[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri) › [Tabakat-i-Nasiri](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty) › 287 # The Nāṣirī Generations 287: ACCOUNT OF THE FALL OF THE MULAHIDAHS—ON THE WHOLE OF WHOM BE GOD’S CURSE! Tabakat-i-Nasiri 287 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [287.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1) — 8 parts - [287.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2) — 8 parts - [287.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3) — 7 parts - [287.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4) — 9 parts - [287.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5) — 8 parts ### ACCOUNT OF THE FALL OF THE MULAHIDAHS—ON THE WHOLE OF WHOM BE GOD’S CURSE! ### [287.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.1) The reason for despatching forces into the territory and against the fortresses of Mulhidistan was this. At the outset of the career and time of Hasan-i-Sabbah—God's curse upon him!—who instituted the rules of the Mulahidah sect, and founded the canons of that heresy, he restored and strengthened the fortresses of Alamut which he purchased, along with the fortress of Lanbah-Sar, which was \[afterwards became, and was at this time\] the capital of the chief Mulahid \[heretic\], whom that sect used to style "The Maulana" — God curse them all! — from the Dailamis for a large sum of money. Having brought there a pregnant female slave of his own, he represented to people, saying : “ She is pregnant by Mustansir, the Misri, \[the Ismaili Khalifah of Egypt\], and, flying from enemies, I have brought her to this place, for, from the lineage of this burden \[which she bears\] will spring the Imam-i-Akhir-i-Zaman and Mahdi-i-Awan," accompanied with vain and impotent words, the like of which no sensible person would allow to pass in his imagination, or enter his heart. God curse him ! ### [287.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.2) After he purchased those fortresses, he repaired the fortress of Alamut, and expended incalculable wealth in the restoration of, and providing that stronghold with stores and provisions. It is situated on a mountain in the vicinity of the city of Kazwin. The inhabitants of that city are all orthodox Sunnis, of pure faith, and unsullied belief ; and, through the Batiniah and Mulahidah heresy, continual fighting and contention used to go on between them \[and those heretics\]. Trustworthy persons have narrated that all the people and inhabitants of the city of Kazwin had entire sets of arms ready, and implements of warfare in preparation, to such degree, that all the bazar people were used to come completely armed to their shops ; and conflicts used to take place daily between the Kazwinis and the Mulahidahs of Alamut, up to the period when the outbreak of the Chingiz Khan took place, and the domination of the Mughals over Irak and the Jibal. Kazi Shams-ud-Din, the Kazwini, who was a sincere Imam and truly learned man, upon several occasions, travelled from Kazwin towards Khita, and suffered the distress of separation from country and home, until this time, during the sovereignty of Mangu Khan, when he again set out, and proceeded to his presence. In such manner as was feasible he endeavoured to obtain aid, and gave an account of the wickedness of the Mulahidah and their sedition in the Muhammadan states. They \[the trustworthy persons\] also related in this wise, ### [287.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.3) To return to Mangu and the He related to the Ka'an—or manufactured for him—such atrocities on the part of the heretics—as might be expected from one so orthodox as himself—that Mangu was amazed; and he resolved in his mind that he would utterly destroy that sect. Having observed indications of capacity and fitness for sovereignty on the brow of his brother, Hulaku, he determined to nominate him to carry out his intention, and at the same time to take possession of, and secure, the territories to the west of Iran-Zamin—the real object in view, of course—namely, Sham, Rum, and Arman. Hulaku having been nominated, he was informed that the forces along with the Nu-yin, Tanju, and those lately under Jurmaghun, which had been previously despatched into Iran Zamin, all appertained to him; and likewise, in the same way, those which had been sent into Hindustan under the Bahadur, Ta-ir, after his death, came under the command of the Tattar Nu-yin, Sali. Sali, according to the Pro-Mughal writers, had subdued the country of Kashmir, and several thousand Kashmiri captives had been sent by him to the Ka'an’s urdu. There is still a Sali ki Sarae on the route from Rawal Pindi to Khanpur, an old place, and formerly of some importance. See page 844, where Sali is mentioned, and page 1135 Ta-ir’s death. ### [287.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.4) Vast preparations were made for Hulaku’s movement, and, besides the armies already in the countries of Iran-Zamin, Mangu commanded that, out of all the forces of the Chingiz Khan, that is, the various hazarahs already mentioned at page 1093, which he had assigned to and divided among his brothers, his sons, and brothers’ sons, out of every ten persons two should be selected \[they had vastly increased, too, since the time of the Chingiz Khan\] and sent to serve under Hulaku. The numbers are variously mentioned at from 120,000 to 180,000 horse. Besides these, a thousand families of Khita-i Manjanik-shis \[catapult workers\], Naft-Andaz \[naphtha-throwers\], and Charkh-Andaz \[shooters of fiery arrows worked by a wheel\] were to accompany him, and they brought along with them such a vast amount of missiles and stores appertaining to their peculiar branch of the forces as cannot be enumerated. They had with them also Charkhi Kamans \[wheeled arbalists\], worked by a wheel in such wise that one bow-string would pull three bows, each of which would discharge an arrow of three or four ells in length. These arrows or bolts, from the notch for the bow-string to near the head, were covered with feathers of the vulture and eagle, and the bolts were short and strong. These machines would also throw naphtha. The bolts of the catapults were made of ash, very tough and strong, and covered with the hides of horses and bullocks \[to prevent their being burnt\], like as a dagger in its sheath; ### [287.