[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate) › [Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif) › Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí of Shams-i Siráj 'Afíf (extracts) # Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí of Shams-i Siráj 'Afíf (extracts) Translation of [The History of Fīrūz Shāh (ʿAfīf) (Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif) - **Language:** English - **Date:** 1871 CE - **Translators:** [Henry Miers Elliot](https://indike.org/pramana/person/elliot), [John Dowson](https://indike.org/pramana/person/dowson) - **Extent:** 137 passages, 33,396 words - **Text:** complete digital text - **Source:** archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930) ## Contents - [1 First Mukaddama. — Birth of Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.1) — 5 parts - [2 Second Mukaddama. — Firoz Sháh's Education in the Duties of Royalty.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.2) - [3 Third Mukaddama.—Accession of Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.3) — 5 parts - [4 Fourth Mukaddama. — Firoz Shah wars with a Mughal force.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.4) - [5 Fifth Mukaddama. — On the mistake made by Khwaja-i Jahan Ahmad Ayyaz in setting up the son of the late Sultan Muhammad Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.5) - [6 Sixth Mukaddama.—Khwája-i Jahán hears of the accession of Sultán Fíroz Sháh.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.6) - [7 Seventh Mukaddama. — March of Fíroz Sháh from Thatta to Dehli.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.7) - [8 Eighth Mukaddama. — Kiwámu-l Mulk the Khán-i Jahán Makbul joins Sultán Fíroz.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.8) - [9 Ninth Mukaddama.—Khwaja-i Jahan meets the Sultan.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.9) - [10 Tenth Mukaddama. — Conversation of the Sultan with his nobles about Khwaja-i Jahan.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.10) - [11 Eleventh Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultán Fíroz at Hánsí.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.11) - [12 Twelfth Mukaddama.—Interview with Shaikh Kutbu-d din-i Munawwar and Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud at Sansi.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.12) - [13 Thirteenth Mukaddama.—Arrival of Sultan Firoz Shah at Dehli.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.13) - [14 Fourteenth Mukaddama.—The Sultan's fostering care of the people of Dehli and his remission of arrears.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.14) - [15 Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz makes new rules for grants of revenue.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.15) - [16 Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz's fostering care of his subjects.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.16) - [17 Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Perfidy of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.17) — 4 parts - [18](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.18) - [19 Kism II.—The Two Expeditions to Lakhnautí and the Campaigns against Jajnagar and Nagarkot. · First Mukaddama.—The first expedition to Lakhnautí.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.19) - [20 Second Mukaddama.—The Sultán lays siege to Lakhnautí.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.20) - [21 Third Mukaddama. — Battle between Sultan Fíroz and Shamsu-d dín. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lac of the people of Bang and Bangála.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.21) — 3 parts - [22 Fourth Mukaddama. — Return of Firoz Shah to Delhi.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.22) - [23 16th Mukaddama.—Founding of the city of Hisár Fírozah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.23) — 3 parts - [24 Sixth Mukaddama. — Settlement of the Sovereign's rental (istikamat-i amlak).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.24) - [25 Seventh Mukaddama. — Interview of the Sultán with the preceptor of the Author at Hánsí.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.25) - [26 Eighth Mukaddama. — The building of Fírozábád on the river Jumna.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.26) - [27 Ninth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Zafar Khan from Sunar-ganw to seek the protection of Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.27) - [28 Tenth Mukaddama. — Sultán Fíroz's second expedition to Lakhnautí.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.28) — 4 parts - [29 Eleventh Mukaddama.—Sultán Sikandar takes refuge in his fortress.—Fall of a bastion of the fort.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.29) - [30 Twelfth Mukaddama. — Conclusion of Peace between Sultan Sikandar and Sultan Firoz, with the presentation of forty elephants.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.30) — 6 parts - [31 Thirteenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultán Fíroz from Jaunpúr to Jajnagar.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.31) - [32 Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Elephant hunt. Submission of the Rai of Jajnagar.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.32) - [33 Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Return of Fíroz Sháh from Jájnagar by difficult roads.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.33) - [34 Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of the Sultan at Dehli. Erection of kabbas (pavilions for public rejoicings).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.34) - [35 Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Happiness of the people in the reign of Fíroz Sháh.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.35) - [36 Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Conquest of Nagarkot \[Kángra\].](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.36) - [37 KISM III. — CONCERNING THE AFFAIRS OF THATTA AND THE SUBMISSION OF THE JAM AND BABINIYA. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TAS-I GHARIYAL. · First Mukaddama, — Resolution of the Sultan with Khán-i Jahán about Thatta.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.37) - [38 Second Mukaddama. — March of Firoz Shah to Thatta.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.38) - [39 Third Mukaddama. — Descent of Sultan Firoz on Thatta.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.39) - [40 Fourth Mukaddama. — Engagement with the army of Thatta.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.40) - [41 Fifth Mukaddama. — Retreat of Fíroz Sháh from Thatta to Gujarát.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.41) - [42 Sixth Mukaddama. — Falling of the army into Kunchi-ran (the Ran of Kach)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.42) - [43 Seventh Mukaddama. — Lamentations of the soldiers, and anxiety of the Sultan in Kúnchí-ran.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.43) - [44 Eighth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Sultan Fíroz in Gujarát.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.44) - [45 Ninth Mukaddama. — Khán-i Jahán sends supplies to the Sultán in Gujarát.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.45) - [46 Tenth Mukaddama. — March of Sultan Firoz from Gujarat to Thatta.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.46) - [47 Eleventh Mukaddama.—Descent of Sultan Firoz Shah upon Thatta in a favourable season.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.47) - [48 Twelfth Mukaddama. — Malik 'Imádu-l Mulk and Zafar Khán cross the Sindh and fight a battle with the Sindians.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.48) - [49 Thirteenth Mukaddama. — 'Imádu-l Mulk goes to Dehli for reinforcements.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.49) - [50 \[Friendly and courteous reception of 'Imadu-l Mulk\].](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.50) - [51 Fourteenth Mukaddama. — Peace with the People of Thatta.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.51) - [52 Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Arrival of Babiniya in the camp of the Sultan.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.52) - [53 Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Return of Firoz Shah to Dehli.