[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri) › [Tabakat-i-Nasiri](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty) › 286 # The Nāṣirī Generations 286: VII. MANGU KHAN, SON OF TULI KHAN, SON OF THE CHINGIZ KHAN. Tabakat-i-Nasiri 286 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [286.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1) — 8 parts - [286.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2) — 8 parts - [286.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3) — 6 parts ### VII. MANGU KHAN, SON OF TULI KHAN, SON OF THE CHINGIZ KHAN. ### [286.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.1) Trustworthy persons have stated that Tuli was the youngest son of the Chingiz Khan; and it was he who destroyed the cities of Khurasan, as has been previously recorded respecting him, in the account of the downfall of the city of Hirat. He had four sons, the eldest being Mangu Khan, the second, Hula’u, the third, Irtuk Bukah, and the fourth, Kubla. When Kyuk went to hell, the sons of Chaghatae demanded the sovereignty; and they, having a great number of horsemen and dependents, did not consent to the sovereignty of Mangu Khan. The beginning of this matter was in this manner. When Kyuk departed from this world, all the great chiefs of the Mughal armies turned their faces towards Batu \[son of Tushi\] saying: 'It behoveth that thou shouldst be our sovereign, since, of the race of the Chingiz Khan, there is no one greater than thou; and the throne and diadem, and the rulership, befitteth thee best.' Batu replied: 'I and my brother, which is Barka, possess \[already\] so great a sovereignty and empire in this part, that to rule over it, together with possession of, and sway over, the states of Chin, Turkistan, signifying, "pain, ache, or affliction of the foot or leg," which some modern translators interpret as gout ; but gout is temporary, as far as moving about is concerned, while Batu's affliction was permanent, and precluded his undertaking a long journey. ### [286.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.2) He was, consequently, unable to proceed from the Dasht-i-Kifchak to the ancient urdu and yurat of the Chingiz Khan, as was usual on such occasion, but he sent out envoys, by virtue of his position, to the different Shah-zadahs, and Amirs, saying: "Let each one get ready to come into Kifchak, so that we may hold a kuriltae of the different brothers, and brothers' sons, and consult as to whom we shall choose to succeed to the Khan-ship, since, on account of my paralysis, I am unable to proceed to Kalur-an, which is the original yurat and the seat of sovereignty of the Chingiz Khan." The agents of Batu in due course delivered their message, but Kara Aghul, son of Chaghatae, and the sons of Kyuk, declined to obey, saying : The ancient yurat and seat of sovereignty of the Chingiz Khan is U-tak or U-tagh and Kalur-an, and it is not at all necessary for us to go into Kifchak to hold a kuriltae; and Khwajah, the Nu-yin, Karyukur, and the Nu-yin, Timur, who were the Amirs of Kara-Kuram, they therefore sent to act as their deputies, and to sign anything that might be agreed upon among the Shah-zadahs. Siur Kuktibi Bigi, the mother of Mangu, however, having heard that the sons of Oktae Ka'an, Chaghatae Khan, and Kyuk Khan, refused to comply with Batu Khan's request, advised her sons, particularly Mangu, her eldest, to lose no time in proceeding to the presence of their Aka, and paying homage to him; and Mangu and his brothers set out without loss of time. ### [286.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.3) Having reached the Dasht-i-Kifchak and the presence of Batu Khan, he received them with great favour, and paid Mangu great attention. Batu stated to the other Shah-zadahs present at the kuriltae then assembled, that he had already remarked Mangu's fitness for the Khan-ship, and, besides, reminded them that he had already experienced the good and evil, the sweet and bitter, of life, and the affairs of the world, had several times commanded armies, and had been held in estimation by Oktae Ka'an, the Shah-zadahs and Amirs, and the soldiery. Batu added : "The Ka'an sent him along with me, and my brothers, Urdah, Shaiban, and Tangkut, and others of the family of Juji, accompanied by his brother Korkan, and Kyuk, into the territory of Kifchak, and other countries, where he greatly distinguished himself. After that, when the Ka'an commanded that the Shah-zadahs should return, before they reached the Ka'an's presence he was dead. The Ka'an's will was, that Shiramun, his grandson, should succeed him, but Tura-Kinah Khatun set aside his commands, and set up her own son, Kyuk, in the place of his father, Uktae. Now it is proper that Mangu Khan should succeed, and he is worthy of succeeding ; and there is none other so fitting and capable of meeting the affairs of the empire and of the army. More than this, Mangu is the son of my uncle, Tuli Khan, the youngest son of the Chingiz Khan, and to whom appertained the charge of the great yurat; ### [286.