The Nāṣirī Generations 293: ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF HULĀKŪ TOWARDS HALAB AND SHĀM.
Tabakat-i-Nasiri 293
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ACCOUNT OF THE MARCH OF HULĀKŪ TOWARDS HALAB AND SHĀM.
293.1.1
Hulāū, the Mughal, after he had satisfied his heart on the matter of Baghdād, moved towards Halab, Mayyā-city, but he refused to come; and upon him is verified the saying: ‘We seized it with a frightful violence’ [Ḳur’ān: lvi., 88]. We said to him, ‘We have pressed thee to submit thyself to us. If thou wilt, then wilt thou find peace and happiness’ [Ibid. lxxiii., 16]: ‘if thou refusest, thou wilt experience shame and misfortune. Do not act like the animal which, with his feet, discovered the instrument of his death [and heeded not], or as he, who, with his own hand, cut the partition of his own nose. Thou wilt then be of the number of those whose works are vain, whose efforts in this present life have been wrongly directed, and who imagine they do the work which is right’ [Ibid. xviii., 103-4]. Nothing is impossible to God. ‘Peace be with the man who follows the way whither God directs’!” [Ibid. xxxv. 18]. Soon after the events related above Arbil was invested.
293.1.2
After the capture of Baghdād, on account of the excessive heat and thirstiness of that territory, Hulākū, without making any longer stay there, marched from his camp at the Ḳubbah-i-Shaikh-ul-Mukārim on the 23rd of Ṣafar, and returned to Khānḳīn, where he had left a part of his urdū and heavy war materials. By this time, the treasures of Baghdād, and the valuables taken in the fortresses of the Mulāhidah, and such other plunder as had been carried away from the frontiers of Rūm, Arman, Karj, and other parts, had been collected there, in the royal treasury, which, along with his adviser, Nāṣir-ud-Dīn, son of ’Alā-ud-Dīn, the Ṣāḥib or Wazīr of Rai, Hulākū despatched towards Āẕarbāījān. Malik Majd-ud-Dīn, the Tabrīzī, who was one of the ingenious and skilful men of that country, was directed to construct a strong fortress on a mountain on the shore of the little sea of Urūmī and Salmās—the Lake Urūmīah—and to melt down all this treasure into or ingots—the only thing in the nature of coin ever mentioned in the accounts of the Mughals at this period—and place them for safe keeping in the new stronghold.
293.1.3
Hulākū then marched from Khānḳīn on his return to his urdū near Hamadān, and, after some time, marched into Āẕarbāījān. After he reached Marāghah, Badr-ud-Dīn-i-Lu’lu’, ruler of Mauṣil, presented himself at the end of Rajab, 656 H.—July, 1258 A.D.—being then over ninety years of age, to pay homage. He was favourably received, for he also had acted a traitorous part in aiding—under compulsion, as a vassal of the infidels—the enemies of his faith. He was allowed to depart, shortly after, on the 6th of Sha’bān. On the 7th, Sulṭān ’Izz-ud-Dīn, Kai-Kā-ūs of Rūm arrived—the Rauẓat-uṣ-Ṣafā says he joined the Khān’s camp at Tabrīz before the advance to Baghdād—and, next day, was followed by his brother, Rukn-ud-Dīn. ’Izz-ud-Dīn had exasperated Hulākū, because he had ventured to oppose the Nū-yīn, Tānjū, and his forces, but, by a simple stratagem of his own, which flattered the vanity of Hulākū, and the countenance of the latter’s Christian Khātūn, Duḳuz or Dukuz, he was forgiven. On the 14th of the same month, the Atā-Bak, Sa’d-ud-Dīn, Abū-Bikr, the Salghūrī ruler of Fārs, also presented himself in the Khān’s camp, “to congratulate him on the capture of Baghdād” About this time command was given to construct the Rasad-i-Il-Khani, or Il-Khani Observatory, referred to in a previous note.