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.53) - [54 Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Khan-i Jahan proceeds to Dipalpur to meet the Sultan.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.54) - [55 Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Invention of the Tas-i ghariyal (a clock or bell to tell the time).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.55) - [56 KISM IV. — RETURN OF SULTAN FIROZ FROM A TOUR OF INSPECTION, AND APPLICATION OF HIS ATTENTION TO EIGHTEEN AFFAIRS OF STATE. · First Mukaddama. — Return of the Sultan from his tour.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.56) - [57 Second Mukaddama.—The Sultan's care to provide slaves (bandagan).](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.57) — 4 parts - [58 Third Mukaddama. — Arrival of robes from the Khalifa.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.58) - [59 Fourth Mukaddama. — How Sultán Fíroz used to sit in State.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.59) - [60 Fifth Mukaddama. — Prosperity and happiness of the nobles.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.60) - [61 Sixth Mukaddama. — The plenty and cheapness in the reign of Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.61) — 5 parts - [62 Seventh Mukaddama. — Affairs of the Army.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.62) - [63 Eighth Mukaddama. — Report made to the Sultan by the son of 'Imádu-l Mulk, and the Sultan's appropriate reply.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.63) - [64 Ninth Mukaddama.—Transport of Stone Obelisks.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.64) - [65 Removal of the Minára-i zarín.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.65) - [66 Account of the Raising of the Obelisk.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.66) - [67 Erection of the other Obelisk in the Kushk-i Shikar.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.67) - [68 Tenth Mukaddama. — Hunting Excursions.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.68) - [69 Eleventh Mukaddama. — Buildings erected by Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.69) - [70 Twelfth Mukaddama.—Consideration of the Sultan for the unemployed.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.70) - [71 Thirteenth Mukaddama. — The royal establishments (kdr-khdna) of Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.71) - [72 Fourteenth Mukaddama.—On the striking of the Coin called Shashgání.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.72) — 5 parts - [73 Fifteenth Mukaddama. — Establishment of a House of Charity and a Hospital.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.73) - [74 Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Festivals.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.74) - [75 Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Engagement of musicians at the Palace on Fridays, after prayers.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.75) - [76 Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Inventions or new contrivances.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.76) - [77 KISM V. — TONSURE OF FIROZ SHAH. THE PRINCE FATH KHAN. THE GREAT KHANS AND MALIKS. CLOSE OF THE REIGN. · First Mukaddama. — The Tonsure of Firoz Shah.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.77) - [78 Second Mukaddama. — Suppression of unlawful practices.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.78) — 4 parts - [79 Third Mukaddama. — Burning of a Brahman before the Royal Palace.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.79) - [80 Fourth Mukaddama. — Levy of the Jizya from the Brahmans.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.80) - [81 Fifth Mukaddama.—Account of two giants and a dwarf; also of two bearded women \[and other wonders of the reign\].](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.81) - [82 Sixth Mukaddama. — Memoir of the Khán-i 'azam Tátár Khán.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.82) - [83 Seventh Mukaddama. — Memoir of Khán-i Jahán.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.83) — 7 parts - [84 Eighth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Naib Bar-bak.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.84) - [85 Ninth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik-i Muluku-sh Shark, 'Imadu-l Mulk, Bashir-i Sultani.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.85) - [86 Tenth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Saiyidu-l Hujjáb.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.86) - [87 Eleventh Mukaddama. — Memoir of Malik Shamsu-d dín Abúrjá, Mustaufí- mamdlik.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.87) - [88 Twelfth Mukaddama. — Memoir of Shamsu-d dín Dámaghání.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.88) - [89 Thirteenth Mukaddama. — Destruction of a band of murderers by Fíroz Sháh.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.89) - [90](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.90) - [91 Fifteenth Mukaddama. — The last farewell of Saiyid Jalálu-d dín.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.91) - [92 Sixteenth Mukaddama. — Repentance of Fíroz Sháh.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.92) - [93 Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Resignation (taslím kardan) of Fíroz Sháh to Khán-i Jahán.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.93) - [94 Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Account of the charms (ahwál-i sihr) performed for Fíroz Sháh.](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.94) ## Text ### First Mukaddama. — Birth of Firoz Shah. ### [1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.1.1) Firoz Shah was born in the year 709 H. (1309 A.D.). It is recorded that his father was named Sipah-salar Rajab, and was brother of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Ghazi. The writer of this work has given a full account of their parentage in his Memoirs of Sultan Tughlik (Manakib-i Sultan Tughlik). The three brothers, Tughlik, Rajab, and Abu Bakr, came from Khurasan to Dehli in the reign of 'Alau-d din, and that monarch, under Divine guidance, treated them with great kindness and favour. All three were taken into the service of the Court, and the Sultan, observing their courage and energy, conferred upon Tughlik the country of Dipalpur, and employed all the brothers in public business. Tughlik was desirous that his brother Sipahsalar Rajab should obtain in marriage the daughter of one of the Rais of Dipalpur; and while he was seeking a suitable match, he was informed that the daughters of Rana Mall Bhatti were very beautiful and accomplished. In those days all the estates, from the highest to the lowest, and all the jungle belonging to the Mini and Bhatti tribes, were attached to the town of Abuhar, which was one of the dependencies of Dipalpur. The author's great-grandfather, Malik S'adu-l Mulk Shahab 'Afif was then 'amaldar of Abuhar, and Tughlik Shah, after consultation with him, sent some intelligent and acute persons to Rana Mall with a proposal of marriage. ### [1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.1.2) When the messengers delivered Tughlik's message, Rana Mall, in his pride and haughtiness, uttered unseemly and improper observations. This, together with the Rana's refusal, was communicated to Tughlik Shah, who then again took counsel with the author's ancestor, and after much debate it was decided that Tughlik Shah should proceed to the villages (talwandi) belonging to Rana Mall, and demand payment of the year's revenue. Next day Tughlik proceeded thither and demanded payment in ready money of the whole amount. The mukaddims and chaudharis were subjected to coercion, and payment in full was insisted upon. The Rana's people were helpless and could do nothing, for those were the days of 'Alau-d din, and no one dared to make any outcry. In the course of two or three days they were reduced to extremities and suffered much hardship. Some trustworthy and precise persons told the author that the mother of Rana Mall, who was an old woman, when she heard of Tughlik Shah's severity to the people, proceeded at the time of evening prayer into the house of her son, weeping and tearing her hair, and spoke most feelingly upon the matter. At that time Rana Mall's daughter, the future mother of Firoz Shah, was in the court-yard. When that fortunate damsel heard the wailing and crying of the Rana's mother, she inquired what was the cause of her