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.4) and as, according to the ordinances and usages of the Mughals, the dwelling-place of the father belongs to the youngest son, therefore the sovereignty belongs to Mangu." The others present acquiesced and, the right of Mangu having been determined, Batu despatched envoys to the Khatuns and sons of Uktae, and to Siur Kuktibi Bigi, Mangu's mother, and the other Shah-zadahs and great Amirs and ’Ajam, would be impossible. It will be advisable of the Dast-i-Rast, and Dast-i-Chap \[i.e. who, in the assemblies of the Chingiz Khan, and his son, Uktae, used to sit on the right and left, and who belonged to the Hazarah’s of the right and left wings. See note at page 1093\], saying, that “by the Shah-zadahs who, with their eyes, had seen the Chingiz Khan, and who, with their ears, had heard his laws and ordinances, the Shah-zadahs present in this kuriltae, it was deemed advisable, on the part of the army, and the people generally, to raise Mangu to the sovereignty.” ### [286.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.5) Having thus selected Mangu, Batu Khan directed his brothers Urdah, Shaiban, and Barkae, or Barkah, as he is also called, the Shah-zadahs of the Dast-i-Rast, the whole family of Juji, Kara Hulaku, and others of the sons of Chaghatae, and the Shah-zadahs of the Kara Bilad, to prepare a great banquet in honour of the occasion, and to seat Mangu on the throne, but Mangu made some hesitation \[for form’s sake, probably?\], when his brother, Mukae, or Muka Aghul, got up, and said: “Have we not all stipulated and signed our hands that we would not act contrary to the command of the Sa-in Khan, Batu, how therefore can Mangu hesitate to accede to his commands, and neglect to give ear to his words?” All present applauded this speech of Mukae’s, and Mangu therefore signified his willingness. Then, as was customary, Batu Khan arose, seated Mangu on the throne, and saluted him as Ka’an, and all present, following his example, did the same. Batu then held the goblet to him, and, followed by the others, bent the knee to him nine times, opened his girdle, doffed his cap, and acknowledged his fealty to him. It was then determined that a great kuriltae should be summoned to meet at Kalur-an to confirm this decision; and, accordingly, all those who attended this one departed for their own yurats, and the accession of Mangu became noised abroad in all parts. ### [286.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.6) Batu then directed his brothers, Barkae and Buka Timur—the Fanakati says Urdah and Shaiban also went—to accompany Mangu, with a large army, to the Margah of Kalur-an \[referring to the urdu of the Chingiz Khan\], and, in the presence of the Shah-zadahs, to seat him on the throne there likewise. Mangu’s mother used all her influence, which was very great, to induce the adverse party to attend; and most of the Shah-ling and others signified their approval of the choice of Mangu, all save a number of the sons of Uktae and Kyuk, and Yassu-Munga, Kara Aghul, and Buri, sons of Chaghatae, who were using all sorts of stratagems to prevent the installation of Mangu, and our author was wrong in supposing that only the sons of Chaghatae were plotting against him. They despatched an envoy to Batu Khan, notifying their dissent from the succession of Mangu, and stated that it had been previously determined that the sovereignty should continue in Uktae’s family, and demanded why, such being the case, he had set up another. Batu replied that he had done so by virtue of his position as head of the tribes and family, and because he and others deemed Mangu best fitted to rule a vast empire; and that no one else among them was capable of ruling it—a work which could not be entrusted to boys. He exhorted them to think better of the matter. In this discussion the time prescribed by Batu for the installation of Mangu on the throne in Kalur-an passed; ### [286.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.7) and the next year \[647 H.