[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri) › [Tabakat-i-Nasiri](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty) › 288.2 # The Nāṣirī Generations 288.2 Tabakat-i-Nasiri 288.2 - **Language:** English ### [288.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.1) Jang by the Mughals, and Dae-liu in the language of Khitae—that is, by the Chinese. Consequently, from these various statements, Ningaish or Tingnash is the ^Cara and Chaghan Jang and the Gandhar of the Mughals, which constitute the Manzi and Dae-liu of the Chinese, the Maha-Chin of the Hindus, and Kandhar of the Musalmans of Turkistan and Ma-wara-un-Nahr. I now return, after this necessary digression, to the request of the Ko-yang, Mukali, to enter this territory of whatever it may be. His request was complied with, and he entered that territory with his forces, plundered it, and obtained what his troops were in want of. I notice, in Elliot, vol. i, page 63, that “Waihind, capital of Kandahar, west of the Sind” is said to be called “Karajang” by the “Moghals.” This is a little out of the way, and must be an error certainly. This army under Kubilae and Mukali was “to enter Khitae \[which nearly all historians say was finally subdued in Uktae’s reign, and that the Altan Khan disappeared or hung himself. See note at page 1139\], Kara-Jang, Tibbat—doubtful: the word is written—and Tingkut, Solika or Sulika Kolt, and parts of Hind which adjoin Chin and Maha-Chin.” ### [288.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.2) The Chinese say that “Mengko,” as they style Mangu, made his brother Hu-pi-lay, governor of all the territories south of the great Kobi or Desert, that is, Tartary bordering on the Great Wall of China, Lyan-tong, and the conquered provinces of China. In Decr., 1252 A.D. \[Shawwal, the tenth month of 650 H.\], Hu-pi-lay was directed to attack Tai-li-Fu, in Yun-nan, and took along with him the general Hu-lyang-hotay \[Mukali?\], and Yanshi \[Mahmud, Yalwaj ?\]. About the same time envoys arrived at the urdu from Intu or Hintu \[Hind\], to render homage. This was about the very time that Malik Sher Khan-i-Sunkar, the cousin of Ulugh Khan-i-A’zam, left his fief of Tabarhindah, withdrew from Hind, and proceeded to the presence of Mangu Ka’an. See pages 695, 784, 792, 798, and note page 1223. In the same year—650 H.—Mangu Ka’an began to consider in what direction he should himself lead an army, and, therefore, he held another great feast at which the Shah-zadahs and Amirs appeared. This was held at a place called Kortukui Jiwan—the Jidan doubtless, referred to in note page 912, para. 4—which is situated in the middle of Mughalistan. This is the place where, according to tradition, Kublah Khan, the eighth of the Buzanjar dynasty \[see the note on the descent of the Turks, Tattars, and Mughals, page 896, para. 6\], and his followers, danced so much in the hollow of a tree, after he had obtained success over the Tattars, and the Altan forces, when he avenged his brother, Ukin-Barkak's death. ### [288.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.3) At this feast, Mangu was advised by Darkae, the Gurgan \[one of the sons-in-law of the Chingiz Khan\], an Amir of the tribe of Angiras-Kungkur-at Mughals, to invade Tingnash or Biktash \[Ningaish\]. Darkae added, as a reason for invading it, that it was near by, was that is to say here, unreduced and independent, and that it had hitherto been disregarded by them. This was not correct, however, if, as previously mentioned, the Mughals call this Tingnash or Biktash by the name of Kara-Jang, for that was invaded and plundered by the Mughal troops under Kubilae and Mukali, the Ko-yang, just before. Mangu Ka’an, in reply to this advice, remarked, that each of his uncles and brothers had subdued some country or other, and he would do the same \[he had already done so in the campaigns in the west under Batu Khan, but before he succeeded to the throne\], so, in the sixth year of his reign, in Muharram, 653 H. — February, 1254 A.D. — he determined to go to war with Tchukau \[possibly, Tchukang\], the Faghfur — the particular title given by Muhammadan writers to the ruler of Chin, but what language it is, is not said. Mangu accordingly left Artuk — or Artugh — sometimes written Irtuk and Irtugh — Bukah, his next younger brother, in charge of the uluses and urdus, and associated with him his eldest son, whose name is written in many ways equally uncertain — Asormaktay, Asorangtash, and Asomigias; but, as he makes no figure whatever in history, it is immaterial. ### [288.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.4) Respecting these events, the Chinese say that, in February, 1253 A.D. \[the last month of the year 650 H. The year 651 H. commenced on the 2nd March, 1253 A.D.\], “Mengko” assembled the Princes and Grandees at the river Onon, and determined upon sending armies to make further foreign conquests, “one into India and Kashmir, another into Korea, and a third against the Khalifah,” which was to be the most numerous, under his brother “Hyu-le-hu” \[Hulaku\]. Among the generals was “Kakan \[the Manjanik-chi?