grief; ### [1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.1.3) and the dame replied, "I am weeping on your account, for it is through you that Tughlik Shah is weighing so heavily on the people of this land." The author's veracious informer said that the high-spirited, noble girl exclaimed, "If the surrender of me will deliver the people from such misery, comply instantly with the demand, and send me to him; consider then that the Mughals have carried off one of your daughters." The old lady went and told the Rana of his daughter's resolution, and he gave his assent. The Rana communicated the fact to the author's great-grandfather, when a messenger was sent to Tughlik Shah announcing the Rana's assent to the marriage, and the damsel herself was brought to Dipalpur. Before her marriage she was called Bibi Naila, but on entering the house of Sipah-salar Rajab, she was styled Sultan Bibi Kadbanu. ### [1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.1.4) After the lapse of a few years she gave birth to Firoz Shah in a most auspicious hour, and Tughlik Shah distributed his bounty on all sides in token of his joy. On the very day that Firoz Shah was born, the author's grandfather, Shams-i Shirah 'Afif, also came into the world. The females of the author's ancestors then lived at Dipalpur, and constantly visited the female apartments of Tughlik Shah, and often in talking of these matters the author's great-grandfather used to say that he had frequently given Firoz Shah a cup of milk; and Firoz Shah himself, when he had reached the summit of his power and glory, used to tell the author's father that he had sucked at the breast of his grandmother. When Firoz Shah was seven years old his father, Sipah-salar Rajab, died, and Tughlik Shah made great mourning for him. The widowed mother was in great distress as to the education and training of her son, but Tughlik Shah consoled her, and told her that he would look upon the child as his own, and treat him with every kindness so long as he lived. The mother of Firoz Shah had no other child, either son or daughter. Those who say that Malik Kutbu-d din was brother of Firoz Shah speak the truth, but he was born of another mother. The same was the case with Malik Naib Bar-bak; he also was his brother, but by a different mother. ### [1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.1.5) Firoz Sháh received instruction in the duties of royalty and the functions of sovereignty from two kings, Sultán Tughlik Sháh and Sultán Muhammad Sháh, and he became thoroughly conversant with all affairs of State. Tátár Khán Buzurg used to say upon this subject that Firoz Sháh ought to be acquainted with regal and political duties, and that no one should feel any apprehension about him. ### [2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.2) Firoz Sháh was fourteen years old when Sultán Tughlik Sháh ascended the throne. The Sultán was engaged for four years and a half in travelling about his dominions, and during that time Firoz Sháh attended him, obtaining full knowledge of all public business transacted by the Sultán. On the death of Sultán Tughlik he was succeeded on the throne of Dehlí by Muhammad Sháh. At the accession of this monarch Firoz Sháh was eighteen years of age. He was appointed deputy of the lord chamberlain (náib-i amír-hájib), with the title of Náib Bár-bak, and received the command of 12,000 horse. The Sultán was exceedingly kind and generous to him, and keeping him constantly near his person he used to explain to him, with much intelligence, all affairs of State that came up for consideration. Even at this period Firoz Sháh showed himself very kind and generous to the poor, and when any case of distress came before him he was prompt to relieve it. When Muhammad Sháh divided the territories of Dehlí into four parts, as the author has fully explained in his Manákib-i Sultán Muhammad, he placed one part under the charge of Firoz Sháh, so that he might acquire experience in the art of government. The wise have said that the man who can perform the duties of one charge may guide the affairs of a State and accomplish the government of a kingdom. So the clear-sighted Sultán Muhammad placed Firoz Sháh over a fourth part of his kingdom, in order that, with the Divine favour, he might become an adept in all political matters. It is commonly said that Sultan Muhammad Shah used to keep Firoz Shah continually at work in various matters, and the statement is true. But this labour was not imposed upon him out of any ill-feeling, for, had the king disliked him, he would have sent him far from his court. Muhammad Shah was an illustrious king, and a most intelligent and able man, so much so that he was remarkable for his talents among the great men of Dehli. His object was to train Firoz Shah, so that he might become thoroughly versed in the duties of royalty. Thus Firoz Shah completed his forty-fifth year under the tuition of Sultan Muhammad Shah. ### Third Mukaddama.—Accession of Firoz Shah. ### [3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.3.1) When Sultan Muhammad Shah died, a body of Mughals plundered the baggage train and went off towards their own country. At this conjuncture all the Khans and princes, the learned men, shaikhs, and officials who were with Sultan Muhammad at Thatta, met in council and decided that nothing could be done without a leader, saying, "Dehli is distant, and these things have happened. Sultan Muhammad is gone to Paradise, and the Mughals have taken the field and have come up against us." In fine, a Mughal band plundered the baggage, and their insatiate desires being unsatisfied with the plunder thus wickedly obtained, they approached closer in search of further booty. The nobles of Sultan Muhammad Shah then assembled in council, and, after a long and anxious deliberation, the nobles and the administrative officers both agreed that the proper course was to place the reins of government in the hands of Firoz Shah. Firoz Shah, through fear of God, was averse to being made sovereign, and stated that he had formed the design of making the pilgrimage to Mecca. But the divine approval of the succession of Firoz Shah was from the first made known by means of the shaikhs, because in attaining royalty the mode of its acquisition is an important point. Sometimes when an elder is about to quit the world, he authoritatively places one of his disciples in his place, and hands over to him his prayer-carpet, although the disciple may be reluctant to undertake the serious charge. ### [3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.3.2) This mode of appointment is called authorization by investiture with the religious garment, and is highly honoured among shaikhs. So all the princes, and judges, and doctors, and shaikhs, and officials who had gone to Thatta with Muhammad Shah, agreed unanimously upon choosing Firoz Shah, but he was reluctant to assent, feeling the weight of the responsibility to God. This however, is a feeling which can only be allowed to saints, because the burden of royalty is an arduous one. Every one approved the choice, and all men set their hearts upon its acceptance. ### [3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.3.3) When this election was made known, Khudawand-zada, daughter of Tughlik Shah and mother of Dawar Malik, sent a message to the nobles, urging that it was not right to prefer the Amir-hajib to her son by Malik Khusru, seeing that she was daughter of Sultan Tughlik, and sister of Sultan Muhammad. Whilst her son lived, how could any stranger sit upon the throne? Some historians add that Khudawand-zada used indecorous language upon the matter. On her message being delivered to the nobles, they all winced as if snake-bitten. It pleased nobody, but all the assembly agreed to send Malik Saifu-d din Khoju to her. The Malik was a celebrated man, and whatever he said, he said well, with dignity and firmness. He accordingly proceeded to Khudawand-zada, and addressed her in polite, though decided, language, saying, "O woman, if thy son had been chosen instead of Firoz Shah, thou wouldst have no home to look upon, nor should we have wives or children to gladden our eyes, because thy son is an incompetent person, incapable of governing. We have come into this foreign country, and a large Mughal army confronts us; if thou wishest to save thyself from that army, do thou acquiesce in what we all have determined, and the office and title of Naib Bar-bak shall be conferred upon thy son." Khudawand-zada was silent, and