\] came round, and still the affairs of the empire remained without order or splendour. All the efforts of Mangu and his mother to propitiate and persuade the hostile party were of no avail: the more she and others endeavoured to do so, the that we should raise to the sovereignty Mangu Khan, the more obdurate the others became. This year coming to a close also, Mangu, in accord with Batu’s brothers, sent envoys to all his kinsmen, requesting them to assemble in Kalur-an; and despatched Shalamun, the Bitik-chi—a writer, or secretary, from the Turkish eb—to Ughul Kuimish, the chief Khatun of Kyuk Khan, and her sons, Naku and Khwajah, and another Bitik-chi to Yassu-Mangu \[also written Manga\], saying: “Most of the members of the Urdu of the Chingiz Khan have here assembled, and the kuriltae is entirely delayed, through your non-attendance, for a long time. If you are of one mind, and desire to see the affairs of the empire disposed of, amicably and in accord, attend; but, understand, that nothing will be left in abeyance for you any longer.” They saw there was no help but to appear, and therefore Naku Aghul set out, and the Nu-yin, Kadak, and several other Amirs of Kyuk Khan, and Yassu Mangu, and Buri, sons of Chaghatae Khan, proceeded from their urdus, and went to the presence of Shiramun, grandson of Uktae, and all these Shah-zadahs met together at an appointed place. Afterwards, Khwajah, son of Kyuk, joined them; ### [286.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.1.8) and, under the supposition that the kuriltae would not, and could not, be held without them, they proceeded very leisurely. It so happened, however, that Barka Khan had previously written to his brother, Batu, saying, that it was now two years since the sons of Uktae, Kyuk, and Chaghatae had been summoned to attend, and they would not, and were constantly occupied in their ambitious and seditious designs. In reply, Batu gave orders, saying: “Place ye Mangu on the throne, and, if they or either of them do anything contrary to the yasa of the Chingiz Khan, let their heads pay the forfeit.” ### [286.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.1) On receipt of this command, Barka and his brother assembled together all the Shah-zadahs then present in the urdu of Kalur-an, and the great Amirs, among whom was Amir Harkashun, or Hargasun, and of the Shah-zadahs of the Dast-i-Rast, Hula’u \[or Hulaku; the name is written both ways, and both are correct\], son of Chaghatae; of Uktae’s sons, Kadan, and his grandsons, Mungard and others; and the brothers of Mangu, Kubila, or Kubilae, Hulaku, Muka, and Irtuk Buka. Of the Shah-zadahs of the Dast-i-Chap, the sons of Juji Kasar, Nako \[?\], and Yasu Munga; Iljidae or Ilchikdae, son of Kajiun, and Majar, son of the Nu-yin, Ulji, the sons of Mankuti, and a few others of the family of lesser note. ### [286.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.2) Having chosen a propitious hour, approved by the augurs, they met together, confirmed the decision of the Aka, Batu Khan, and placed Mangu Ka’an upon the throne with the usual ceremonials. One of the most auspicious signs of the glory of his reign, according to the pro-Mughal Historians, was, that for several days previously, the atmosphere of those parts became so overcast that the face of the sun was completely hidden, and incessant rain fell; but it so happened that, at the very moment chosen by the astrologers for Mangu’s seating himself on the throne, the world-enlightening luminary burst forth from his veil of clouds, and filled the universe with his effulgent brightness. All present in that great assembly, Shah-zadahs, Amirs, and people, thereupon arose, doffed their caps, unloosed their girdles and cast them over their shoulders, and bent the knee nine times. I cannot here enter into farther details, which are highly interesting; space forbids. It took place at the ancient yurat within the limits of Kara-Kuram, the urdu of Kalur-an, in the year of the Hog, in the month of Zi-Kadah—the eleventh month—of the year 648 H., or February, 1251 A.D. son of Tuli, the youngest of the Chingiz Khan's sons, who was removed from the world in the day-time of youth, and never enjoyed dominion; and, whereas, I, Batu, shall place him on the throne, in reality I shall be the sovereign." All ratified this opinion. ### [286.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.3) When they were about to place Mangu Khan on the throne, Barka, the Musalman, said: "The empire of the infidels hath departed, and the dominion of every pagan monarch who ascends the throne of sovereignty will not endure. If ye desire that the rule of Mangu shall continue, and be prolonged, let him pronounce the \[Musalman\] confession of faith, in order that his name may be inscribed in the register of the Islamis, and then let him ascend the throne." This was concurred in, and Mangu repeated the confession of faith. Then Barka, taking him by the arm, seated him on the throne; and all the Mughal rulers paid homage unto him, with the exception of the tribe and dependents and sons of Chaghatae, who began to act in a contumacious manner, and showed a rebellious spirit. They were desirous of acting in a perfidious manner, and of falling unexpectedly upon the camp of Mangu Khan, to capture him, and put him to death. They \[the sons of Chaghatae\] despatched confidential persons to the presence of Mangu Khan, saying: "When thou ascendest the throne we propose to come to thy presence for the purpose of tendering our congratulations and observing the custom of felicitation." With this pretence they issued forth from their place of abode, with a host of horsemen well organized and armed; ### [286.