\] son of Ko-chey, son of Ko-pan-yu,” who were generals of the Chingiz Khan, a native of Ching, dependent on Wha-chew, in the district of Si-gan-Fu, capital of Shen-si, a very learned man. Hu-pi-lay \[Kubilae\] had assembled his forces the previous year \[1252 A.D. — 649-50 H.\], at Lin-tau-Fu, in Shen-si, entered Sew-chwen, and by difficult roads, through mountains and by precipices, reached the river Kin-sha or Kyang. At this period, great part of Yun-nan was ruled by Princes independent of China. Tali had a king of its own, and he was taken, with that city, in December of that year. “Hu-pi-lay” subdued several neighbouring Princes, and reached Tibbat, where several others submitted to him. After this he returned to his government, leaving Hu-lyang-hotay \[the Ko-yang Mukali?\] in command. ### [288.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.5) Again, in 1254 A.D. \[652 H., which commenced on the 20th Feby. 1254\], the Chinese writers state that “Mengko” again assembled the Princes and Grandees at the source of the river Onon, made many new regulations, and ordered the commanders of troops in China to lay in great magazines of provisions in such parts of Ho-nan as had walled cities. Hitherto the Mughals had only made incursions into Sew-chwen to pillage, and had often to retreat, subsistence \[as in Kubilae's case, to which this evidently refers\], and “Mengko” directed the general Wang-te-chin to rebuild several towns, and lay in stores of provisions. In 1256 A.D. \[the beginning of Rajab, the seventh month of the year 654 H.\], another great feast was held, and “Mengko” received the homage of all the Princes of his house. ### [288.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.6) Then it is related that “Mengko considered the urdu at or near Kara-Kuram too small for holding kuriltaes and keeping his Court; and so he commissioned Lyew-ping-chong to select a place in Tartary, who, from his great scientific attainments, made choice of a place, to the east of the city of Whan-chew, called Long-kang; and there a city was built, which was named Kay-ping-Fu, and afterwards, Shang-tu.” built, which was called Kay-ping-Fu, and, afterwards, Shang-tu: yet Kara-Kuram \[although neither a city nor town\] still continued to enjoy a jurisdiction of greater extent” — it was still the asl yūrat of the Ch͟hingiz K͟hān. The foundation of this place therefore has been wrongly ascribed to Ḳubilāe, who founded K͟hān-Bālīgh, instead of to “Mengko,” but that it was more convenient, as to position, than the vicinity of Ḳarā-Ḳuram, and Kalūr-ān, is absurd, unless for the convenience of his eastern subjects and dominions alone. There may have been another reason, and an important one. Ḳarā-Ḳuram depended a great deal on provisions brought from a long distance, and, should supplies, by any chance, have been cut off, famine would have arisen, as was subsequently proved. ### [288.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.7) This new capital, “Kay-ping-Fu,” afterwards “Shang-tu,” is apparently the Shandu, and Ciandu of Polo, “Xandu” in Ramusio, and “Ions” of Hayton. “It stood,” it is stated, “in the country of Karchin on the river “Shan-tu,” N.N.E. of Pekin, and “seems to be,” says a writer in Astley’s “Collection,” “Chau-nayman-suma, which is one of three ruins marked in the Missioners’ map, on the river Shangtu.” Hayton calls it Ions. “Passing out of the gate, Hi-fong-kew in Pe-che-li, you find yourself in Karchin, Ohan, Naman \[Naeman\], and Korchin. It is divided into ten standards; and the country of the Mughals of Korchin extends to the Sira Mūr-ān — the great river Sira. Mūr-ān in the Mughal language signifies a great river, and Pīrah a smaller one.” To continue the Chinese accounts before returning to the Mughal records quoted by the Musalmān writers, in whose time the Mughals had to a considerable extent become Musalmāns likewise, they say that, in 1257 A.D. \[the year 655 H. began on the 18th January, 1257 A.D.\], “Mengko” sent orders to his generals in Se-chwen, Hu-quang, and Kyang-nan, to prepare to attack the Song \[empire\] on all sides, resolving to begin himself with the first, that is to say, Se-chwen, which therefore is equivalent with Tingnāsh \[Ningyā-īsh\] of the Musalmān writers, Mahā-Chīn of the Hindūs, and Manzi of the Chinese, as described by the Fanākatī and others. ### [288.2.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2.8) After the month of July \[the seventh month of 655 H.\] he appointed his brother, Alīpū-ko \[Irtuk or Irtugh Būḳah\], in charge at Ḳarā-Ḳuram.” There is some discrepancy between the Musalmān and Chinese dates, because he was appointed in the first month of 652 H., as before mentioned. “In the same month, Mengko” set out, reached the mountain of “Lewpan in Shen-sī,” where the Ch͟hingiz K͟hān died \[which place, as stated before at page 1087, was situated on the frontier of Tingnāsh, or Ningyā-īsh, and K͟hitā-ī\]. He was scarcely arrived there when he understood his brother Hū-pī-lay, with his family, and without any attendance, in the manner of a criminal, had come, in order to submit himself to the Ḳā’ān. This news so affected “Mengko” that the suspicions he entertained against him were removed and he was completely forgiven.” I shall refer to this matter presently. --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tabaqat-i-nasiri~en-raverty.288.2) · Pramāṇa