Malik Saifu-d din returned. All the nobles then agreed upon choosing Fíroz Sháh, but still he would not consent. ### [3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.3.4) Writers of credit report that Tátár Khán, who was president of the meeting, then stood up, and taking the arm of Fíroz Sháh, forced him to sit upon the throne. Upon this Sultán Fíroz said to Tátár Khán, "Since you have placed this heavy trouble and grievous labour upon my shoulders, you must be patient for a while till I have performed my devotions." He then went through his ablutions, and repeated the regular form of prayer in singleness of heart. Afterwards, bowing his head to the ground, he, with tearful eyes, poured forth his supplications to the Almighty, saying, "O Lord! the stability of states, the peace, regulation, and occupations of governments do not depend upon man. Permanence of dominion depends upon thy behests. Oh God, thou art my refuge and my strength." After this they placed the crown of empire upon his head, and invested him with the robes of sovereignty. Many persons who were present in this assembly have told the author that Sultán Fíroz Sháh put on the robes of royalty over his garments of mourning, and although the nobles of the late Sultán Muhammad Sháh wished to remove the dress of mourning, he would not allow them, and said: "Although in compliance with your counsels I have assumed the robes of sovereignty, still I cannot throw off my garments of mourning, for Sultán Muhammad was my lord, my teacher, and my guide in all things. It was my earnest desire to make the pilgrimage to the holy temple, but I have yielded to your strenuous opposition; ### [3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.3.5) it will be well, therefore, that the robes of royalty should cover the garments of mourning." He was so attired, when an elephant was brought, which he mounted, and went forth in state. The heralds and attendants shouted in loud acclaim, the drums were beaten in exultation, and universal joy prevailed. The first public act of Sultán Fíroz Sháh was to invest Shír-abrú Chashm with the duties of 'Imádu-l Mulk. The date of his accession to the throne was the 24th Muharram, 752 H. (March 23rd, 1351 A.D.). Firoz Shah, the sovereign elect, proceeded on his elephant to the female apartments, and threw himself at the feet of Khudawand-zada. She embraced him, and with her own hands placed upon his head a crown, valued at a lac of tankas, which had belonged to Sultan Tughlik Shah and Sultan Muhammad Shah. The Sultan Firoz Shah then returned, and general satisfaction prevailed. ### [4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.4) The accession of Firoz Shah made the people glad, because they were in great alarm about the Mughal hordes. After plundering the baggage train, the Mughals had come within sight of the camp at Dehli. The khans and nobles assembled, and the opportunity was deemed favourable for an attack upon the invaders. The Sultan accordingly assembled his forces of horse, foot, and elephants, and attacked the enemy. A fierce battle ensued, and the slaughter was great, but victory inclined to the Sultan, and the Mughals fled, abandoning their camp and baggage. The victory was complete, and all the people of the great bazar (bazar-i buzurg) who had been taken prisoners by the Mughals were set free. This was the first victory of the reign of Sultan Firoz, and he proceeded to Dehli amid general rejoicings and acclamations. ### [5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.5) When Sultan Muhammad Shah, in the latter days of his reign, proceeded to Daulatabad (Deogir), he left three persons in (charge of) Dehli; — Malik Kabir, Katlagh Khan, and Firoz Shah, who was then Naib-i amir hajib (deputy of the lord chamberlain). The two former died before their master, and the latter was summoned to attend his person in Thatta. Dehli being thus left vacant, Khwaja-i Jahan was sent thither from Thatta as representative of the absent sovereign. With him were several other nobles, Malik Kiwámu-l Mulk the Khán-i Jahán, Malik Hasan, Malik Hisámu-d dín Uzbek, and others. It is commonly reported that when the Khwája-i Jahán heard that Sultán Muhammad Sháh was dead, and that Sultán Fíroz Sháh had been chosen by the nobles and chief men to succeed him, he set up the son of Muhammad Sháh in opposition at Dehlí, and gained the people over to his side. But this commonly received story is not true. The author here gives the true account of this transaction just as he heard it from Kishwar Khán, son of Kishlú Khán Bahrám, one of the servants of the Court. When Sultán Muhammad Sháh died at Thatta, the chiefs of the Hazára of Khurásán, who had come to assist him, as soon as they heard of his death, plundered the chief bázár, as the author has related in his Manákib-i Sultán Muhammad Sháh. In those days the baggage belonging to the forces, which were at detached stations, was plundered, and the men of these detachments all fled to the city. Fíroz Sháh had not yet been placed on the throne. A slave named Malih Tuntún had been sent from Dehlí by Khwája-i Jahán to Sultán Muhammad, and just at this juncture, when the alarming news was coming in from the army, he started on his return to Dehlí. On his arrival he unfolded to Khwája-i Jahán the intelligence of the death of the Sultán, the attacks of the Mughals upon the army, the plundering of the bázár, and the disaffection and bloodshed among the royal forces. He then proceeded to add that Tátár Khán and the Amír-hájib Fíroz Sháh were missing, and it was not known whether they had been taken prisoners or killed by the Mughals; that many other nobles had been slain; and that such untoward events had happened in the royal army. When the Khwája-i Jahán heard this news, he mourned for the death of Sultán Muhammad, and also for Fíroz Sháh. There was great affection between the Khwája and Fíroz Sháh, so that they had no reserve with each other, and it reached to such an extent that the Khwája called Fíroz his son. After the duties of mourning were completed, the Khwája, believing the report brought by Malíh to be correct, placed a son of Sultán Muhammad Sháh upon the throne, and thus, through adverse fate, committed a blunder. When he heard that the Lord Chamberlain was alive and well, he perceived his error. But he proceeded to collect an army, and thought his best policy was to be prepared, because in affairs of State no one believes acts like his to be mistakes and errors; and until peace is made between the two parties, neither ought to be free from apprehension of grievous consequences. So the Khwája assembled a strong force in Dehlí, and took men into his service, until his army amounted to about 20,000 horse. He distributed large sums among the people, although the treasury was then at a very low ebb, in consequence of the lavish liberality of Sultán Muhammad Sháh during his reign of twenty-seven years. When the money was exhausted, he gave away the gold and silver utensils, and when these had come to an end, the jewels. This profusion attracted crowds from all directions, but it was a curious fact that while they accepted the Khwája's bounty, their hopes and prayers were in favour of Fíroz Sháh. ### [6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.6) When Khwája-i Jahán heard of the succession of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, he lamented the mistake he had made. Conflicting rumours were afloat in the two armies. It was said to be the Khwája's determination that, as soon as the Sultán's army reached Dehlí, he would place all the dependents of the nobles who were in that army on the manjaníks, and shoot them away. Another rumour said that the Khwája had a powerful army and would offer a stout resistance. When these proceedings and rumours were reported to Sultán Fíroz, he called a council of all the princes and nobles in his army. It was unanimously agreed that Sultán Muhammad Sháh had no son, but only a daughter, who was born in the reign of Sultan Tughlik. Where, it was asked, had the Khwája-i Jahán found the pretended son? All wise men spoke in the same strain, expressing their astonishment at the Khwája's error, and agreeing that his actions were quite unworthy a man of his age. Sultán Fíroz finished the discussion by expressing his own surprise, and resolved upon marching to Dehli. The chiefs and men of the army warmly supported him, and on the other side the people of Dehli anxiously watched for his arrival. He accordingly marched on and arrived