The History of Fīrūz Shāh (Baranī) 6: Regulation I. — Fixing the price of grain.
Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí of Ziáu-d Dín Barní (extracts) 6
- Language
- English
Regulation I. — Fixing the price of grain.
6.1
Wheat, per man 7 1/2 jitals. Barley, „ 4 „ Rice, „ 5 „ Mash (a vetch), „ 5 „ Nukhud (a vetch), „ 5 „ Moth (a vetch), „ 3 „ This scale of prices was maintained as long as 'Alau-d din lived, and grain never rose one dang, whether the rains were abundant or scanty. This unvarying price of grain in the markets was looked upon as one of the wonders of the time. Regulation II. — To secure the cheapness of grain, Malik Kabul Ulugh Khan, a wise and practical man, was appointed controller of the markets. He received a large territory and used to go round (the markets) in great state with many horse and foot. He had clever deputies, friends of his own, who were appointed by the crown. Intelligent spies also were sent into the markets.
6.2
Regulation III. — Accumulation of corn in the king's granaries. — The Sultan gave orders that all the Khálsa villages of the Doáb should pay the tribute in kind. The corn was brought into the granaries of the city (of Dehli). In the country dependent on the New City half the Sultán's portion (of the produce) was ordered to be taken in grain. In Jhain also, and in the villages of Jhain, stores were to be formed. These stores of grain were to be sent into the city in caravans. By these means so much royal grain came to Dehli that there never was a time when there were not two or three royal granaries full of grain in the city. When there was a deficiency of rain, or when for any reason the caravans did not arrive, and grain became scarce in the markets, then the royal stores were opened and the corn was sold at the tariff price, according to the wants of the people. Grain was also consigned to the caravans from New City. Through these two rules, grain never was deficient in the markets, and never rose one dang above the fixed price.
6.3
Regulation IV. — The Caravans. — The Sultán placed all the carriers of his kingdom under the controller of the markets. Orders were given for arresting the head carriers and for bringing them in chains before the controller of the markets, who was directed to detain them until they agreed upon one common mode of action and gave bail for each other. Nor were they to be released until they brought their wives and children, beasts of burden and cattle, and all their property, and fixed their abodes in the villages along the banks of the Jumna. An overseer was to be placed over the carriers and their families, on behalf of the controller of the markets, to whom the carriers were to submit. Until all this was done the chiefs were to be kept in chains. Under the operation of this rule, so much grain found its way into the markets that it was unnecessary to open the royal stores, and grain did not rise a dang above the standard.
6.4
Regulation V. — Regrating. — The fifth provision for securing the cheapness of grain was against regrating. This was so rigidly enforced that no merchant, farmer, corn-chandler, or any one else, could hold back secretly a man or half a man of grain and sell it at his shop for a dang or a diram above the regulated price. If regrated grain were discovered, it was forfeited to the Sultan, and the regrater was fined. Engagements were taken from the governors and other revenue officers in the Doáb that no one under their authority should be allowed to regrate, and if any man was discovered to have regrated, the deputy and his officers were fined, and had to make their defence to the throne.
6.5
Regulation VI. — Engagements were taken from the provincial revenue officers and their assistants, that they would provide that the corn-carriers should be supplied with corn by the raiyats on the field at a fixed price. The Sultan also gave orders that engagements should be taken from the chief díwán, and from the overseers and other revenue officers in the countries of the Doab, near the capital, that they should so vigorously collect the tribute that the cultivators should be unable to carry away any corn from the fields into their houses and to regrate. They were to be compelled to sell their corn in the fields to the corn-carriers at a low price, so that the dealers should have no excuse for neglecting to bring the corn into the markets. A constant supply was thus secured. To give the villagers a chance of profit, they were permitted to carry their corn into the market and sell it at the regulation price.
6.6
Regulation VII. — Reports used to be made daily to the Sultan of the market rate and of the market transactions from three distinct sources. 1st. The superintendent made a report of the market rate and of the market transactions. 2nd. The barids, or reporters, made a statement. 3rd. The manhis, or spies, made a report. If there was any variance in these reports, the superintendent received punishment. The various officials of the market were well aware that all the ins and outs of the market were reported to the Sultan through three different channels, and so there was no opportunity of their deviating from the market rules in the smallest particular.