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.5) and each catapult was so constructed as to be capable of being separated into five or seven parts, and easily put together again. These catapults and mangonels were brought from Khita-e on carts into Turkistan, under the direction of skilful engineers and mechanists, but there is no evidence whatever to show that they had any knowledge of gunpowder, but quite the contrary. ### [287.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.6) As soon as the expedition had been determined on, agents were despatched in order that wheresoever the passage of the great host should be, from Karaguram to the Amuiah, all the available pasture-lands and grazing tracts should be laid under embargo \[the word used is kuruk, the same that is used with reference to the site of the subterranean chamber in which the Chingiz Khan was buried, but signifies enclosed as well as prohibited. The word is quite common in our district Law Courts in India\] for the use of the forces. Strong bridges were also constructed over the different rivers by the way to enable the great host to cross with ease and facility. Throughout the whole empire \[east of the Sihun probably\] orders were sent so that, for the use of the army, at the ratio of a taghār \[an earthen vessel of capacity; also a saddle-bag for holding corn or meal, which is probably meant here, and, of course, filled. Some authors state that a taghār is equivalent to 100 manns of Tabriz, others to 10 manns of Tabriz, equal to one kharwār\] of meal, and a khīg \[a skin or leather bottle of liquor\] for each man, should be collected. The Nu-yīn, Tanju, and his army, together with the troops which had previously been sent into I-rān-Zamīn under Jurmāghūn, now received orders to move towards the frontiers of Rūm. ### [287.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.7) All things being prepared, and the different Shāh-zādahs and Nu-yīns, and the Hazārahs, and Sadahs \[leaders of thousands, and hundreds\], having been nominated, the Nu-yīn, Kaibūḳā, the Nāeman, was sent at the head of 12,000 horse, as the advance or van of Hulākū's forces, in Jamādī-ul-Ākhir, 650 H. Kaibūḳā—Kitubuka is not correct—crossed the Āmūīah in the beginning of Muharram, 651 H. \[early in March, 1253 A.D.\], entered Khurāsān, which he reached in Rabī'-ul-Awwal, and occupied himself in the reduction of the Ḳuhistān. His first attempt, with 5000 horse and 5000 foot \[Tājzīk levies from the conquered states\], was against the strong fortress of Gird-Koh, already referred to, but he found it a much more difficult matter than he expected. He surrounded it with a wall, furnished with a ditch inside, towards the fortress, and raised another wall, with a ditch outside, and between these two walls placed his forces, more like one besieged than a besieger, to guard his force from the sallies of the Fidā-īs. All his efforts were useless, so he left a force there under Būrī, to watch that fortress, and moved himself towards Mihrīn-dujz—another stronghold of the sect. ### [287.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.1.8) He invested that likewise, placed catapults in position against it, left several Amīrs with troops to carry on the siege, and proceeded himself, with the rest of his forces, which, no doubt, had been greatly increased in point of numbers by the levies and contingents of those places in Khurāsān under the Mughal yoke, against the fort of Shāh-dujz, which he reached on the 8th of Jamādī-ul-Awwal, and slew a number of people outside, and then made towards the districts of Tāram and Rūd-bār, between Gīlān and Ḳazwīn. He then appeared with his forces before the fortresses of Manṣūriah and Alah-Bashīn, and for eighteen days tried his utmost to take them, but all his efforts were of no effect. He then faced about and moved into the Ḳuhistān again, drove off the flocks and herds of the people of Tūn, Turshīz, and Zar-Koh, slaughtered a vast number of people, and carried away a great number of captives. On the 10th of Jamādī-ul-Ākhir, he gained possession of Tūn and Turshīz, these being the first places that fell into his hands. On the 1st of Sha'bān he took Mihrīn-dujz, and, on the 27th of Ramazān, the Dujz-i-Kamālī also fell. ### [287.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.1) On the 9th of Shawwāl, the Fidā-īs of Gird-Koh made a sally at night upon the Mughals, destroyed their circumvallation, and slew the greater number of them, including their leader, Būrī. At this time a pestilence had broken out within Gird-Koh, and, as soon as 'Alā-ud-Dīn, Muḥammad, the Maulānā of the Mulāḥidah, had intimation of it, he at once despatched Mubāriz-ud-Dīn, 'Alī, Sarābānī, and Shujā'-ud-Dīn, Ḥasan, Tūrānī, with 110 picked men, to to the practice of Musalman dignity and religion, used Gird-Koh, with directions that each man should carry with him one mann of hinna and two manns of salt \[in all, about 21 or 24 lbs.\] — the Jami’-ut-Tawarikh says two of hinna and three of salt — because hinna had lately been discovered, accidentally, to be the antidote for the pestilence. The author of the “Mongols Proper” has, or his authorities, perhaps, have, made a very amusing story out of the above — for the source is evidently the same. He says, p. 194 : “One of the garrison \[of Girdkuh — i. e., “the Round Mountain” — so kuh is a mountain, perhaps — the same which Von Hammer turns into “Kirdkuh”\] escaped, and sent to Alaeddin, the Grand Vizier to ask for help. He sent two leaders, each with 110 troopers ; one to escort three mens of salt, the other three mens of henna,” etc. — equal to about one ounce of salt and hinna each, even if only 400 people were within the walls. ### [287.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.2) At this place, in Alfi, an anecdote is related respecting the discovery of hinna as a remedy for the disease which affected the defenders of several great fortresses, as our author relates, and which, from his account at page 1124, appears to have been scurvy or something very much like it. It is that the daughter of the Amir of that fortress was going to be married, and, on the night of the consummation of the marriage, the custom was to dye the bride's hands and feet with hinna. This was done ; and, those who applied the dye having afterwards washed their hands, some of the pestilence-stricken people, on account of the scarcity of water, drank that water, and recovered in a wonderfully short time. This seems but another version of our author’s account of the cure wrought by hinna in his description of the investment of Uk of Sistan, at the page above mentioned. I must now return to the movements of Hulaku. Before setting out for Iran-Zamin, he took leave of his brother Mangu, and his nephews, in order to return to his own urdus, where his wives and children were. Mangu Ka’an, before parting with him, gave him much wise counsel for his guidance. He enjoined him to observe the laws and ordinances of the Chingiz Khan ; ### [287.