at Multán. Up to this time he had never talked to any one, small or great, about the Khwája-i Jahán, but had acted in the most politic manner and in strict accordance with the examples of the wisest kings. It was now fully confirmed that the Khwája was resolved upon opposition. Sultán Fíroz knew that the army of Thatta had suffered many hardships and troubles, and through the prodigality of Sultán Muhammad Sháh the treasury was empty. The army had also been reduced to great straits by the assaults of the Mughals, and had been compelled to retire towards Dehli; and, besides this, the wives and children of the men were there; hence Fíroz Sháh was apprehensive that if the Khwája-i Jahán's antagonism became the talk of the army, the men would be dispirited, and would think the Sultán was afraid of the Khwája. For these reasons Sultán Fíroz never talked on the subject until he reached Multán. ### [7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.7) When the Sultán was about to march upon Dehli, a consultation was held as to the most suitable route. The council was in favour of proceeding by way of Gujrát, so that the riches of that country might be secured. But the Sultán took another view, and said, "When Sultán Tughlik Sháh marched to repress the insurrection of Khusrú Khán, he went by way of Dípálpúr, and by God's favour obtained the victory. I am therefore resolved upon pursuing the same route by Dípálpúr and Multán, hoping that I, in like manner, shall be brought in safety to Dehli." So he began his march by that road. When the news of his approach by way of Multan, with the elephants and baggage, reached Dehli, the people rejoiced, and many of the nobles and principal men of the place went forth to meet him. The Khwaja, on seeing this defection, was sorely troubled, but he said nothing, and did nothing to prevent it. His counsellors pointed out to him that the fugitives were carrying off the wealth of Dehli to Firoz Shah, and urged him to put a stop to it by detaining their wives and children. To all this Khwaja-i Jahan gave no answer, and things went on until every one who had the power joined Sultan Firoz, and those who had not the power looked in anxious expectation of his arrival. \* \* \* When the Sultan arrived near Multan, while he was on the march, Malih Tuntun, the slave of Khwaja-i Jahan was perceived approaching at a distance. He came as a messenger and carried in his sword-belt a letter from the son of Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Firoz recognized him when a long way off, and reining up his horse, he doubted in his mind whether Khwaja-i Jahan might not be dead. He then ordered the messenger to be stopped, and inquiry to be made of him as to whether the Khwaja was well. The attendants went forward and inquired as to the state of the Khwaja and of the people of Dehli. Malih replied in very haughty terms, and his answer was conveyed to the Sultan, who observed, "We must trust in God's mercy — what can Khwaja-i Jahan or others do?" The Sultan at length entered Multan, and behaved very liberally to the shaikhs of the city. From thence he proceeded to Ajodhan, and made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikhu-l Islam Faridu-l hakk. He next marched to Sarsuti, which is ninety kos from Dehli. The bankers and merchants of the place assembled and brought several lacs of tankas to the Sultan who accepted the money as a loan, and promised to repay it after his arrival at Dehli, making Malik 'Imadu-l Mulk responsible for its discharge. All the money thus received was paid to the army. \* \* \* ### [8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.8) As Sultán Fíroz advanced, the people of Multán, Dípálpúr, Sarsutí, and other places, joined his army, just as they had flocked to the support of Sultán Muhammad Sháh. Men of all classes came in, nobles and plebeians, soldiers and officials. Thirty-six rájas of the neighbourhood joined him, and his forces greatly increased. The Sultán addressed them all in friendly, conciliatory terms, and held out promises of favours to come. The people in Dehlí were anxious about the progress of the Sultán, and at length Kiwámu-l Mulk, the Khán-i Jahán Makbul, took the lead, and addressed a letter to him relating how matters stood, and announcing his intention of joining him. In every letter he expressed his ardent good-will, and the Sultán, according to his request, wrote to him in reply. It began to be whispered about in the city that Khán-i Jahán was in correspondence with Fíroz Sháh, and would soon be off to join him. Khwája-i Jahán was satisfied of this being his intention by many palpable proofs, and resolved to seize the Khán and to frustrate his design. \* \* \* Early one morning Kiwámu-l Mulk got into a chaudol (kind of sedan), and with his armed retinue, his wives, children, friends, and dependents proceeded to the gate of the maidán. When he reached it, the sentinels attempted to bar it, but the horsemen rode up with drawn swords and frustrated their design. So Kiwámu-l Mulk, the Khán-i Jahán, then went leisurely out of the city to meet Sultán Fíroz Sháh. The Sultán had left Sarsutí, and, having made several marches, had reached Ikdár, where he was joined by, and received homage from, Khán-i Jahán. Another pleasure which the Sultán received on the same day at this place was the birth of a son, who was named Fath Khán. The Sultán founded a town there, to which he gave the name of Fath-ábád (Futtehabad). ### [9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.9) Khwaja-i Jahan heard that Kiwamu-l Mulk Khan-i Jahan had joined the Sultan. \* \* \* His mind became greatly troubled, and he reflected that as his proceedings had originated in error, no good could come of them. He resolved, therefore, to go to the Sultan and explain his error, trusting in God's protection. Accordingly he started from Dehli on a Thursday, and on the same day arrived at Isma'il, which is twenty-four kos distant. On the next day, being Friday, after prayers, he proceeded to Hauz-i Khass-i 'Ala. Here the nobles, who were faithful to him, Malik Hasan, Malik Khattab, Malik Hisamu-d din Uzbek, and others, being uneasy in their minds, went to him and said that they perceived he was resolved upon going to Sultan Firoz, and inquired what he advised them to do. He told them that in preferring the son of Sultan Muhammad Shah, he had no object or design of his own in view. \* \* \* When he heard that Sultan Muhammad was dead, that the Mughals were pressing on, and that Firoz Shah and Tatar Khan were missing, he acted as he thought best for the public welfare and the safety of the country. He had been guilty of many faults and errors, but the cries and pressure of the people on all sides had urged him on; otherwise he would have taken no part in the matter. He then went on to say that during the late reign he had called Firoz Shah his son, and had been addressed by him as father, and his wives had been in the custom of going to the house of Firoz. He knew not what God had decreed for him, but Sultan Firoz was a kind man, and would listen to what he had to say. He would also extend his pardon to the Khwaja's supporters. Khwaja-i Jahan was more than eighty years old. His frame was wasted and feeble, and his hair was white. \* \* \* He was a kind-hearted man, and when his followers heard of the resolution he had taken, they wept for him, and told him that in affairs of royalty no consideration is paid to the relation of father and son, and no excuses of error can be admitted. Sultan Firoz, although a good man, could not act differently from kings in general. The Khwaja replied, "I may turn back and fortify myself in Dehli but although I have an army and elephants, Sultan Firoz will take the place, and Muhammadan ladies will fall into the hands of the ruffians of his army. In my old age I should do that for which I should be called upon to account in the judgment. I have not much longer to live ; come what may, God's will be done ! " His adherents seeing him thus resolved, some accompanied him to Sultan Firoz, and some fled. Khwaja-i Jahan accordingly proceeded to Fathabad. The author has been informed that, on his arrival, the Sultan was seated on his throne holding a court, and the Khwaja went into his presence with a chain around his neck, his turban off a talika (?) on his head, and a naked sword fastened to his throat and took his standing low down among the attendants. \* \* \* The Sultan directed his turban to be replaced upon his head and sent his own chaudol