6.7
All the wise men of the age were astonished at the evenness of the price in the markets. If the rains had fallen (regularly), and the seasons had been (always) favourable, there would have been nothing so wonderful in grain remaining at one price; but the extraordinary part of the matter was that during the reign of 'Alau-d din there were years in which the rains were deficient, but instead of the usual scarcity ensuing, there was no want of corn in Dehli, and there was no rise in the price either in the grain brought out of the royal granaries, or in that imported by the dealers. This was indeed the wonder of the age, and no other monarch was able to effect it. Once or twice when the rains were deficient a market overseer reported that the price had risen half a jital, and he received twenty blows with the stick. When the rains failed, a quantity of corn, sufficient for the daily supply of each quarter of the city, was consigned to the dealers every day from the market, and half a man used to be allowed to the ordinary purchasers in the markets. Thus the gentry and traders, who had no villages or lands, used to get grain from the markets. If in such a season any poor reduced person went to the market, and did not get assistance, the overseer received his punishment whenever the fact found its way to the king's ears. For the purpose of securing low prices for piece goods, garments, sugar, vegetables, fruits, animal oil, and lamp oil, five Regulations were issued. * * *
6.8
For securing a cheap rate for the purchase of horses, slaves, and cattle, four Regulations were issued. * * * Regulation IV. — * * * The price of a serving girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, of a concubine at 20, 30, or 40 tankas. The price for a male slave was 100 or 200 tankas, or less. If such a slave as could not in these days be bought for 1000 or 2000 tankas came into the market, he was sold for what he would fetch, in order to escape the reports of the informers. Handsome lads fetched from 20 to 30 tankas; the price of slave-labourers was 10 to 15 tankas, and of young domestic slaves 17 or 18 tankas. * * * * Great pains were taken to secure low prices for all things sold at the stalls in the markets, from caps to shoes, from combs to needles, etc., etc. Although the articles were of the most trifling value, yet the Sultan took the greatest trouble to fix the prices and settle the profit of the vendors. Four Regulations were issued. * * *
6.9
The fourth Regulation for securing cheapness provided severe punishments ; blows, and cutting off flesh from the haunches of those who gave short weight. * * * The market people, however, could not refrain from giving short weight. They sold their goods according to the established rate, but they cheated the purchasers in the weight, especially ignorant people and children. When the Sultan turned his attention to the subject, he discovered that the market people, as usual, were acting dishonestly * * * He therefore used to send for some of the poor ignorant boys, who attended to his pigeon-houses, and to give them ten or twenty dirams to go into the market and buy bread and various other articles for him. * * * When the boys had purchased the articles, and brought them to the Sultan, the inspector of the market was sent for, and he had to weigh the things in the presence of the Sultan. If the weight was less than required by the Sultan's scale of prices, the inspector took the lad and went to the shop of the dealer who had given short weight, and placed the purchased article before him. The inspector then took from his shop whatever was deficient, and afterwards cut from his haunches an equal weight of flesh, which was thrown down before his eyes. The certainty of this punishment kept the traders honest, and restrained them from giving short weight, and other knavish tricks. Nay, they gave such good weight that purchasers often got somewhat in excess.
6.10
The various Regulations * * * of 'Aláu-d dín came to an end at his death, for his son, Kutbu-d dín, was not able to maintain a thousandth part of them. After the prices of goods and provisions were brought down, the pay of the soldier was fixed at the rate of 234 tankas, and the man of two horses at seventy-eight tankas more. All the men were inspected by the 'áriz-i mamalik (Muster-master); those who were skilled in archery and the use of arms passed, and they received the price for their horse, and the horse was branded according to rule. When the tariffs had been settled and the army had been increased and newly organized, the Sultán was ready for the Mughals. Whenever they made an attack upon Dehli and its vicinity, they were defeated, driven back, and put to the sword. The arms of Islám were everywhere triumphant over them. Many thousands were taken prisoners, and were brought into Dehli with ropes round their necks, where they were cast under the feet of elephants. Their heads were piled up in pyramids, or built into towers. So many thousands were slain in battle and in the city that horrid stenches arose. Such was the superiority of the men of Islám over the Mughals, that one or two horsemen would tie by the neck and bring in ten Mughal prisoners, and one Musulmán horseman would drive a hundred Mughals before him.