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.3) and, from the Jihun of Amuiah, to the extreme frontier of Misr, and Maghrib, to protect and cherish all who submitted to him, but to exterminate all those who did not, and to trample them into the dust of destruction, women, children, and all \[“in the true Circassian style”\], and to commence with the fortresses of the Mulahidahs in the Kuhistan. He was then to march into ’Iraq, and remove off the face of the earth the Lurs — a tribe of nomads so-called — and the Kurds, whose misdeeds \[in not submitting to the ameliorating Mughals, and which hardy race have, in these days, given offence, in the same way, to another “ameliorator,” and are to be exterminated as early as practicable\] never ceased ; then to call upon the Khalifah of Baghdad to submit ; and, if he should do so, not to molest him in the least ; but, if he showed arrogance, and refused, to send him to join the others. He was further advised to make judgment and sense his guide and model ; to be prudent and watchful ; to be mindful of the deceit and treachery of enemies ; to give tranquility to the people generally, and make them happy \[by killing them !\] ; to cause ruined places to be restored ; to subdue the contumacious, so that he might have plenty of places wherein to make his summer and his winter quarters ; and always, in all things, to consult and advise with Dukuz Khatun. This name is also written Tukuz, d and t being interchangeable. ### [287.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.4) She was a Karayat and a Christian, the daughter of Aighu or Aiku — written A-yaghu — in Alfi — a son of the Awang Khan. Hulaku greatly favoured the Christians on her stem language, in such manner that the wrath of sovereign vanished, and he came to terms, on condition of his demolishing his fortresses, and coming himself to do homage. Mangu Ka’an assumed that his brother Hulaku would take up his residence, permanently, in I-ran-Zamin; nevertheless, he told him that, after he had accomplished all these things, he should return to his urdu. Mangu now dismissed him, along with two of his wives, his sons, and Amirs; and sent along with him their brother, Tursutae Aghul, and some of their nephews to serve under him. Mangu, it is said, was greatly affected at parting with Hulaku, for he considered him the jewel in the diadem of the empire, and that both shed copious tears. He reached his own Urdus at the end of the year 650 H. The Tarikh-i-Jahan-gir and the Rauzat-us-Safa say that he returned to his urdus in the third month of 651 H., to make his preparations, but the Jami’-ut-Tawarikh says in Zi-Hijjah, 650 H. ### [287.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.5) He set out from his urdus for I-ran-Zamin on the 24th of Sha’ban, 651 H.—the Rauzat-us-Safa says he began his march in Ramazan, while the Jami’-ut-Tawarikh says it was in Zi-Hijjah, 651 H.—having made his son, Balgha Aghul, his representative there during his absence, as that son’s mother was the greatest in rank among his wives, two of whom, and two sons, went with him. The Jami’-ut-Tawarikh, in one place, says Jumghur was left in charge, and, in another place, that it was Ajae who was left. A vast army accompanied him; and in due time he reached Almaligh, where the Khatun Urghanah, one of Chaghatae’s widows, received and entertained him. Having moved from thence, on the frontier of Turkistan and Mawara-un-Nahr, the Sahib, Mas’ud Bak, and several other Amirs, received him. He passed some months of 652 H. in those parts; and, in Sha’ban, 653 H.—about October, 1253 A.D.—reached Samrkand, having been just two years on the road. He encamped in the mead of Kand-Gul, where Mas’ud Bak had a great tent pitched for him of nasich—a species of silken fabric woven with gold—and passed forty days there, happily, but for the death of his brother, Tursutae Aghul, who had been long ailing, and who was there buried. ### [287.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.6) Hulaku, after this stay, marched to Kash, afterwards known as Shahr-i-Sabz, at which place he remained a month; and there the Amir, Arghun Aka, the administrator of I-ran-Zamin, from Tus \[in the previous year, when Rubruquis returned to Europe, the Amir, Arghun Aka was at Tauris, who, as he remarks, collected the tribute\], as in duty bound, waited on him to give up charge of that region, after which he was to return to the presence of the Ka’an, and there, also, came Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, the Kurat from Hirat—some say he presented himself to Hulaku at Samrkand. ### [287.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.7) Whilst at Kash, Hulaku issued a farman to the Sultans and Rulers of I-ran-Zamin, pretending that the object of his coming was to destroy the strongholds of the Mulahidahs for the sake of the people of those parts, “who,” he said, “have sought the protection of the Ka'an, and made complaint unto him;” “the people,” in this case, being our Kazi! The object stated was as specious and illusive as an invasion of the same nature in these days—it was to appropriate the territories of the weak. “If ye present yourselves in person,” he said, “and render assistance, your services will be reignty overcame Mangu Khan; for the Kazi applied the words feebleness and infirmity to his government and power. Mangu Khan said: "What weakness hath the Kazi observed in our kingdom that he gives utterance to such like alarming words as these?" Kazi Shams-ud-Din replied: "What greater feebleness can there be than that the sect of Mulahidah has made several forts its asylum, notwithstanding that the creed of that sect is contrary to the Musalman faith, and also to the Christian and Mughal belief? They parade their riches and they wait in expectation of this, that, if your power should sustain any decline or reverse, the sect will rise in the midst of those mountains and in those fortresses, and overthrow the remainder of the people of Islam, and not leave the trace of a Musalman." ### [287.