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.4) and their determination was to make a night attack upon Mangu Khan, slay him and Batu also, and overcome their adherents, and seize upon the sovereignty: "man proposes, but God disposes." It was the decree of Heaven that a camel-man, from the camp of Batu and Mangu Khan, who had lost his camel, set out towards the open country in search of it, and was roaming about in every direction, when, suddenly, he fell among the army of the sons of Chaghatae. On becoming aware of the circumstances of this army, to every one who inquired of him to whose following or retinue he belonged—as the appearance and dialect of the camel-men of the army of Chaghatae’s sons was the same as his own—he made himself out to be a camel-man of one of their Amirs, until night came, when, seizing the opportunity, the camel-man got away from among the forces of the sons of Chaghatae, and returned to the camp of Batu and Mangu Khan, and made them acquainted with the matter. When that information reached the hearing of Mangu time when all was jubilee, and there was no suspicion of such treachery, and no precaution taken, Shiramun, grandson of Uktae, and son of Kuchu, Naku or Nakue, son of Kyuk, and Kunuku, son of Karachar, son of Oktae, combined together, and arrived near unto the urdu of Mangu Ka'an. Along with them were a great number of carts full of arms, and in their hearts they meditated treachery and perfidy towards Mangu. ### [286.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.5) It so happened, however, that a kosh-chi—that is to say, a camel-man, whose name was Kashak, a Kankuli, in the immediate service of the Ka'an—had lost one of his camels. In search of this animal he was wandering about the open country, when, suddenly, he found himself in the midst of an army, and saw a countless number of carts. As he proceeded onwards, pretending to take no notice, he came upon a boy seated before a broken cart. The boy, thinking he was one of the followers of the force, asked him to aid him in mending it. Kashak dismounted from his horse for the purpose, when, to his great astonishment, instead of drinkables and other necessaries for a banquet, he found implements of war and arms concealed in the cart, under other things. He inquired of the boy: "What are these?" He replied: "Only arms, such as are contained in all the other carts;" and, on further inquiry, Kashak discovered that this force consisted of the followers of Shiramun, Nakue, and others, who were proceeding towards the Ka'an's urdu to offer their congratulations, and to hold a banquet. Being aware that banquets were not furnished from carts full of arms, nor congratulations offered, he, after helping to mend the cart, and obtaining other information, got out of the camp of Shiramun and the other Shah-zadahs, and performed a three days' journey in one. ### [286.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.6) Without waiting to ask permission, he rushed into the presence of Mangu Ka'an, and before all those there assembled cried out: "Here are ye all occupied in amusement and mirth, while foes have arisen against ye, and are close at hand!" and he related what he had beheld and heard. Mangu would not believe it; and the Shah-zadahs and Amirs present thought Kashak must be exaggerating; nevertheless, the Nu-yin, Mungusar, or Mangusar, the principal of Mangu's Nu-yins, was despatched, with 2000 or 3000 horse, to gain information. When the next morning broke, Mungusar pushed on, at the head of 500 chosen horse, nearer to the position where the camp of the rebels was situated, and while he was reconnoitring a large body of horsemen were observed approaching. It was Shiramun and his party, issuing from their camp. Mungusar was soon joined by the Shah-zadah, Muka, and the Gurgan, Chuchal, the Karayit, and an additional force despatched by Mangu to his support, and they completely surrounded Shiramun, Naku, and Kunuku. The Fanakati says Mangu, on becoming aware of this, despatched the Nu-yin, Mungusar, with 3000 men, to meet them, and that he met Shiramun at the head of 500 horse, despatched by the conspirators in advance. ### [286.