu sent messengers to hasten onwards his vessels; but it so happened that, before the vessels arrived, a high wind arose, and the waters became so disturbed, and the waves rose so, that the shallow part which constituted the ford, pointed out by the old woman, became partially exposed from one side to the other. Mangu pushed across with his troops and caught Bajman, who requested that Mangu would put him to death with his own hand, but this he declined, and directed his brother, Tukal, to cut him in two. On this island Kajir Olukah, the Amir of the As, was also slain. Mangu passed part of the summer on this island, and, when the weather became very hot, he moved into another country. Charkas, and As, as far as the Bahr-i-Zulmat [Sea of Batu Khan, in the beginning of 634 H.— the latter part of 1236 A.D.— in concert with his brothers, Urdah, Barkah, and other Shah-zadahs, undertook an expedition against Tokaj and Baras, and, after some delay, subdued their [those?] territories. Towards the close of this year, the Shah-zadahs present held a kuriltae, and it was therein determined to make war on the Urus.
284.2.7
Batu, Urdah, Kyuk, Mangu, Kolkan, Kadan, and Buri, accordingly, invested the city of Arpan, and, after three days, it was captured by storm, and the city of I-kah met the same fate. In the capture of I-kah, Kolkan [not the son of the Chingiz Khan, as supposed, merely because he bore an uncle’s name who died long before, but Chaghatae’s son] was mortally wounded. One of the Amirs of the Urus, named Arman [ارمان], also written Azman [ازمان], advanced with an army against the Mughals, and, after many endeavours on his part, he was killed, with the greater part of his troops. The Mughals now captured the city of Makar [مكار] after five days’ investment, and the ruler [Hakim] of the city, who was named Ula-timur [Vladimir, son of the Grand Duke George of Russia?], was likewise killed. The city of Borki-i-Buzurg— Great Borki [بوركئ] — was also invested, and, after eight days, during which its people fought desperately, it was taken, and fell into Mangu Khan’s hands. In the space of five days, the Mughals took the city of Ikrikla which is the native country of the Wazir of Ladan or Lawan. The Amir of that country, Wamkah Porko, fled, and took shelter in a forest, and after some trouble he was captured and killed.
284.3.1
After this, the Mughal Shah-zadahs made a retrograde movement [to the river Don ?] and held counsel together respecting their future operations. It was agreed that they should continue to advance, toman by toman, to Jirkah or Chirkah, and capture and destroy every city and town and fortified place that came in their way. Batu, on this occasion, appeared before the city of Kasai Ankah and invested it for two months, but could not succeed in taking it. Subsequently, Kadan, and Buri, arrived with their contingents, and, after three days, it was carried. After this they came to a pause, and took up their quarters in houses [for the winter ?], and took their ease. Towards the close of the year 635 H. [which commenced the end of August, 1237-38 A.D.], Mangu and Kadan marched into the country of the Charkas [Cheremis of Nizhni Novgorod], and, in the midst of winter, entered it. The Badshah of the Charkas, named Bukaan — possibly Yukan — was slain, and the country fell into the possession of the Mughals. In this year likewise, Shaiban, Bukal, and Buri, turned their attention to the country of Maim [مايم], and subdued it from Jejakan [جيجكان—perhaps Jejatan—جيجاتان] as far as Ikarar. Barkah, during this year, set out towards Kifchak; and Uzjak [اوزجاق], Kozan [قوزان], Tezan [تيزان?], and other leaders and their dependants, after Darkness — the Arctic Sea ?], and the whole submitted to his authority.