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.2.8) This reality influenced and roused the mind of Mangu Khan to the reduction of the fortresses and territories of Mulhidistan, and the Kuhistan of Alamut. A mandate was accordingly issued so that the forces which were in the countries of I-ran and 'Ajam, from Khurasan and 'Irak, turned their faces to the territory of the Kuhistan and the tract of Alamut; and, during a period of ten years or more, they took the whole of the cities and fortresses, and put the whole of the Mulahidah to the sword, with the exception of the women and children, all the remainder being sent to hell ; and the potency of the verse — " Thus do we cause one oppressor to overcome another” — was made manifest. ### [287.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.1) This votary, who is Minhaj-i-Saraj, the writer of this Tabakat, and author of this history, upon three different times, had occasion to travel into that part \[the Kuhistan\] on a mission. The first occasion was in the year 621 H., from the fortress of Tulak, after Khurasan had become cleared of the Mughal forces, on account of the scarcity of clothing, and dearth of some requisites, which had run out in consequence of the irruption of the infidels ; and people were distressed for necessaries of life. At the request of Malik Taj-ud-Din, Hasan-i-Salar, Khar-post, the author proceeded from the fortress of Tulak to Isfirar, in order to open the route for karwans. From thence he proceeded towards Ka-in, and from that place to the fort of Sar-i-Takht, and Jowarkher, and Farman-dih of the territory of the Kuhistan. At that time the Muhtashim \[of the Mulahidah\] was Shihab-i-Mansur, Abu-l-Fath. I \[the author\] found him a person of infinite learning, with wisdom, science, and philosophy, in such wise, that a philosopher and sage like unto him there was not in the territory of Khurasan. He used greatly to cherish poor strangers and travellers ; and such Musalmans of Khurasan as had come into proximity with him he was wont to take under his guardianship and protection. ### [287.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.2) On this account his assemblies contained some of the most distinguished of the 'Ulama of Khurasan, such as that Imam of the Age, Afzal-ud-Din, the Bamiani, and Imam Shams-ud-Din, Khusrau-Shahi, and other 'Ulama of Khurasan, who had come to him ; and he had treated all of them with honour and reverence, and showed them much kindness. They stated to this effect, that, during those first two or three years of anarchy in Khurasan, one thousand honorary dresses, and seven hundred horses, with trappings, had been received from his treasury and stables by 'Ulama and poor strangers. As the kindness and benefactions towards, and association and intercourse of this Muhtashim, Shihab, with the Musalmans became frequent, the Mulahidah sect sent accounts to Alamut saying: "Very soon the Muhtashim, Shihab, will give the whole of the property of the Da'wat-Khanah \[General Bounty Fund\] to the Musalmans;" and, from Alamut, a mandate came for him to proceed thither; and the government of the Kuhistan was conferred upon the Muhtashim, Shams \[ud-Din\], Hasan-i-Ikhtiyar. ### [287.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.3) When this servant of the victorious government returned from the presence of the Muhtashim, Shihab, he proceeded, for the purpose of purchasing the necessary clothing, to the city of Tun, and from thence returned to Ka-in, Isfirar, and Tulak again. After some time, it happened that, in 632 H., the author chanced to proceed from Tulak to the presence of Malik Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-'Usman, the Maraghani—may he rest in peace!—at Khaesar of Ghur, and, at the request of that august Malik, consented to go on a mission towards the territory of the Kuhistan Din, ’Umr, and of Taj-ud-Din, ’Usman. Abi-Bikr,— that is Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Abi-Bikr — the Maraghani, was put to death soon after, along with Mangatae, the Mughal shahnah, when the Hiratis threw off the yoke, leaving, as I suppose, among other children probably, a daughter, who was given in marriage to Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad, son of Taj-ud-Din, ’Usman, our author’s chief of Khaesar of Ghur, who thus married his cousin. The Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, the first of the dynasty, is the son of the said Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, our author’s patron, who died in 643 H. Most of the works which give an account of the Kurat dynasty, including Alfi, state that Malik Rukn-ud-Din was the maternal grandfather of Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, while Fasih-i states distinctly, in several places, that Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, was Rukn-ud-Din’s son, and Rukn-ud-Din, Abi-Bikr’s son. ### [287.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.4) Both statements, according to what I have mentioned above, would be quite correct — Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Abi-Bikr, would be the maternal grandfather, and Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, of our author, would be Shams-ud-Din’s father, and, at the same time, nephew and son-in-law of the first-mentioned Rukn-ud-Din; but even then the Saljuki descent does not appear. It is said that, “when Malik Rukn-ud-Din used to attend the camp of the Chingiz Khan, and Uktae Ka’an, and the Mughal Nu-yins, he used to take Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, along with him, so that he became acquainted with the Mughal usages and regulations.” This too is not incompatible. When taken to the Chingiz Khan’s camp, he went with his maternal grandfather, Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-Abi-Bikr, and, when he attended at Uktae’s, he accompanied his father, Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman. A member, apparently, of the same family, Amir Muhammad, the Maraghani, was killed in the fortress of Ashiyar of Gharjistan. He had done good service against the Mughals \[see page 1077\]. In 643 H., Malik Rukn-ud-Din \[’Usman\] died; and he, previous to his death, nominated his son, Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, heir and successor to his fief. In 646 H., Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, proceeded into Turkistan, to the urdu of the Ka’an, for the purpose of being confirmed in the fief; ### [287.