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.7) The Nu-yin said to him: "They say ye are coming with evil designs in your hearts. If this is not true, pass on without fear or hesitation to the presence; otherwise I am directed to arrest thee and take thee prisoner thither." Shiramun denied all evil intentions, and asserted that they were all only attended by their usual retinues. As the others arrived, they and their followers were disarmed, as the party of Shiramun had been already, and the Princes and their Amirs were divided into nines—the number venerated by the Mughals—and, in that manner were allowed to enter the audience-tent or khargah; and, soon after, the Amirs with them were admitted to make their obeisances. An- Khan, after taking ample care and caution, he caused the entertainment was given, which lasted three days, and nothing whatever was said to them, nor was a question asked. On the fourth day, however, command was given that all the followers of the disaffected Princes and their partisans should depart each to their own yurats, under pain of death if they should be found to remain after that order. A body of troops was detailed to guard the disaffected Princes and Amirs, and Mangu, in concert with his chief Nu-yins, Amirs, and Ministers, on the sixth day, proceeded to inquire into their conduct. The Ata-Bak of Prince Shiramun was closely questioned about the plot. He at first denied all knowledge of it; but, on being bastinadoed, he confessed, and immediately stabbed himself; and Shiramun also confessed. ### [286.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.2.8) The seven Nu-yins directed to try the Princes declared them guilty, and, moreover, the conspirators themselves now confessed their plot. Mangu is said to have been inclined to pardon them, but this his Nu-yins and Amirs strongly opposed. He therefore directed that they should all be imprisoned until he had time to consider what should be done with them. After a few days, Mangu again summoned his Counsellors, and asked their advice upon the matter. Some said one thing, some another, but in such wise as not to satisfy the Ka'an. Then his Wazir, Mahmud, Yalwaj, related the anecdote respecting Aristotle's reply to Alexander, about rooting up all the old trees in the garden, and replacing them with young scions, which story has done duty in scores of instances, and is applied by Firishtah, the Dakhani Historian, to the Turk chiefs in the Panjab in the reign of Ghiyas-ud-Din, Balban—the Ulugh Khan of this History, the father-in-law of Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah, and his successor on the throne of Dihli. ### [286.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3.1) After hearing the anecdote, Mangu Ka'an understood the necessity there was for completely crushing this faction, and he gave command for them to be put to death. As some of the conspirators had not yet been brought to justice, such as Ughul Kuimish, the chief Khatun of Kyuk Khan, and Khwajah Aghul, her son, Mangu Ka'an was not yet safe from their designs, and he therefore despatched troops to compel the disaffected to submit. One army, said to have contained ten tomans, probably two, was despatched to the Ulug Tagh and to Tuljae and which lie between Bigh-Baligh and Kara-Kuram, with orders to join the Nu-yin Alghu, who was in the district of Kaialik, and to advance as far as the border of Utrar, and act in concert, and the Nu-yin, Buka, with two tomans, was despatched to Kirghiz or Kirakir and Kum-Kumjiut. The Chinese say that, in the year 1250 A.D. \[commencing on the 4th of April, 648 H.\], in the year of his accession to the throne, and about the same time, "as he put down the rebellion, Mengko ordered Holitay, one of his generals, to enter Tibbat, and to put to death all who refused to submit to the Mughals" \[to himself?\]. The Bitik-chi, Shalamun, was despatched to summon Ughul Kuimish Khatun, and her son, Khwajah. He proposed to put the envoy to death, but one of his Khatuns persuaded him against committing such an act, and advised his presenting himself, without delay, in the presence of the Ka'an. ### [286.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3.2) Ughul Kuimish Khatun refused to obey the command of Mangu, and abused and upbraided him before his envoy. Mangu was much enraged when he heard of it, and commanded that she should be brought, with hands bound, to his mother's urdu to be tried. In due time Ughul Kuimish, the Khatun of Kyuk, and Kadakaj, the Khatun of Kothue, son of Uktae, the mother of Shiramun, and Tulbashi, the Khatun forces to be got ready, and moved out to meet and engage of Yassu-Munga, two sons of the Nu-yin, Ilchikdae, and the Christian, Kadak, the chief minister of Kyuk Khan, among others, were brought in, tried, and their guilt established, Shiramun’s mother and other Khatuns were sent to the Urdu of Siur Kukiti Bigi, Mangu’s mother, to be dealt with; and they were rolled up in felts, and drowned. The Shah-zadahs, Nu-yins, and Amirs, were beaten on their mouths with stones until they died. That they “were choked by having earth or stones forced into their mouths,” as we are informed in the “Mongols Proper,” is merely a wrong translation from some “muddy stream” Persian author \[or an incorrect translation from the foreign rendering of the Persian\], in which sang or has been mistaken for Buri, and some others, were sent to the presence of Batu Khan to be dealt with, and, their crime having been proved, they too were put to death. The Nu-yin, Ilchikdae, the destroyer of Hirat, and slayer of its inhabitants, was likewise seized at Badghais, and subsequently put to death. ### [286.