to convey him to the grass plot, where he promised to meet and converse with him. \* \* \* ### [10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.10) Sultan Firoz was desirous that no evil should come to Khwaja-i Jahan, and wished to reinstate him as wazir, \* \* \* but the Khans, nobles, and officials, having met and consulted, arrived at the unanimous opinion that it was improper to look over such a political offence. \* \* \* They accordingly went to the Sultan and said that as Dehli had now come into his hands, and the Khwaja-i Jahan had joined him, all apprehension upon that ground was removed ; they therefore desired the royal permission to set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Sultan perceived their meaning and, speaking in kind and gentle words, said : " It was a high duty of kings to overlook any irregular acts of their officers." \* \* \* They replied, "That the offences of royal servants were of two classes — one small, the other great. The venial offences were those against property, the graver, those against authority; the former might be excused, but the latter ought not to be forgiven. Clemency in such cases was sure to be followed by repentance. The Khwája, in his inordinate thirst for distinction, had raised a child to the royal dignity, and had squandered vast wealth among the people." \* \* \* Sultán Fíroz saw that they were resolved, heart and soul, upon the destruction of the Khwája. This made him very anxious and thoughtful, so that he grew pale. In this state he remained for some days — his heart rent with sorrow. At length he called 'Imádu-l Mulk to a private interview, and told him to go to the friends and supporters of the throne and tell them that the Sultán placed the case of Khwája-i Jahán in their hands. They might do with him what seemed to them best, for the Sultán had given up the case. \* \* \* They accordingly agreed that as the Khwája was aged, the estate of Sámána should be assigned to him in in'ám, and so he was ordered to go there and devote his days to religion. \* \* \* The Khwája set out for Sámána, and had made some stages when Sher Khán overtook him, but did not go to see him. \* \* \* So the unfortunate noble saw plainly that the Khán had come on no errand of mercy, but rather to effect his destruction. \* \* Next day he asked Sher Khán for some tents, into one of which he went, performed his ablutions and said his prayers. \* \* \* He then looked at the executioner and asked if he had a sharp sword, and the executioner, who was a friend of the Khwája's, showed his weapon. The old man then told him to make his ablutions, say his prayers, and use his sword. When the man had completed his devotions, the Khwája bowed his head to his prayer-carpet, and while the name of God was on his lips his friend severed his head from his body. ### [11](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.11) The Sultán being relieved from all apprehension on account of Dehlí, marched in great state from Karoda towards the city. After several stages he arrived at Hansi, where he went to wait upon the Shaikhu-l Islam Shaikh Kutbu-d din. \* \* \* The Shaikh said to him, "I have heard it said that you are addicted to wine; but if Sultans and the heads of religion give themselves up to wine-bibbing, the wants of the poor and needy will get little attention." \* \* \* The Sultan thereupon said that he would drink no more. After this the Shaikh said that he had been informed that the Sultan was passionately fond of hunting; but hunting was a source of great trouble and distress to the world, and could not be approved. To kill any animal without necessity was wrong, and hunting ought not to be prosecuted farther than was necessary to supply the wants of man—all beyond this was reprehensible. The Sultan, in reverence of the Shaikh, promised to abstain from hunting. \* \* \* ### [12](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.12) Twelfth Mukaddama.—Interview with Shaikh Kutbu-d din-i Munawwar and Shaikh Nasiru-d din Mahmud at Sansi. ### [13](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.13) When the Sultan reached Dehli, the drums of joy were beaten, and the citizens decked themselves out in their jewels and best clothes. Pavilions (kaba) were erected and were decorated according to the custom prevailing in the times of former kings. Six of these pavilions were raised, and for twenty-one days a continual festival was maintained. One lac of tankas was expended in each pavilion in food and sherbet, and no one was excluded. \* \* \* ### [14](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.14) \* \* \* In those days Khwaja Fakhr Shadi was accountant-general. After Sultan Muhammad returned from Daulatabad, he lent the people of Dehli property equivalent to two krors (of tankas ?) for the purpose of restoring the land, villages, and quarters which had fallen into ruin during the days of the famine. This money remained in the hands of the people, and Khwaja-i Jahan, after the death of Sultan Muhammad, took the people of Dehli under his protection, and they in their greediness joined themselves to him. When Sultan Firoz ascended the throne at Thatta, the Khwaja distributed jewels and diamonds among them. All the money lent and the jewels stood against the names of the parties concerned in the government books. Fakhr Shadi, the accountant, brought the fact to the notice of Firoz Shah. After thinking over the matter, the Sultan consulted Kiwamu-l Mulk as to what ought to be done, \* \* \* and that minister replied, "That Sultan Muhammad had deemed it expedient to make loans to the people, and that the Khwaja-i Jahan had squandered the jewels and wealth in prosecution of his projects and vain desires; therefore it would not be seemly to demand their restoration. The people were in great distress and poverty; if such a claim were made, they would be reduced to utter helplessness and ruin, and not one jot of the debt and jewels would be realized." \* \* \* The Sultan then asked him how he ought to proceed, and the Khan advised him to have all the accounts brought into the public court, and there to destroy them in the presence of all the people, so that they might be relieved from their great anxiety. The Sultan heartily approved of this advice, and by his direction the records of the debt and of the jewels were brought into his court, where they were publicly cancelled. \* \* \* At this time the Sultan appointed Kiwamu-l Mulk his wazir, and bestowed upon him the insignia of his office. \* \* \* The revenues of Dehli, during the forty years which Sultan Firoz reigned, amounted to six krors and seventy-five lacs of tankas (67,500,000). ### [15](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.15) The Sultan showed great liberality in his grants of revenue, and excited the cupidity of a host of expectants. To some he gave 10,000 tankas, to others 5,000, and to others 2,000, according to the respective ranks and claims of the different office-bearers. This method (of paying officials) was introduced by Sultan Firoz, and remains as a memorial of him. In the reigns of former rulers of Dehli it had never been the rule to bestow villages as stipends upon office-bearers. The author has understood from various historians that Sultan 'Alau-d din used to speak of this practice with disapprobation, and say that in every village granted there would be two or three hundred residents, all of whom would receive pay (from the grantee). Such a number of pensioners would give rise to pride and insubordination, and if they were to act in concert, there would be danger of rebellion. With these feelings there is no wonder that 'Alau-d-din refused to make grants of villages, and paid his followers every year with money from the treasury. But when Sultan Firoz came to the throne, he dismissed such thoughts from his heart, and during the forty years of his reign he devoted himself to generosity and the benefit of Musulmans, by distributing villages and lands among his followers. In the whole of these forty years not one leaf of dominion was shaken in the palace of sovereignty. These facts are among the glories of his reign. \* \* \* Another law made by Firoz Shah was this : If an officer of the army died, he was to be succeeded by his son; if he had no son, by his son-in-law; if he had no son-in-law, by his slave (ghulam); if he had no slave, by his nearest relation; and if he had no relations, by his wives. During the whole of his reign he made it a rule that, under all