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.5) and, during one of the affairs in which the Ka’an was engaged against his enemies, Mangu’s notice was drawn to Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, who was greatly distinguishing himself. The Ka’an inquired who he was; and, when he was informed, he caused a yarligh to be issued confirming him in his father’s fief of Ghur, and added thereto that of Hirat, Gharjistan, Sawah, Farah, and Sijistan, subject, of course, to the Mughal authorities in I-ran-Zamin. In that same year, previous to proceeding to the urdu of the Ka’an, Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, is said to have slain Malik Nusrat-ud-Din, ’Ali, the Saffari, son of Bahram Shah, ruler of Nimroz, whose maternal grandfather was ’Izz-ud-Din, ’Umr, the Maraghani, and Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad’s great uncle on both the father’s and mother’s side, but our author was unacquainted, seemingly, with the facts respecting Malik Nusrat-ud-Din, ’Ali’s death. See pages 193 and 197. When Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, appeared before Mangu Ka’an, he inquired of him: “Wherefore didst thou slay Malik ’Ali?” He replied: “I slew him for this reason that the Ka’an might make the inquiry of ‘Wherefore didst thou kill him?’ and not inquire of him why he had killed me.” Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, likewise obtained possession of the fortress of Bakar—— which, from the time of Nushirwan, no one second time, in order that the route for karwans might be had been able to possess himself of by force. It is the name of a fortress of Sijistan. ### [287.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.6) Subsequently, in 647 H., he slew the Malik of Gharjistan, Saif-ud-Din—who he was is doubtful, but a kinsman probably—within the territory of Hirat. The reason is obvious. After his return from the urdu of the Ka'an, with the investiture of these different tracts, in which were situated several of the great fortresses mentioned previously by our author, he had to gain possession of them if he could; and the chiefs in possession of them were not inclined to give them up, and submit to the Kurat, like as the Hakims of Tal-kan, Sawah, and Tulak, had done. No further particulars are given of these events. Our author probably may not have known from personal observation that Malik Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, had become a feudatory of the Mughals, for he left his native country and retired into Hind in 623 H., but he could scarcely have failed to hear of it afterwards. However, he does not say the Malik was not a feudatory: he is only silent on the subject. There is no mention of Khaesar being a strong fortress, although it is most probable that it was such. Yet we cannot fail noticing, that, when all other places were assailed by the Mughals, captured, or compelled to submit, Khaesar of Ghur was left unmolested. The reason is palpable—Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, had made his submission to the Mughals through the Nu-yin, Ilchikdae, who was a nephew of the Chingiz Khan to boot. ### [287.3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.3.7) We are told, at page 1006, that the Chingiz Khan conferred upon Malik Taj-ud-Din, Habashi-i-'Abd-ul-Malik, Sar-i-Zarrad, the territory of Ghur, with the title of Khusrau of Ghur. In this case Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, must have been subordinate to him, or the territory of Khaesar must have been distinct, by virtue of its Malik being also subject to the Mughal yoke, but he soon threw it off, and, fighting against them, was killed. Nine years after the Nu-yin, Mangutah \[Mr. Dowson’s “Mangu Khan.” See page 809\], abandoned the siege of Uchchah, as has been recorded, and at whose appearance on the Sind or Indus in the year 644 H., Malik Saif-ud-Din, Hasan, the Karlugh, had fled from Multan, Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, the Kurat, son of Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, accompanied the Nu-yin, Sali, into Hind. Having entered it, “Sali despatched Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, to Multan, in 654 H., on a mission to that Shaikh of Shaikhs, Baha-ud-Din, Zakaria—commonly styled, at this day, Baha-ul-Hakk, whose tomb we had to batter so much during the siege of Multan in 1848-9—and an accommodation was agreed upon. The sum of 100,000 dinars was paid to secure this accommodation, and probably to save Multan from being sacked; and a Mamluk of Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad’s, named the Chingiz Khan, was \[made?\] Hakim at Multan.” See pages 711, 784, 792, and 844. ### [287.4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.1) “From thence the Nu-yin, Sali, with Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, the Kurat, proceeded towards Luhawur—Lahor—where, at that time, was Kurit or Kurat Khan—\[sic. There was a Kuret Khan among the Maliks of Dihli, No. XV., but he was never feudatory of Lahor, and was dead before this period\].” He was probably no subject of the Dihli kingdom, for, at this time, Lahor had been lost to it, and the Khokhars are said to have occupied the ruins of Lahor after its sack by the Mughals in 639 H. “Sali entered into an accommodation with this person,” whoever he might have been, “on the payment of dinars, kharwars—loads sufficient to load an ass with—of soft fabrics, and 100 captives.” reopened. From Khaesar he \[the author\] proceeded “After this, the subordinates of the Nu-yin, Sali, plotted against Malik Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, upon which he retired from Hind, and set out to return to Shur. On the way he was arrested and detained by Malik 'Imad-ud-Din, the Ghuri. Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, on this, despatched a trusty agent to the Bahadur, Ta-ir, then commanding the troops in those parts \[and, consequently, if this be true, this Ta-ir could not have been killed at Lahor in 639 H., as our author states at page 1135\], telling him of his seizure and detention while on his way to his, Ta-ir’s presence. Ta-ir directed his release, and he came to Ta-ir’s urdu, and, after that, he retained Shams-ud-Din, Muhammad, near his own person.” ### [287.4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.2) In a book published at the commencement of this Afghan crisis, entitled History of Afghanistan from the Earliest Period, by Colonel G. B. Malleson C.S.I., we are told, at page 114, with reference to the year 1249, that “In that year, Shir Khan, the governor of the Panjab for the King of Dehli Nasir-u-Din Mahmud, invaded Afghanistan, seized upon Ghazni and Kabul, and annexed them to the Dehli monarchy. It is probable that they were speedily recovered, for not only, in subsequent years, do we find the Moghols making repeated incursions into India, but in the year 1336 traces appear of a new Afghan dynasty seated on the throne of Ghazni, owning subordination to, and acknowledging the suzerainty of, the Moghols of Central Asia.” Now the text above translated—The Tabakat-i-Nasiri—was dedicated to, and named after the Nasir-ud-Din, Mahmud Shah, who is referred to in the above extract, and in no work extant will such details be found respecting his reign in particular, and also the history of the Ghuris. Indeed all later historians obtain their information from this Tabakat, for there was no other contemporary writer but its author, that we know of, who gives such details. ### [287.4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.3) Sher Khan, i.e. the Lion Khan—Sher signifying Lion, but as in the work above referred to, signifies—The Milk \[and Water?\] Khan—is no other than the great Malik, the cousin of Ulugh Khan-i-A’zam, a memoir of whom is given at page 791, and who was living when our author finished his work, and was personally known to him. Nothing of the above romantic statements as to “the throne of Ghazni” and “Kabul” will be found recorded in the text, for the reason that they never happened; and nowhere will such be found save in Dow, Briggs, and Firishtah. The events of the year 647 H.—1249 A.D.—will be found at pages 685 and 820. The following year, Sher Khan-i-Sunkar re-took Multan from the Mughals, and, in the year in question, ousted a rival Malik of the Dihli Court, who was disaffected, and intriguing with the Mughals, from Uchchah; and, soon after, he actually had himself to retire to the urdu of Mangu Ka'an, while his rival went to Hulaku. The reason of this will be found fully explained by our author respecting the disorders in the Dihli kingdom. This re-capture of Multan and seizure of Uchchah is what the Dakhani compiler, Firishtah, made Ghaznin of, but even he and his translators only make “Shere, the emperor’s nephew \[which he was not\], take Ghaznin,” not Kabul too. Col. Malleson then adds:— ### [287.4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.4) “The new Afghan dynasty, like that which preceded it, came from Ghor. Probably \[!\] it was the chief of the Afghan tribe \[sic. tribe!\] in the Ghor mountains to whom the Moghol suzerain delegated his authority. They towards Farah, and from thence to the Kala'-i-\[fort of\] Kah of Sistan, then on to the Hisar \[fortified or walled town\] of Karah, and to Tabas and the fort of Muminabad, and thence to Ka’in. At Ka’in the author saw the Muhtashim, Shams, who was a man of the military profession. From this latter place the author returned to Khaesar. ### [287.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.5) When the year 623 H. came round, the writer of this, who is Minhaj-i-Saraj, determined to undertake a journey into Hindustan; and, as a requirement for the journey into that country, with the permission of Malik Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-’Usman, the Maraghani, of Khaesar \[of Ghur\], he proceeded to Farah, in order that a little silk might be purchased. On his arriving in the neighbourhood of Farah, Malik Taj-ud-Din, Binal-Tigin, the Khwarazmi, mention of whom has already been made in the Section containing the account of the Maliks of Nimroz, was ruling the country of Sistan. Hostility had arisen between him and the Mulahidahs on account of the fort of Jahan-Shahi, which is adjacent to the town of Neh, and he had retired defeated before them, and came to Farah. Fear \[of them\] had overcome him; and, of the men of note who were along with him, among those on whom he was relying to proceed into the Kuhistan to effect an accommodation, and make terms between him and the ruler of the Kuhistan, the Muhtashim, Shams, not one of them, the notables of his Court, was equal to undertake the journey, until they acquainted him \[Binal-Tigin\] with the news of the arrival of this votary, Minhaj-i-Saraj, in the vicinity of Farah. ### [287.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.6) Malik Taj-ud-Din, Binal-Tigin, despatched a led horse, and a deputation of persons of note to receive him, and call him. When the author reached his presence, the Malik made a request, saying: “It behoveth thee to do the favour of effecting a peace, and to proceed into the Kuhistan. The son of Malik Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-'Usman, will accompany thee in this important enterprise—thou \[wilt go\] under the designation of an envoy, and he, under the name of a mediator.” In conformity with this solicitation, the author proceeded towards the Kuhistan. The Mulahidahs were then before the town of Neh; and, after having reached the confines of the Kuhistan, it was necessary to come back again; and the author proceeded to Neh, and the accommodation between Malik Taj-ud-Din, Binal-Tigin, and the Mulahidah Muhtashim, Shams, was effected. ### [287.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.7) When the author had returned from that journey, and had again reached the presence of Malik Taj-ud-Din, Binal-Tigin, the latter said: “It is necessary for thee to go a second time, and demand war from the Mulahidah;” but this servant of the state did not consent to set out on a second journey, as he had determined upon undertaking a journey into Hindustan, and entertained a very great predilection for this journey. This refusal on the part of this votary did not meet with the approval of Malik Taj-ud- Din, Binal-Tigin, and he commanded so that they detained him \[the author\] for forty-three days in the fort of Safhed of Sistan, and prohibited his going beyond the walls, until Malik Rukn-ud-Din, Muhammad-i-'Usman, of Khaesar—may he rest in peace!