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3.3) No less than seventy-seven or seventy-eight members altogether of the family of the Khan, Nu-yins, and Amirs, perished on this occasion; and, in consequence of these executions, enmity arose among its members, which was never afterwards extinguished. Rubruquis, who reached Mangu’s urdu in January, 1254 A. D. — the last month of 651 H. — and was present during these executions, says that three hundred lords, besides ladies, perished. He describes Mangu Ka’an as being of middle stature, flat-nosed, and about forty-five years old. “He sat on a bed \[couch\], and was clad with a robe of spotted fur, which shined like seal-skin. His wife \[one of his wives\], who was a little pretty woman, sat by him; and, on another couch near, sat one of his daughters \[by his chief Khatun\], named Shirin, grown up, but exceedingly hard favoured, and several little children; for that being her \[Shirin’s\] mother’s urdu (a Christian lady whom the Khan was very fond of), she was mistress of it. On the 14th of January, the Khan’s chief wife Kotola Katen \[the name of the Khan’s chief wife was Khankae Khatun\] attended the Christian chapel with her children.” ### [286.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3.4) Mangu having now put down all sedition, the natural goodness of his heart disposed him to show kindness to his remaining kinsmen. He directed that Shiramun, Naku, and the Nu-yin, Chaghan, should accompany his brother, Kubilae Khan, into Khita, and Khwajah Aghul, son of Kyuk Khan, received an appanage in the territory of Salingah, or Salingae, “which is near unto Kara-Kuram;” and, in the same manner, he assigned appanages to others of his kinsmen, wherein they might pass their days in affluence. The loyal Shah-zadahs were now also dismissed to their different urdus, and also Batu Khan’s brothers, Barkae, and Buka-Timur, who had rendered such good service, and had the longest distance to go. They were dismissed with rich presents, and bore along with them befitting offerings for the Aka, Batu, the Sa-in Khan. The sons of Kutan, Kadan \[Kadghan?\] Aghul, and Malik Aghul, were also rewarded, and allowed to depart to their stations; and on Kara-Hulaku, son of Mutukan, son of Chaghatae, his father’s appanage, which his uncle, Yassu-Munga, had usurped, was conferred, but when he reached Alae —— death overtook him. ### [286.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3.5) Kashak, the kosh-chi, or camel-man, was rewarded, raised to high rank, and made a Tarkhan. The administration of the revenue affairs of the eastern part of the empire was conferred upon the Sahib, Mahmud, Yalwaj, who had, of old, done such good service, and who had reached Mangu’s urdu previous the army of the sons of Chaghatae, and repel them. Before they could reach the camp of Mangu Khan, he, with his own forces, and the troops of Batu, fell upon that array, wielded the sword among them, and despatched about ten thousand Mughals of rank and renown, leaders of armies \[!\], to hell ; and extirpated all who belonged to the army or were dependents of Chaghatae’s sons ; and set his mind at ease. Mangu Khan now became firmly established in the sovereignty, and ascended the throne of Chin and Upper Turkistan, and carried out his measures so that not a trace of the tribe of Chaghatae remained upon the face of the earth, with the exception of one or two of Chaghatae’s sons who proceeded towards Chin, to the presence of the Altan Khan of Tamghaj. ### [286.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286.3.6) Subsequently to that, Mangu Khan despatched forces to the Kuhistan of the Mulahidahs; and, during several years, the Mughals overran that territory, pitched their camps therein, and took up their quarters in that country. The inhabitants of the Kuhistan became thereby reduced to misery and wretchedness; and the Mughals gained possession of their fortresses and cities, and demolished their strongholds, and the Mulahidahs fell. The account of them is as follows. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.286) · Pramāṇa