6.11
On one occasion 'Ali Beg and Tartak were the leaders of the Mughal forces, men who had acquired some repute. 'Ali Beg was said to be a descendant of Changiz Khan, the accursed. With thirty or forty thousand horse they skirted the mountains and advanced into the territory of Amroha. The Sultan sent against them Malik Nayak Akhur-beg. The opposing forces met in the territory of Amroha, and God gave the victory to the army of Islam. 'Ali Beg and Tartak were both taken alive, and many thousand Mughals were put to the sword. The force was entirely routed, and the battle-field was covered with heaps of slain like shocks of corn. Ropes were fastened round the necks of 'Ali Beg and Tartak, and they were conducted to the Sultan with many other Mughal prisoners. Twenty thousand horses belonging to the slain Mughals were taken into the royal stables. A grand court was held by the Sultan in the Chautara Subhani. From the court at this place a double row of soldiers was formed as far as Indarpat. Such numbers of men were assembled on that day that a pitcher of water fetched twenty jitals to half a tanka. 'Ali Beg, Tartak, and other Mughal prisoners, were brought forward with their accoutrements. The prisoners were cast under the feet of elephants in the presence of the court, and streams of blood flowed.
6.12
In another year a battle was fought in Khikar between the army of Islam and the Mughals, under the accursed Kank. The Mughals were defeated, and Kank was brought prisoner to 'Alau-d din, and thrown under the feet of elephants. On another occasion great numbers of Mughals were slain, partly in battle, partly afterwards in the city. A tower was built of their heads in front of the gate of Badaun, and remains to this day a memento of 'Alau-d din. At another time three or four Mughal amirs, commanders of tumans, with thirty or forty thousand horse, broke into the Siwalik, and engaged in slaughter and plunder.
6.13
An army was sent against them with orders to seize upon the road by which the Mughals must return to the river, and there to encamp, so that when the thirsty Mughals attempted to approach the river they would receive their punishment. These orders were carried out. The Mughals having wasted the Siwálik, had moved some distance off. When they and their horses returned weary and thirsty to the river, the army of Islam, which had been waiting for them some days, caught them as they expected. They begged for water, and they and all their wives and children were made prisoners. Islam gained a great victory, and brought several thousand prisoners with ropes on their necks to the fort of Nárániya. The women and children were taken to Dehli, and were sold as slaves in the market. Malik Kháss-hájib was sent to Nárániya, and there put every Mughal prisoner to the sword. Streams ran with their foul blood.
6.14
In another year Ikbálmanda came with a Mughal army, and the Sultan sent an army against him from Dehli. The army of Islam was again victorious, and Ikbálmanda was slain with many thousands of his followers. The Mughal commanders of thousands and hundreds, who were taken prisoners, were brought to Dehli, and thrown under the feet of elephants. On the occasion when Ikbálmanda was slain no man returned alive, and the Mughals conceived such a fear and dread of the army of Islám, that all fancy for coming to Hindústán was washed clean out of their breasts. Till the end of the reign of Kutbu-d dín the name of Hindústán was never mentioned among them, nor did they venture to approach it. Fear of the army of Islám prevented them from attaining their heart's desire, even in their dreams; for in their sleep they still saw the sword of Islám hanging over them. All fear of the Mughals entirely departed from Dehli and the neighbouring provinces. Perfect security was everywhere felt, and the raiyats of those territories, which had been exposed to the inroads of the Mughals, carried on their agriculture in peace.
6.15
Ghází Malik, who afterwards became Sultán Tughlik Sháh, had obtained great renown in Hindustán and Khurásan. He held the territories of Debálpur and Láhor, and, until the end of the reign of Kutbu-d dín, he proved a barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, occupying, in fact, the position formerly held by Shír Khán. Every winter he led out a chosen force from Debalpur, and marching to the frontiers of the Mughals he challenged them to come forth. The Mughals were so dispirited that they dared not even make any military display upon their frontiers. No one now cared about them, or gave them the slightest thought. * * * Wherever Sultán 'Aláu-d dín looked around upon his territories, peace and order prevailed. His mind was free from all anxiety. The fort of Sírí was finished, and it became a populous and flourishing place. Devoting his attention to political matters, he made ready his army for the destruction of the Ráis and zamíndárs of other lands, and for the acquisition of elephants and treasure from the princes of the South. He withdrew several divisions of his army, which had been employed in guarding against the advance of the Mughals, and formed them into an army, which he sent against Deogír, under the command of Malik Náíb Káfúr Hazár-dínárí, accompanied by other maliks and amírs, and the red canopy. He also sent Khwája Hájí, deputy 'áriz-i mamálík, to attend to the administration of the army, the collection of supplies, and the securing of elephants and the spoil.