293.1.4
When Hulaku proposed to move against Baghdad, he detached the Nu-yin, Arktu, with a considerable force, against the exceedingly strong fortified town of Arbil [Arbela of European writers, some fifty miles W. of which the Macedonian Alexander defeated Dara the Persian], held by Taj-ud-Din, son of Salayah, styled the Lord of Arbil. He, on being summoned, came down, and submitted, but, although he attempted to induce the Kurds, who inhabited and garrisoned it, to submit, they would not hear of it, and reviled him for proposing it. All Arktu's endeavours to take it were fruitless. He sought aid from Badr-ud-Din-i-Lulu, but, before his help came, the Kurds sallied out, burnt the Mughal catapults, and slew a great number of the enemy. Badr-ud-Din-i-Lulu, having arrived to his aid, advised him to retire, and give up the attempt to take it then; but to wait until the heat compelled the Kurds to retire to the higher hills before any further effort was made, as it would be impossible to take it by force, though it might be obtained by stratagem. Arktu accordingly gave up the attempt, and retired to Tabriz, leaving Badr-ud-Din-i-Lulu to gain possession of it, when the Kurds should have retired to the higher ranges from the excessive heat, after which he was to destroy the defences. This was subsequently done; and the Kurds retired into Sham. The unfortunate Taj-ud-Din was made the victim of the refusal of the Kurds to surrender the place;
293.1.5
and he was taken to Hulaku's presence, and, by his orders, was butchered. The envoys having returned from Sham with unfavourable replies from the Amirs and Hakims of that territory, Hulaku determined to march against them. Previous to his entering I-ran-Zamin, the Sultan of Halab, the Malik Un-Nasir, had despatched his Wazir, Zain-ud-Din, Hafizi, to the urdu of Mangu Ka'an, tendering his homage, and in return received a farman couched in conciliatory and favourable words—the Fanakati says a yarligh, confirming him in his dominions, and a paezah of exemption from tribute. When Hulaku entered I-ran-Zamin, Un-Nasir still continued to express his loyalty and submission, but, secretly. Nevertheless, his proceedings became known to the other rulers in Sham, and they conspired against him; and he was forced to seek aid from Hulaku, and fled to his camp. These facts urged the latter still more in his determination to reduce those rulers to submission. Before setting out, he informed Malik Badr-ud-Din-i-Lulu, that he should excuse him from accompanying him on this expedition, on account of his great age, but that his son, Malik Salih, should be sent in his place [with a contingent, as a hostage for his father]. His son arrived in due time;
293.1.6
and Turkan Khatun, daughter of the unfortunate Sultan, Jalal-ud-Din, Khwarazm Shah, who had been brought up, from an infant, in the Haram of one of the Mughal Khatuns, and who had been sent along with Hulaku, by Mangu's command, in order that he might bestow her in marriage on some suitable person in I-ran-Zamin, was united to him. Hulaku now put his troops in motion from Azarbaijan. The Nu-yin, Kaibuka, was despatched at the head of a strong force, forming the van; the troops under the Nu-yin, Sunjak, formed the right of his army, while the Nu-yin Tanju led the left [Rashid-ud-Din says Tanju and Sangkur led the right]; and, on the 22nd of Ramazan, 657 H.—20th September, 1258 A.D., Hulaku set out with the centre, or main body, towards Sham. Bakr; and this is the country of the son of Shihab-ud- On reaching the Ala-Tagh or Tagh, or all three of which forms are correct, he was much pleased with the pasturage thereabouts, and gave it the name of Lanba [also written Labna]—Saghut, and, in a place therein, built a Sarae for himself. It lies a few miles to the west of Bayazid, a place often mentioned of late, and near the N. shore of the Lake Wan [vul. Van], near the head waters of the eastern branch of the Furat [Euphrates]; and, by way of Akhlat, he entered the territory of the Kurds! They were particularly obnoxious to the Mughals, for they had, under the banner of the later Khalifahs, routed them on several occasions;
293.1.7
and wherever they were found they were mercilessly butchered. On reaching the Diyar-i-Bakr, Hulaku first despatched his son, Yushmut, with the Nu-yin, Suntae, against Mayya-farikin [Martyropolis], and Mardin, while Malik Salih was sent against Amid [Amadia], but certainly not without a Mughal, and a Mughal force, to look after him. Our author, however, distinctly states, that Malik Salih was with the Shah-zadah, Yushmut, at the investment of Mayya-farikin. Hulaku then proceeded to reduce Ruhah, and, after little effort, gained possession of it. He then attacked Dausur, Harran, and Nisibin, took them by storm, massacred the people, and sacked the places. He then crossed the Furat, and, suddenly and unexpectedly, appeared before Halab. The inhabitants, aware of the strength of the place, resolved to defend it. It was closely invested, and held out for a week, but, after that time, it was assaulted and captured in Zi-Hijjah, the Mughals having effected a lodgment at the Bab-ul-'Irak, or 'Irak Gateway: the citadel held out for forty days after that. Fakhr-ud-Din, Saki, who was acquainted with the place, was put in charge of the city and fortress, and the Bakhshi, Tukal, was made shahnah [Intendant]. The Habib-us-Siyar, however, states that Hulaku, after promising the people of Halab safety for their lives and property to induce them to surrender, made a general massacre of them, and sacked the city during seven days.