284.3.2
He was a very sagacious man, and friendly towards the great slaughter, were captured, and their country devastated. After this, Barkah returned to the urdū of his uncle, Uktae Ka'an, bearing along with him such a vast amount of spoil as cannot be computed. In the year 636 H. — August, 1239-40 A.D.— Cadan and Buri proceeded towards the city of Mankas during the height of winter, and took it, after forty-five days’ investment. In the following year, 637 H. — August, 1239-40 A.D.— Mangu Khan and Kubilae were directed to return from the Dasht-i-Kifchak, while Batu Khan and his brothers, and Kadan, Buri, and Buchak, marched to attack the country of Urus [again], and the tribe and soldiers of Halahan — called Hala Jan — by some]. The great city of the Urus was captured by Mangu in nine days. The Mughals continued to advance towards the cities of Ula-timur [Vladimr] and Jirkah or Jirkah, toman by toman, taking and destroying all the fortified places they met with in their route. During this expedition, after three days, the city of Uch-Ughul Uladmur was taken, which evidently refers to the city of Kief. “The Russians,” according to the Modern Universal History, quoting Petreius, par. ii., were reduced to a most deplorable situation, perpetually distressed by their own sovereigns, harassed by their neighbours, and exposed to all the calamities of war;
284.3.3
when, to complete their misery, the Tartars [Mughals ?], still greater savages than themselves, poured in upon them with irresistible fury, and actually made a conquest of their country. History does not inform us of the particulars of this remarkable event, any farther than that innumerable multitudes of those barbarians, headed by their khan Batto or Battus, after ravaging great part of Poland and Silesia, broke suddenly into Russia, and laid waste everything before them, marking their steps with every act of cruelty. Most of the Russian princes, among whom was the great Duke George Sevodolitz, were made prisoners, and racked to death; in short, none found mercy but those who voluntarily acknowledged the Tartars [Mughals ?] for their lords. The relentless conqueror imposed upon the Russians everything that is most mortifying in slavery, insisting that they should have no other princes than such as he approved of [History repeats itself often : this reads much like part of recent treaties which one power wished to impose upon the 'Usmanli Turks, and another upon Afghans]; and that they should pay him a yearly tribute, to be brought by their sovereigns themselves, now his vassals, on foot, who were to present it humbly to the Tartarian [Mughal ?] ambassador on horseback. They were also to prostrate themselves before the haughty Tartar [Mughal ?
284.3.4
], to offer him milk to drink, and, if any drops of it fell down, to lick them up — a singular mark of servility, worthy of the barbarian who imposed it, and which lasted near two hundred and sixty years.” A duke or prince of the Rus or Russians attended, as a vassal of the Mughals, the installation of Kyuk Khan, but was compelled to stand outside the audience tent or khargah. This is confirmed by John de Plano Carpini, who reached Kyuk’s urdu in 1246 A.D. — 644 H. — before Kyuk was elected, and he found Jeroslaus standing at the door of the khargah. Musalmans, and, under his protection, they used to live contented and happy. In his camp, and among his tribes, there were masjids with regular congregations, an Imam, and Mu'azzin, all duly organized; and, during the period of his reign, and the term of his life, the territories of Islam sustained neither harm nor injury by his command, nor from his dependents nor troops. The Musalmans of Turkistan, under the shadow of his guardianship, enjoyed great affluence and infinite security. Out of every country of I-ran which fell under the jurisdiction of the Mughals, he [Batu] had a specified assignment, and his factors were placed over such portions as had been allotted to him, and all the Grandees and Leaders of the Mughal forces were obedient unto Batu, and used to look upon him in the light of his father Tushi.
284.3.5
When Kyuk departed from the world, all concurred in the sovereignty of Batu, with the exception of the sons of Chaghatae, and made this request to him, that he would accept the throne of the Mughals, and assume the sovereignty, in order that all might obey his commands. Batu did not consent; and Mangu Khan, son of Tuli, son of the Chingiz Khan, was raised to the sovereignty, as will, subsequently, be related. Some among the trustworthy have stated on this wise, that Batu, privately, and in secret, had become a Musalman, but used not to make it known, and that he reposed implicit confidence in the people of Islam. For twenty-eight years, more or less, he ruled over this extent of country [as previously mentioned], and died. The mercy of the Almighty be upon him, if a true believer, and, if an infidel, may the Almighty lessen his punishment [in hell]! They buried him in conformity with the Mughal custom; and among that people it is the usage, when one of them dies, to prepare a place under ground about the size of a chamber or hall, in largeness proportionate to the rank and degree of the accursed one who may have departed to hell. They furnish it with a throne and covering for the ground, and they place there vessels and numerous effects, together with his arms and weapons, and whatever may have been his own private property, and some of his wives, and slaves, male or female, and the person he loved most above all others.
284.3.6
When they have placed that accursed one upon the throne, they bury his most beloved along with him in that place. In the night-time the place is covered up, and horses are driven over it, in such a manner that not a trace of it remains. This custom of theirs — God curse them! — is comprehended by all Musalmans. Here an astonishing anecdote which the author has heard is recorded, in order that readers thereof may, respecting the things of the world to come, increase their reverence; but God is all knowing.