circumstances, the succession of every person should be clearly defined. \* \* \* ### [16](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.16) \* \* \* Unwise regulations had been made in former reigns, and the raiyats and subjects were oppressed in the payment of the revenue. Several writers told the author of this work that it was the practice to leave the raiyat one cow and take away all the rest. Sultan Firoz made the laws of the Prophet his guide, acting zealously upon the principles they laid down, and prohibiting all that was inconsistent therewith. No demand in excess of the regular government dues was to be made, and the officer who made any such exaction was to make full reparation. Brocades, silks, and goods required for the royal establishments were to be purchased at the market price, and the money paid. \* \* \* Such rules were made that the raiyats grew rich, and were satisfied. \* \* \* Their homes were replete with grain, property, horses, and furniture; every one had plenty of gold and silver; no woman was without her ornaments, and no house was wanting in excellent beds and couches. Wealth abounded and comforts were general. The whole realm of Dehli was blessed with the bounties of the Almighty. ### Seventeenth Mukaddama. — Perfidy of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada. ### [17.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.17.1) While Firoz Shah was engaged at Dehli in arranging the affairs of government, Khudawand-zada, daughter of Sultan Tughlik Shah, was also residing there with her husband, Khusru Malik, in a palace which had belonged to the late Sultan Muhammad. Sultan Firoz had made it his custom to go every Friday after prayers to pay a visit to Khudawand-zada, and whenever he saw her he treated her with the greatest possible respect. She also, on her part, shewed every mark of respect to him. The Sultan and Khudawand-zada used to sit down together in the robe-room; Khusru Malik used to stand; and Dawar Malik to sit behind his mother, Khudawand-zada. When their conversation was over, the princess used to present pan, and the Sultan departed. So it went on every Friday. Under the decrees of God envy and rancour still lurk in the constitution of man, and so Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada conceived the idea of hastening the end of Sultan Firoz, and of killing him treacherously in the place where he was in the habit of visiting Khudawand-zada on Fridays. ### [17.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.17.2) In the palace there was a long room, having two lateral chambers. These rooms Khusru Malik filled with men armed from head to foot, and gave them instructions that when Khudawand-zada adjusted the garment round her head, they were to rush forth and cut off the Sultan's head. Khusru Malik also concealed some more armed men under the floor of the outer gateway, who were directed to fall upon the Sultan and despatch him should he succeed in escaping from the inside of the palace. \* \* \* When Friday came, the Sultan paid his accustomed visit, and sat down to converse as usual. Dawar Malik, son of Khudawand-zada (but, as the author has been informed, by another husband than the base Khusru Malik), sat behind his mother. He took no part in the plot, and when he saw the Sultan, he made signs that he should depart quickly and secure himself in his own palace. The Sultan took the hint and rose to depart. Khudawand-zada pressed him to wait until the pan was served, but he said that Fath Khan was sick, and he must hasten away, but that he would come another day. The armed men in concealment were not informed of what passed, and so the Sultan escaped from the room. The men who were hidden in the gateway knew the Sultan had gone in, but they were unaware of his having come out, and so, by the grace of God, the Sultan got away safe from the house of Khudawand-zada. ### [17.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.17.3) As soon as he got outside the house (into the court-yard), the Sultan raised a loud cry for his followers, but as it was Friday most of the nobles had gone back; Rai Bhiru Bhatti remained in attendance. When the Sultan came forth very excited, he cried out in a fierce tone, "Rai Bhiru, give me the sword which thou hast in thine hand!" The Rai perceived that he was in a state of great excitement, and replied, "I will draw my sword and will follow your Majesty; will you not proceed home?" Without heeding what was said, the Sultan snatched the sword from the hands of the Rai, and drew it; then getting safely away from the buildings of Sultan Muhammad's harem, he mounted to the top of the kushk (palace). The princes and nobles were instantly summoned, and they surrounded the dwelling of Khusru Malik and Khudawand-zada. The armed men were brought forth, and, on being questioned, told all the truth of the matter. The Sultan asked if they were not aware of what had passed. They replied with one voice that the Almighty had closed the eyes of their perception, so that they were aware of the Sultan's going into the house, but did not know of his coming out. When the facts were proved, the Sultan ordered Khudawand-zada into retirement and settled an allowance upon her. She had very great wealth, by the power of which Khusru Malik had hoped to effect his designs ; all this was brought into the public treasury. ### [17.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.17.4) Khusru Malik was banished, and Dawar Malik was directed to pay a visit to the Sultan at the beginning of every month, wearing an overcoat and slippers on his feet. ### [18](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.18) Eighteenth Mukaddama. — Sultan Firoz adopts a Khutba, including the names of former Sultans for the public prayers of Fridays and Festivals. Account of the edicts issued by him. 1. On the names used in the khutba. — It had been a rule among the Sultans of Dehli that the name of the reigning monarch only was mentioned in the prayers of Sabbaths and Festivals, and no reference was made to former Sultans. When Sultan Firoz came to the throne, they were about to follow the same rule, and to mention his name only in the khutba ; but he disapproved of the omission of former kings, and ordered that a khutba should be said first in the names of former kings, and then one in which his own name should be mentioned. In accordance with this decree, the Sultans in the following list were specially selected to be named in the khutba : — 1. Sultan Shahabu-d din Muhammad Sam ; 2. Shamsu-d din Altamsh ; 3. Nasiru-d din Mahmud ; 4. Ghiyasu-d din Balban ; 5. Jalalu-d din Firoz ; 6. 'Alau-d din Muhammad Khilji ; 7. Kutbu-d din Mubarak ; 8. Ghiyasu-d din Tughlik Sháh; 9. Sultán Muhammad; 10. Fíroz Sháh. Two names were selected to be mentioned after that of Sultán Fíroz Sháh; viz., 1. Muhammad bin Fíroz Sháh; 2. 'Aláu-d dín Sikandar Sháh; and till the end of the reign these names were mentioned in the prayers. \* \* \* 2. Account of the edicts on matters of royalty.—Sultán Fíroz Sháh issued twenty-one edicts (sikka) and thirty-one instructions ('alámat) upon matters of royalty. The author here inserts their titles for the benefit of his readers. 1. On the khutba; 2. On the sandal-wood throne; 3. On the imperial cornelian signet, etc., etc. ### [19](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.19) About 70,000 men of the kháns and maliks having assembled, Fíroz Sháh marched with his nobles and great men to Lakhnautí. \* \* \* Khán-i Jahán remained behind at Dehlí. ### [20](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.20) Sháh Fíroz marched triumphantly through Hindústán and reached Bengal in great strength. \* \* \* When he arrived on the banks of the Kosí, after resting for a short time, he found the army of Shamsu-d dín posted in force on the other side of the river, near its junction with the Ganges. The passage appeared difficult, so the Sultán marched 100 kos up the Kosí, and crossed it below Champáran, at the place where the river issues from the mountain. Here a ford was found, but the waters ran with such force that stones of five hundred mans weight were borne along like straws. The Sultán ordered a line of elephants to be drawn across the river, both above and below the ford, to facilitate the passage. The upper line was to break the force of the current; the lower line was furnished with ropes, to which men carried away by the stream might cling. \* \* \* When Shamsu-d dín heard that the Sultán had succeeded in