293.1.8
The capture of the strong fortress of Hazam, west of Halab, next followed; and the inhabitants, although their lives had been solemnly promised them, were all massacred. On leaving Halab, however, a general complaint was made against Fakhr-ud-Din's tyranny, and he was put to death; and the Wazir of the Malik-un-Nasir, Zain-ud-Din, Hafizi, before referred to, was put in charge of the administration. After this, Hulaku prepared to attack Damashk, but the authorities there, having taken warning from the fate of Halab, made overtures, on the arrival of the van of his army, through certain Bulghari merchants, and submitted. With the capitulation of Damashk, all Sham came under the sway of the Mughals. It was at this juncture that the Nu-yin Shiktur or Shiktur, who had been despatched by Hulaku to his brother's presence after the capture of Baghdad [Rashid-ud-Din, when mentioning the despatch of Mangu's share of the plunder, says the Nu-yin, sent in charge of it, was called Hulaju], arrived in his camp, near Halab, having come with all possible speed, bringing him the tidings of Mangu Ka'an's death. Hulaku's sorrow was great, but he kept it secret within his own breast, and suddenly resolved to return into Azarbaijan, in expectation that troubles would arise respecting the succession. He set out without further delay, leaving the Nu-yin, Kaibuka, the Naeman, to guard his conquests in Sham; and reached Akhlat, 24th of Jamadi-ul-Akhir, 658 H.
293.2.1
In a "History of Persia," by Sir John Malcolm, the author, quoting Des Guignes, states [p. 423, vol. I.] that "Hulakoo" was "desirous of returning Din-i-Ghazi-i-Malik-ul-'Adil, of Sham, and his [the son’s] title is Malik-ul-Kamil. He is a man of great godliness and sincere piety.
293.2.2
The cause of Hulau’s proceeding into that territory was this. The son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi was Malik of Mayya-farikin, Marddin, and Amid; and these three towns [cities] and fortresses of that territory appertained to him. When the army of Jurmaghun, and the Nu-in, Taju [Tanju], who subdued Arran, Azarbaijan, and 'Irak, carried their incursions to the frontiers of this territory, the Maliks on those confines all requested Mughal Shahnahs [Intendants], and this son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi — the Malik-ul-Kamil [Muhammad] — determined to proceed and reach the presence of Mangu Khan, [and did so,] and, from him, he obtained a special honorary dress. The reason of his obtaining it was this, that, at a drinking party, Mangu requested the son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi to drink wine, and he refused, and did not drink it. Mangu Khan inquired of him the reason of his refusal, He replied: Because it is forbidden by the Musalman religion; and I will not act contrary to my faith.” Mangu Khan was pleased with this speech, and, in that very assembly, invested him with the tunic he had on, and showed him great honour. From this incident it appears that the dignity inherent in the Musalman faith is, everywhere, advantageous, both unto infidel and Musalman. In short, when Hulau was appointed to proceed into the land of I-ran, Mangu Khan commanded that the Malik-ul-Kamil should return towards ’Ajam along with Hulau, and they reached the territory of ’Irak.
293.2.3
Hulau determined to molest Baghdad, and had directed the Malik-ul-Kamil, son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi, that, from his territory, he should bring 7000 horse and 20,000 foot to Baghdad, and render assistance. The son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi replied: “The extent of my forces is not so great that it is possible to furnish such a number: more than about 2000 horse and 5000 or 6000 foot I am unable to bring.” Hulau importuned him in demanding a larger number of cavalry, and the Malik-ul-Kamil persisted in his reply; and Hulau, in secret, said to his Wazir, who was a Musalman, an eminent man of Samrkand: “It seems to me that Kamil meditates rebellion in his mind, and that he will not join with us; and it is necessary to put him to death.” The Samrkandi Musalman Wazir was fond of the Malik-ul-Kamil, and he, secretly, acquainted him with this idea and design. The next day, the Malik-ul-Kamil went to Hulau and asked permission to go out hunting. He set out from that place [where they then were], accompanied by eighty horsemen of his own; and, with the utmost expedition, got out of the Mughal camp, and pushed on towards his own country, so that, in the space of seven days, he reached it, and gave orders to put to death all the Mughal Shahnahs [Intendants] in his territory, by pinning them against the walls by means of five spikes — one mortal one being driven into the forehead, and four others into the feet and hands.