6.16
No army had marched from Dehlí to Deogír since the Sultán himself attacked it before he ascended the throne. Rámdeo had rebelled, and for several years had not sent his tribute to Dehlí. Malik Náíb Káfúr reached Deogír and laid the country waste. He made Rámdeo and his sons prisoners, and took his treasures, as well as seventeen elephants. Great spoil fell into his hands, * * * and he returned with it triumphant to Dehlí, carrying with him Rámdeo. The Sultán showed great favour to the Rái, gave him a canopy, and the title of Rái-ráyán (King of kings). He also gave him a lak of tankas, and sent him back in great honour, with his children, wives, and dependents to Deogir, which place he confirmed in his possession. The Rai was ever afterwards obedient, and sent his tribute regularly as long as he lived.
6.17
Next year, in the year 709 H. (1309 A.D.), the Sultán sent Malik Naíb Káfúr with a similar force against Arangal. The Sultán gave him instructions to do his utmost to capture the fort of Arangal, and to overthrow Rai Laddar Deo. If the Rái consented to surrender his treasure and jewels, elephants and horses, and also to send treasure and elephants in the following year, Malik Náíb Káfúr was to accept these terms and not press the Rai too hard. He was to come to an arrangement and retire, without pushing matters too far, lest Rái Laddar Deo should get the better of him. If he could not do this, he was, for the sake of his own name and fame, to bring the Rái with him to Dehlí. * * * Malik Naib Káfúr and Khwája Hájí took leave of the Sultán and marched to Rabarí, a village in the fief of the Malik. There the army assembled, and marched towards Deogir and Arangal. The maliks and amírs of Hindustán, with their cavalry and infantry, joined at Chanderí, where a review was held. On approaching Deogír, Rái-ráyán Rámdeo came forth to meet the army, with respectful offerings to the Sultán and presents to the generals. While the army was marching through the territories of Deogír, Rámdeo attended every day at head quarters. So long as it remained encamped in the suburbs of the city, he showed every mark of loyalty, and to the best of his ability supplied Náíb Káfúr and his officers with fodder, and the army with matériel.
6.18
Every day he and his officers went out to the camp, rendering every assistance. He made the bázár people of Deogír attend the army, and gave them strict orders to supply the wants of the soldiers at cheap rates. The army remained in the suburbs of Deogír for some days, resting from its fatigues. When it marched, Rámdeo sent men forward to all the villages on the route, as far as the borders of Arangal, with orders for the collection of fodder and provisions for the army, and giving notice that if a bit of rope was lost they would have to answer for it. He was as dutiful as any raiyat of Dehli. He sent on all stragglers to rejoin the army, and he added to it a force of Mahrattas, both horse and foot. He himself accompanied the march several stages, and then took leave and returned. All wise and experienced men noticed and applauded his devotion and attention. When Malik Naib Kafur arrived in Tilang, he found the towns and villages in his way laid waste. The mukaddims and rais perceived the superiority of the army of Islam, and so they abandoned their forts and went and took refuge in Arangal. The fort of Arangal was of mud, and tolerably large. All the active men of the country had assembled there. The Rai, with the mukaddims and (inferior) rais and connections, went with their elephants and treasure into the stone fort. Malik Naib Kafur invested the mud fort, and there were fights every day between the besiegers and the besieged.