—despatched letters from Ghur to Malik Taj-ud-Din, Binal-Tigin. The author, likewise, composed a poem conformable with the case of his confinement; and, by the favour of the Most High God, he obtained his liberation from that fortress. Five verses of that poem are here given that they may come under the august observation of the SULTAN OF THE SULTANS OF Islam, whose sovereignty be long prolonged! Amin. ### [287.4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.8) “How long shall my crystal tears on the amber \[like\] face, To the emerald spheres the coral hue impart? Since like unto smoke from Kumari wood are my sighs, It would not be astonishing were ye distilling rose-water, O tears! In disposition, neither am I vicious, nor is evil found in me; Why then am I a captive on the Safhed mount? I am not the Si-murgh, nor is this the mountain of Kaf— For ever pleasing to the parrot captivity will not be. Minhaj—The Straight Road—is best on the open highway: The straight road he findeth not, through restraint the fortress within.” The intermediate \[portion of the\] poem, and the entire copy of it, is not in existence, and hence it is thus abridged. May the Almighty preserve the Nasiri dominion to the utmost bounds of possibility! I now return to the subject of the history. In the territory of the Mulahidah there are one hundred and five forts—seventy forts in the Kuhistan territory, and thirty-five in the hilly tract of 'Irak, which they call Alamut. After the Mughal forces had occupied their territory some time, and a great number of captives of that sect had been slaughtered, the Maulana of the Mulahidah, 'Ala-ud-Din, Mahmud, son of Jalal-ud-Din, Hasan-i-Nau Musalman, was assassinated by one among his personal slaves, in the fortress of Lanbah-Sar, and the son of Ala-ud-Din, Mahmud, came out of that stronghold and proceeded to the Mughal camp. ### [287.4.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.4.9) They despatched him, along with his dependents and followers, to the presence of Mangu Khan, and command was given to put him to death on the way. All the forts of Mulhidistan were destroyed, and the Mughals took their cities and towns and demolished them, with the exception of the fort of Gird-Koh which lies between Khurasan and ’Irak. Up to this time, now kingdom, to tender his submission, and to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Mughal Ka’an. Hulaku received them, and treated them with honour, but despatched Zahir-ud-Din, the Bitik-chi, and two other men of note, to intimate to Khur Shah that, if he, Khur Shah, spoke truly with respect to his obedience and subjection, it behoved him to demolish his fortresses, and present himself in the audience tent of Hulaku. Khur Shah's reply, on dismissing them, was, that, whatever opposition his father may have displayed with regard to the Mughal Court, he had himself evinced naught save servitude and obedience; and he gave orders, in the presence of the agents, to dismantle several fortresses, such as Humayun-dujz, Alamut, Lanbah-Sar, and others, to throw down the battlements, carry away the gates to a distance, and begin to tear down the walls; but, for himself, he requested a delay of one year, after which he would present himself. ### [287.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.1) Hulaku perceived it was useless to send envoys again, and he therefore directed all the Mughal troops that were in ’Irak and other parts to advance, and close in upon the Mulahidah territory. Those on the right \[Bustam being the centre\], in Mazandaran, were under Buka Timur and the Nu-yin, Kuka I-yalka, while those on the left, under Nikudar Oghul and the Nu-yin, Kaibu, were to advance by way of Khwar—the name of a district or tract of country in the neighbourhood of Rai—which signifies low or sloping ground, but not necessarily "salt"—and Simnan, while Hulaku himself, with one toman of picked troops, advanced from Bustam on the 10th of Sha’ban, 654 H. Hulaku, notwithstanding he had said he would send no more envoys, again had recourse to negotiation, but, with the treachery inherent in the Mughal, and in some other northern barbarians, sent to Khur Shah saying: "Although our standards have advanced, and notwithstanding all the misdeeds he has been guilty of, if Khur Shah presents himself, he will be received; the past will be forgotten, and he will be exalted." After the Mughals had passed Firuz-koh, the envoys again returned, accompanied by Khur Shah's Wazir-i-Khas—Prime Minister—Kai-Kubad, to intimate that his master had agreed to demolish all the fortresses. ### [287.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.2) Khur Shah made, however, a special request, that Alamut and Lanbah-Sar should be left to his offspring, since they were the ancient homes of his family, and that he should be allowed a year's grace, to prepare certain presents and offerings worthy of the Mughal sovereign's acceptance, that the Muhtashims of Gird-Koh and the Kuhistan had been directed to present themselves, and that, in the mean time, all the other fortresses should be demolished. This temporizing was no match for the duplicity and wiles of the Mughal barbarian, who was aware what a difficult task he would have in order to capture the chief strongholds. Hulaku, still moving forward towards Lar and Damawand, passed, by the way, Shah-dujz, which was captured in two days; and, once more, he despatched his envoys. Khur Shah still refused to appear, but he notified that he would send his son, with a body of 300 militia \[as a contingent ?\] and demolish all the fortresses. His son came—a child of seven years old, whose mother was a concubine; but Hulaku, who waited at ’Abbas-abad of Rai to receive him, would not allow that the year 658 H. has drawn to its close, it will be a ### [287.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.3) an infant to remain in his camp, and sent him back. Then, to carry out his proposed treachery, Hulaku, in reply to Khur Shah, intimated that, in case there should be further delay in appearing himself, he had better send another of his brothers to relieve Shahan-Shah, who had been so long in the Mughal camp. Khur Shah then despatched another brother, Shahran-Shah—some call him Sherwan Shah—along with the Khwajah, Asil-ud-Din, the Zauzani, and 300 soldiers; and, on the 5th of Shawwal, 654 H., they reached his camp within the limits of Rai. On the 9th, they were sent back bearing a safe-conduct for Shah himself, with a message to the effect that, in consequence of the submission, and show of obedience of Khur Shah, the misdeeds of his father had been forgiven, and, as no improper conduct had been shown by himself, since he had succeeded his father, if he destroyed the fortresses as promised, he might expect the royal favour. After sending off this—the bearers filled with delight at the terms—Hulaku issued orders for the Mughal troops to form a cordon round about Maimun-dujz, the residence of Khur Shah, which was carried out, particularly on the part of Bulgha Timur and Kuka I-yalka, who approached it very closely, from the side of Astadar—or Astadarah—the same place as is mentioned in Jabah \[Yamah\] and Sahudah's \[Swidae's\] raid. ### [287.