293.2.4
When three days passed, since his disappearance, Hulau became aware of the fact of his flight; and despatched horse and foot in pursuit of him, but they did not find him, and again returned. The Malik-ul-Kamil, son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi, when he reached his own territory, despatched emissaries to the presence of Zahir, the Malik-un-Nasir, and solicited his assistance, and that he would assemble his troops and come [along with him] to the seat of the Khilafat, Baghdad. The Malik-un-Nasir agreed to aid him ; and the son of Malik Shihab-ud-Din-i-Ghazi [i. e. the Malik-ul-Kamil, Muhammad], with the whole of his troops, horse and foot, marched towards Baghdad [to aid the Khalifah]. On the way he received information of the downfall of Baghdad, and the martyrdom of the Lord of the Faithful He turned back again with the utmost expedition, strengthened his fortresses and cities, and gave intimation to the nomads of his territory, so that the whole of them sought shelter in places of strength, whilst he himself entered and took up his quarters in the fortress of Mayya-farikin, and prepared for holy warfare against the infidels.
293.2.5
Mayya-farikin is a small city and strong fortress; and to the north of it is a mountain of considerable height, and within the city is a monastery [of Christian priests] which they call Markumah, and that Markumah is a place of sanctity. From the foot of that mountain a large stream flows, and, in the tag-ab [low ground where water collects] in which the city stands, much water collects; and, to the south of the city are gardens, and, to the east of it, are tombs. The place has a fortified hill, and walls with ramparts [of stone], and a parapet. After Hulau had released his mind from the affair of 'Baghdad, he despatched his son, with the whole of the “Ask of me whatsoever [boon] thy heart desireth.” Maronsa made a request soliciting that the King would make peace with Konstantin, and Shapur acceded to his request. Up to this time hostilities were constantly going on between the two rulers. “When Maronsa presented himself to take leave on his returning to Rumiah, Shapur said: “Name yet another wish in order that the royal beneficence may be extended towards thee personally.” Maronsa replied: “A vast number of Christians have been slain [during the late wars]; grant me permission to collect their bones.” Shapur granted this request likewise; and a vast quantity of the bones of the slain Christians were collected together, and Maronsa carried them away with him into his own country.
293.2.6
“Konstantin ratified the terms of accommodation, and was greatly pleased at peace being concluded, and also joyful because of the collection of these bones; and he said to Maronsa; “Ask some boon of us likewise.” Maronsa said: “I pray that the King will afford me help and assistance in founding a place suitable [to receive these bones] in my own city and place of abode.” Konstantin acceded to his wishes; and gave command that all those dwelling near by Maronsa’s city should help him with the necessary funds. “Maronsa returned to his usual place of abode [which is not referred to by name], and founded a city [sic in MSS.]; and the bones, which he had brought back from the territory of Shapur, were deposited in the midst of the walls of the defences which surrounded it, and it was styled Ujjj [? Madrusa sala], which signifies Madinat-ush-Shahid—Martyropolis or City of the Martyrs. A holy man once prophesied respecting it, that it would never be captured by force, on account of the sanctity which the bones of these martyrs had conferred upon it, which has proved true.
293.2.7
“The defences surrounding the place have eight gates, one of which is called the Bab-ush-Shahwat, or Gate of Desire. Another gate is called the Bab-ul-Farah wa ul-Ni'am, or Gate of Gladness and of Benefits; and over the gateway are two statues carved out of stone—one in the form of a man, who, with both hands, is making signs of gladness and joy, and that they call the statue of Gladness. The other figure is that of a man with a mass of rock on his head, which is the statue of Benefits [received]. In Mayya-farikin no afflicted or sorrowful person will be found, but, on the contrary [sic in MSS.], all that is good and excellent. “On the summit of a tower which they call the Burj-i-’Ali bin Wahab, facing the west, to indicate the kiblah [the direction to which people turn to pray], Bait-ul-Mukaddas—Jerusalem—a large cross is set up, and on the Church of the Holy Sepulchre is another cross like unto it; and it is said that the same person designed both crosses.
293.2.8
“Maronsa founded a church—our author's monastery—in the midst of the city, which he dedicated to Batanus [?] and Barlis—and that church remains to this day, in a mahallat or quarter, which is known as the Rafat'-i-Yahud, and in it is a shrine of black marble, and in the shrine is a vessel of glass, in which is contained some of the blood of Yusha’ [—Joshua] the son of Nun, and that blood is a cure for every disease. When any leprous person is anointed with it, it removes the disease. They say that Maronsa brought this blood away from Rumiah, a gift from Konstantin, at the time of obtaining permission to depart on his return home.” Mughal army into the territory of the Malik-ul-Kamil; and a host of infidels advanced to the gate of the fortress of Mayya-farikin, and invested it, and commenced an attack upon it. For a period of three months or more they sat down before that fortress and besieged it arduously, and great numbers of the Mughals were killed and sent to hell, and wounded; but God knows the truth.