6.19
The Maghribis (western manjaniks) were played on both sides, and on both sides many were wounded. This went on for some days, till the daring and adventurous men of the army of Islam planted their scaling ladders and fixed their ropes. Then, like birds, they escaladed the towers of the mud fort, which was stronger than the stone one, and, cutting down the defenders with their swords, spears, and axes, they made themselves masters of the fort. They next invested the stone fort most closely. Laddar Deo perceived that all hope was gone, and that the fort was tottering to its fall. He therefore sent some great brahmans and distinguished basiths, with presents to Malik Káfúr, to beg for quarter, promising to give up all the treasures and elephants and horses, jewels and valuables, that he had, and to send regularly every year a certain amount of treasure and a certain number of elephants to Dehli. Malik Káfur agreed to these terms, and raised the siege of the fort. He took from Laddar Deo all the treasure which he had accumulated in the course of many years, — a hundred elephants, seven thousand horse, and large quantities of jewels and valuables. He also took from him a writing, engaging to send annually treasure and elephants. In the early part of the year 710 he started to return, loaded with booty, and, passing through Deogir, Dhár and Jhain, he at length arrived in Dehli. * * *
6.20
It was the practice of the Sultán, when he sent an army on an expedition, to establish posts on the road, wherever posts could be maintained, beginning from Tilpat, which is the first stage. At every post relays of horses were stationed, and at every half or quarter kos runners were posted, and in every town or place where horses were posted, officers and report writers were appointed. Every day, or every two or three days, news used to come to the Sultán reporting the progress of the army, and intelligence of the health of the sovereign was carried to the army. False news was thus prevented from being circulated in the city or in the army. The securing of accurate intelligence from the court on one side, and the army on the other, was a great public benefit. * * * Towards the end of the year 710 H. (1310 A.D.) the Sultán sent an army under Malik Náib Káfúr against Dhúr-samundar and Ma'bar. The Malik, with Khwája Hájí, Náib-i 'áriz, took leave of the Sultán and proceeded to Rábarí, where the army collected. They then proceeded to Deogír, where they found that Rámdeo was dead, and from Deogír to the confines of Dhúr-samundar. At the first onslaught Billál Raí fell into the hands of the Muhammadans, and Dhúr-samundar was captured. Thirty-six elephants, and all the treasures of the place, fell into the hands of the victors. A despatch of victory was then sent to Dehli, and Malik Naib Kafur marched on to Ma'bar, which he also took.
6.21
He destroyed the golden idol temple (but-khanah-i zarin) of Ma'bar, and the golden idols which for ages (karnha) had been worshipped by the Hindus of that country. The fragments of the golden temple, and of the broken idols of gold and gilt, became the rich spoil of the army. In Ma'bar there were two Rais, but all the elephants and treasure were taken from both, and the army turned homewards flushed with victory. A despatch of victory was sent to the Sultan, and in the early part of 711 H. (1311 A.D.) the army reached Dehli, bringing with it six hundred and twelve elephants, ninety-six thousand mans of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and twenty thousand horses. Malik Naib Kafur presented the spoil to the Sultan in the palace at Siri on different occasions, and the Sultan made presents of four mans, or two mans, or one man, or half a man of gold to the maliks and amirs. The old inhabitants of Dehli remarked that so many elephants and so much gold had never before been brought into Dehli. No one could remember anything like it, nor was there anything like it recorded in history. At the end of this same year twenty elephants arrived in Dehli from Laddar Deo Rai of Tilang, with a letter stating that he was ready to pay at Deogir, to any one whom the Sultan would commission to receive it, the treasure which he had engaged to pay, thus fulfilling the terms of the treaty made with Malik Kafur.
6.22
In the latter part of the reign of 'Alau-d din several important victories were gained, and the affairs of the State went on according to his heart's desire, but his fortune now became clouded and his prosperity waned. Cares assailed him on many sides. His sons left their places of instruction and fell into bad habits. He drove away his wise and experienced ministers from his presence, and sent his councillors into retirement. He was desirous that all the business of the State should be concentrated in one office, and under the officers of that office; and that the control of all matters, general or special, should be in the charge of men of his own race (zát). Mistakes were now made in political matters; the Sultán had no Aristotle or Buzurjmihr to point out the pros and cons of any question, and to make the true course clear to him. At the time when the Sultán so resolutely opposed himself to the inroads of the Mughals, several of the amírs of the "New Musulmáns" who had no employ, and whose bread and grants of revenue had been resumed or curtailed by the revenue officers, grumbled, and conceived certain crude ideas.