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.4) As soon as Khur Shah became cognizant of this suspicious proceeding, he sent a person to the Mughals, saying: "Since we have submitted, and are occupied in demolishing our fortresses, what is the object of your advancing into these parts?" By way of mockery they replied: "Because we are friends now, and there is no disagreement between us, we have come into your grazing lands, in order that our horses may enjoy a few days' rest, after which we again depart." On the 10th of Shawwal, the Mughals entered the Rud-barat or Rud-baran \[a district and town, between Gilan and Kazwin: it is the plural of rud-bar, and signifies a tract of many streams\] by the Yashkal or Bashgal Darah or Pass, on the road to Tal-kan, and commenced plundering and devastating the country round. On the 18th, the audience tent of Hulaku was pitched facing Maimun-dujz on the northern side; and, the next day, he reconnoitred the place preparatory to an attack; and, the following day, the troops completely encircled it, although the mountain, on which it is situated, is six farsakhs in circuit. Hulaku, however, when he beheld that impregnable fortress, saw that, to take it by storm, was utterly impossible, and that nothing else than reduction by famine was possible, and that that might not be effected for many years. He therefore held counsel with the Shah-zadahs and Amirs whether to invest it, or retire, and return next year, as the season was far advanced. ### [287.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.5) Most of them were for retiring, as winter was come—it was Shawwal, 654 H.—November, 1256 A. D.—the horses were emaciated, and forage was scarcely obtainable, and would have to be brought from the frontier districts of Kirman or Arman; but Buka-Timur, the Bitik-chi, Saif-ud-Din, and Amir Kaibuka, the Naeman, on the contrary, urged, that to retire now would be a show of weakness, and that, as a matter of necessity, they ought to remain until the affair assumed some tangible shape or other. So Hulaku again had recourse to duplicity, while traitors in the stronghold of the inexperienced Khur Shah helped its success: he despatched another envoy to Khur Shah, with a message tending to seduce him, by hopes of favour, to come down. The envoy said: "O Khur Shah! if, like a man, you come down and present yourself, you not only preserve your own life, but also the lives of all who are in this place with you. If, in the course of five days, you do not come, then make your fortress strong, and expect an assault ; for this is the last time that any one will come to you.” Rukn-ud-Din, Khur Shah, seeing the state of affairs, held counsel with his chief men; and no way appeared left open to him other than to surrender. ### [287.5.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.6) On the same day that this was determined on, he despatched, in advance of himself, another brother, Shah Kiya, along with the traitor— as I shall presently show— the Khwajah, Nasir-ud-Din, the Tusi, and other officials and leaders of his forces, to the presence of Hulaku, bearing presents and offerings befitting. On Friday, the 27th of Shawwal, they reached his camp ; and, on Sunday, 1st of Zi-l-Ka’dah, 654 H.— 12th November, 1256 A.D.— the Khudawand, Rukn-ud-Din, Khur Shah, having taken a last farewell of his ancestral home of two hundred years, accompanied by Asil-ud-Din, Zauzani, Mu’ayyid-ud-Din, the Wazir, and the sons of the Ra’is-ud-Daulah, and Muaffik-ud-Daulah, the same day presented himself in the camp of Hulaku, the Mughal. So, the strongly fortified town of Meimundiz” was neither besieged, nor was “the attack prosecuted with vigour,” because no attack was ever made, neither did “Rokn-ud-din propose terms to Khulagu,” as we are informed in the Mongols Proper, but quite the contrary. The traitor, Nasir-ud-Din, the Tusi, composed a verse on this event, the first half of which, not quite correctly rendered, is given by Von Hammer, who, in his account of the Isma’ilian, makes sad havoc among the names of persons and places. The verse is as follows, literally rendered ; — ### [287.5.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.7) “When the ’Arab year six hundred, fifty, and four, came round, On Sunday, the first of the month Zi-Ka’dah, at morning dawn, Khur Shah. Badshah of the Mulahidah, from his throne arose. And, in front of the throne of Hulaku \[Khan\], stood up.” When Khur Shah presented himself, Hulaku beheld a mere youth of inexperience and indiscretion, and, therefore, according to the pro-Mughal accounts, he treated him kindly, and gave him hopes of the Ka’an’s favour. Khur Shah, at Hulaku’s request, despatched one of his chief men, entitled Sadr-ud-Din, in order that all the fortresses which his father and forefathers had obtained possession of, in the Kuhistan, the Rud-barat, and Kumis— a district, or rather province, between Khurasan and ’Irak-i-’Ajam— full of military stores, magazines of provisions, and other valuable property, might be delivered up to the Mughal officials ; and, by Hulaku’s command, they are said to have been levelled with the ground— subsequently perhaps, as this would be a work of time only : Hafiz Abru says they amounted to some three hundred ; all but Lambah-Sar and Gird-Koh— but the number was only a little over a hundred— which the governors refused to give up, and which held out, particularly the latter, for twenty years after, as already mentioned. Pestilence at last broke out in Lambah-Sar, and most of its people perished. The rest abandoned it, and the Mughals destroyed it. ### [287.5.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287.5.8) The day after Khur Shah reached the Mughal camp, he gave orders to his dependants to leave Maimun-dujz; and his ancestral treasures, other valuable property, and library, he presented \[perforce\] to Hulaku as a pesh-kash, the whole of which Hulaku is said to have distributed among his officers. After this the latter turned his face towards Alamut. On reaching the foot of the stronghold, Shah was sent forward to request the seneschal to come been going on. Within it about 100 or 200 men have taken refuge, but, up to this time, it has not fallen into the hands of the Mughals. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.287) · Pramāṇa