crossing the river, he fled in great alarm with all his forces to Ikdála, and the Sultán followed by way of Champáran and Rachap. Shamsu-d dín abandoned the town of Pándwah, and shut himself up in Ikdála, pursued by the Sultán, who closely besieged the place and threw up batteries (kungura), and dug entrenchments all round it. The forces of Shamsu-d dín came out daily from Ikdála to make a display, and were received with showers of arrows. They were at length compelled to take shelter in the islands (jazáir) of Ikdála. The country was overrun by the troops of the Sultán, and all the ráos, ránas, and zamíndárs of Bengal, who joined the Sultán, were favourably received. Many people of the country of Bengal also came over to him. When hostilities had thus gone on fiercely for some time between the two sovereigns, unfriendly weather sowed the seed of heat in the moist earth, and the sun was about to enter the sign Cancer. The Sultán therefore called a council, and after much secret debate it was resolved that Shamsu-d dín had taken refuge and fortified himself in the islands of Ikdála, with the belief that when the rains came on, and the country became inundated, the Sultan would be obliged to retreat. It was therefore expedient that the Sultan should fall back strategically a few kos and see what would happen. This plan was approved, and accordingly next day the Sultan retreated seven kos towards Dehli. Some kalandars were then craftily sent to Ikdála, with instructions that if they were brought before Shamsu-d dín, they were to report that the Sultan was in full retreat, with all his forces and baggage, towards Dehli. The kalandars, being captured, were taken into the presence of Shamsu-d dín, to whom they told the story they had been taught, and he, believing it, \* \* \* determined to go out of Ikdála and harass the retreat. ### Third Mukaddama. — Battle between Sultan Fíroz and Shamsu-d dín. Capture of fifty elephants and slaughter of one lac of the people of Bang and Bangála. ### [21.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.21.1) When Shamsu-d dín heard that Sultán Fíroz had retreated towards Dehli, he made up his mind to pursue him. Some writers say that Fíroz Sháh left his camp (rakht) standing, others that he caused part of his baggage to be burned. Sultan Shamsu-d dín came out in pursuit with a force which consisted of 10,000 horse, 200,000 infantry like the infantry of Subuktigín, and fifty mighty elephants. Fíroz Sháh had marched seven kos, and the place where he was lying in wait was on the bank of the river where the eddies had formed a ford. His baggage was in the act of crossing at this ford, when, unexpectedly, the Sultan of the Bengális came up and rushed to the attack. \* \* \* \* When the Sultan heard that the enemy had arrived in great force, he proceeded to draw up his army in three divisions. Malik Dildn, the Mír-shikár, had command of the right wing, consisting of 30,000 horse, and the left wing, also consisting of 30,000 warriors, was commanded by Malik Hisám Nawá. The centre, consisting likewise of 30,000 men, was under Tátár Khán. The Sultán himself proceeded from one division to another, encouraging his men. \* \* \* The elephants were divided among the three divisions. \* \* \* All preparations being made, the drums were beaten, and the din of war arose between the two armies. When Shamsu-d dín perceived the Sultán's army drawn up in battle array, he feared and trembled like a willow-leaf, for he found that he had been deluded by the kalandars to bring his forces out of his stronghold; ### [21.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.21.2) all he could now do was to resign himself to the decrees of fate. The fight began with the left wing under Hisámu-d dín Nawá, and was stoutly maintained. The right wing also under Malik Dílán became hotly engaged. \* \* \* When the time for shooting arrows was past, they used their spears and swords, and when the conflict became even yet closer, the brave warriors seized each other by the waistbands, and grappled in deadly strife. \* \* \* After much fighting and slaughter, Shamsu-d dín retreated and fled towards his own city. Tátár Khán, with the centre of the Sultán's army, strongly reinforced from both wings, pursued; and the Bengalí army having abandoned Pandwah, continued its flight to Ikdála. Tátár Khán cried, "O Shams-i siyáh (Black Sun), whither art thou running? A man ought to show his face, not turn his back: stop for a moment and feel the strength of Fíroz Sháh's lads!" Shamsu-d dín, however, pursued his flight, heedless of everything. Forty-eight elephants were taken, and three were slain. The King of Bengal, out of all his enormous force, fled with seven horsemen, and his whole army was scattered. The place where Fíroz Sháh had taken his position on the river was seven kos from Ikdála. \* \* \* Sultán Shamsu-d dín took refuge in the fort of Ikdála, and by dint of great exertion the commander succeeded in closing the gate, but Fíroz Sháh's forces occupied the town. ### [21.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.21.3) When the arrival of Fíroz Sháh became known, all the ladies and respectable women went to the top of the fort, and when they saw him they uncovered their heads, and in their distress made great lamentation. The Sultán saw their state and heard their wailings; he thereupon reflected that he had occupied the city, had overcome many Musulmans, had taken possession of the country, and that the Khutba would be said in his name. To storm the fort, put more Musulmans to the sword, and expose honourable women to ignominy, would be a crime for which he could not answer in the day of judgment, and which would leave no difference between him and the Mughals. Tatar Khan repeatedly urged the Sultan to retain the territory he had conquered, but the Sultan was adverse to annexation, observing that many of the sovereigns of Dehli had come into this country and had subdued it, but none of them had deemed it prudent to remain there long. For Bengal was a land of swamps, and the nobles of the country passed their lives in their islands (jazairat). It would not do therefore for him to act differently from all his sovereign predecessors, so Firoz Shah turned back after having changed the name of Ikdala to Azadpur. Tatar Khan acted with great bravery in this war, and pressed the retreat of Sultan Shamsu-d din with great vigour. He at one time during the pursuit resolved to put the fugitive prince to the sword, but he abandoned that design and fell back slowly to Firoz Shah. \* \* \* ### [22](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot.22) When the Sultan resolved upon returning home from Bengal all his followers were much pleased. An order was given for collecting the heads of the slain Bengalis, and a silver tanka was offered for every head. The whole army went busily to work, and brought in the heads of the slain and piled them in heaps, receiving in payment the silver tankas. The heads were counted and amounted to rather more than 180,000, for the battle had raged for a whole day over an extent of seven kos. \* \* \* The Sultán then turned with his army and marched quickly towards Dehli. When he reached Pandwah, the khutba was said in his name, and he changed the name of the place to Firozábád. The new names which he gave to Ikdála and Pandwah were made permanent and were entered in the Government records as "Ázád-pur, otherwise Ikdála," and "Firozábád, otherwise Pandwah." When the Sultán arrived on the banks of the Kosi the rains came on, and orders were given for the troops to embark in boats (kishtíhá-i band-kushá). The whole army thus crossed over. When Shamsu-d dín entered Ikdála, he seized the Governor, who had shut the gates, and had him executed. As the Sultán was returning, he sent forward to Dehli a despatch announcing his conquest of Lakhnauti. Khán-i Jahán Makbúl had been left in Dehli as deputy, and when the news of the victory arrived, great rejoicings were carried on for twenty-one days, \* \* \* and great preparations were made for the reception of the Sultán. \* \* \* When he entered the city, forty-eight elephants, captured at Lakhnauti with their howdahs and housings, marched at the head of the victorious army. \* \* \* In this, the Sultán's first expedition to Lakhnauti, he was engaged eleven months. _First 35 of 149 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot)_ --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.sultanate.tarikh-i-firuzshahi-afif~en-elliot) · Pramāṇa