6.23
The Sultán heard that some of the chiefs of the New Musulmáns were complaining of their poverty and wretchedness, and were talking about him with ill feeling, saying that he dealt harshly with his people, oppressing them with fines and exactions to fill his own treasury, that he had forbidden the use of wine, beer, and strong drinks, and that he had levied heavy tribute from the country, and reduced the people to distress. They thought, therefore, that if they raised a revolt all the New Musulmáns, their countrymen, would join them, and that the prospect of escaping from the severity and oppression of 'Aláu-d dín would be pleasing to others as well. There had been no revolt for some time, and so none would be expected. Their plan was to seek an opportunity when the Sultán went out hawking in a light dress, and when he and his followers were eager in pursuit of the game, with their arms thrown aside. Two or three hundred New Musulmáns in one compact band were then to rush upon the Sultán, and carry off him and his personal attendants. This conspiracy became known to the Sultán. He was by nature cruel and implacable, and his only care was the welfare of his kingdom. No consideration for religion, no regard for the ties of brotherhood or the filial relation, no care for the rights of others, ever troubled him. He disregarded the provisions of the law, even in the punishments which he awarded, and was unmoved by paternity or sonship.
6.24
He now gave his commands that the race of "New Musulmáns," who had settled in his territories, should be destroyed, and they were to be so slain that they all perished on the same day, and that not one of the stock should be left alive upon the face of the earth. Upon this command, worthy of a Pharaoh or a Nimrod, twenty or thirty thousand "New Musulmáns" were killed, of whom probably only a few had any knowledge (of the intended revolt). Their houses were plundered, and their wives and children turned out. In most of the years which have been noticed disturbances (ibáhatiyán) broke out in the city; but by the Sultán's command every rioter was most perseveringly pursued, and put to death with the most severe punishment. Their heads were sawn in two and their bodies divided. After these punishments breaches of the peace were never heard of in the city. The generals and ministers of 'Aláu-d dín, by their courage, devotion, and ability, had secured the stability of the State during his reign, and had made themselves remarkable and brilliant in the political and administrative measures of that time, such as * * *.
6.25
* * * During the reign of 'Aláu-d dín, either through his agency or the beneficent ruling of Providence, there were several remarkable events and matters which had never been witnessed or heard of in any age or time, and probably never will again. 1. The cheapness of grain, clothes, and necessaries of life. * * * 2. The constant succession of victories. * * * 3. The destruction and rolling back of the Mughals. * * * 4. The maintenance of a large army at a small cost. * * * 5. The severe punishment and repression of rebels, and the general prevalence of loyalty. * * * 6. The safety of the roads in all directions. * * * 7. The honest dealings of the bázár people. * * * 8. The erection and repair of mosques, minarets, and forts, and the excavation of tanks. * * * 9. That during the last ten years of the reign the hearts of Musulmans in general were inclined to rectitude, truth, honesty, justice, and temperance. * * * 10. That without the patronage of the Sultan many learned and great men flourished. * * * [Notices of some of the most distinguished men; 20 pages.] The prosperity of 'Alau-d din at length declined. Success no longer attended him. Fortune proved, as usual, fickle, and destiny drew her poniard to destroy him. The overthrow of his throne and family arose from certain acts of his own. First, He was jealous and violent in temper.
6.26
He removed from his service the administrators of his kingdom, and filled the places of those wise and experienced men with young slaves who were ignorant and thoughtless, and with eunuchs without intelligence. He never reflected that eunuchs and worthless people cannot conduct the business of government. Having set aside his wise and able administrators, he turned his own attention to discharging the duties of minister, a business distinct from that of royalty. His dignity and his ordinances hence fell into disrespect. Secondly, He brought his sons prematurely, before their intelligence was formed, out of their nursery. To Khizr Khan he gave a canopy and a separate residence, and he caused a document to be drawn up, appointing Khizr Khan his heir apparent, and he obtained the signatures of the nobles thereto. He did not appoint any wise and experienced governors over him, so the young man gave himself up to pleasure and debauchery, and buffoons and strumpets obtained the mastery over him. In the case of this son, and of his other sons, the Sultan was precipitate, and they gave entertainments and had uproarious parties in his private apartments. Many improper proceedings thus became the practice under his rule. Thirdly, He was infatuated with Malik Naib Kafur, and made him commander of his army and wazir. He distinguished him above all his other helpers and friends, and this eunuch and minion held the chief place in his regards.
6.27
A deadly enmity arose between this Malik Naib Kafur and Alp Khan, the father-in-law and maternal uncle of Khizr Khan. Their feud involved the whole State, and day by day increased. Fourthly, The Regulations of the government were not enforced. His sons gave themselves up to dissipation and licentious habits. Malik Naib Kafur and Alp Khan struggled against each other; and the Sultan was seized with dropsy, that worst of diseases. Day by day his malady grew worse, and his sons plunged still deeper into dissipation. Under his mortal disorder the violence of his temper was increased tenfold. He summoned Malik Naib Kafur from Deogir, and Alp Khan from Gujarat. The traitor, Malik Naib Kafur, perceived that the feelings of the Sultan were turned against his wife and Khizr Khan. He acted craftily, and induced the Sultan to have Alp Khan killed, although he had committed no offence and had been guilty of no dishonesty. He caused Khizr Khan to be made prisoner and sent to the fort of Gwalior, and he had the mother of the prince turned out of the Red Palace. On the day that Alp Khan was slain and Khizr Khan was thrown into bonds, the house of 'Alau-d din fell. A serious revolt broke out in Gujarat, and Kamalu-d din Garg, who was sent to quell it, was slain by the rebels. Other risings occurred and were spreading, and the rule of the Sultan was tottering when death seized him. Some say that the infamous Malik Naib Kafur helped his disease to a fatal termination.
6.28
The reins of government fell into the hands of slaves and worthless people; no wise man remained to guide, and each one did as he listed. On the sixth Shawwal, towards morning, the corpse of 'Alau-d din was brought out of the Red Palace of Siri, and was buried in a tomb in front of the Jami' Masjid. On the second day after the death of 'Alau-d din, Malik Naib Káfúr assembled the principal nobles and officers in the palace, and produced a will of the late Sultán which he had caused to be executed in favour of Malik Shahábu-d dín, removing Khizr Khán from being heir apparent. With the assent of the nobles he placed Shahábu-d dín upon the throne, but as the new sovereign was a child of only five or six years old, he was a mere puppet in the hands of schemers. Malik Náíb Káfúr himself undertook the conduct of the government. * * * In the earliest days of his power he sent the traitor, Malik Sumbul, to put out the eyes of Khizr Khán at Gwalior, and he promoted this villain to be Bár-bak. He also sent his barber to blind Shádí Khán, full brother of Khizr Khán, in the palace of Sírí, by cutting his eyes from their sockets with a razor, like slices of melon. He took possession of the palace of the heir apparent, Khizr Khán, and sent his mother, the Malika-i Jahán, into miserable retirement. Then he seized all her gold, silver, jewels and valuables, and exerted himself to put down the partisans of Khizr Khán, who were rather numerous.
6.29
He ordered Mubárak Khán, afterwards Sultán Kutbu-d dín, who was of the same age as Khizr Khán, to be confined to his room, and intended to have him blinded. It never occurred to this wretched man, nor did any one point out to him that his setting aside of the queen and princes would alienate all the old supporters of the throne, and that no one would put any trust in him. * * * His great object was to remove all the children and wives of the late Sultán, all the nobles and slaves who had claims upon the throne, and to fill their places with creatures of his own. * * *
6.30
While he was thus engaged in endeavouring to remove all the family of the late Sultán, he resolved that when the chief nobles of the throne came together from different parts of the country, he would seize them in their houses and kill them. But God be thanked that it entered into the hearts of some páíks, slaves of the late king, who had charge of the Hazár-sutún, that they ought to kill this wicked fellow. The officers had observed that every night after the company had retired, and the doors of the palace were shut, Malik Naib Kafur used to sit up all night, plotting with his creatures the destruction of the late Sultan's family; they therefore resolved that they would slay the rascal, and thus obtain an honourable name. So one night, when the people were gone, and the doors were locked, these paiks went with drawn swords to his sleeping room, and severed his wicked head from his foul body. They also killed all his confederates who were in concert with him. Thus thirty-five days after the death of 'Alau-d din, Malik Naib Kafur was decapitated, and Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan were avenged. In the morning, when the nobles and officers attended at the palace and learned that the wretch was dead, and saw that he was mere clay, they gave thanks to God, and with a feeling of renewed life congratulated each other.
6.31
The same paiks who had done the deed brought forth Mubarak Khan from the chamber in which Malik Kafur had confined him, and had intended to blind him, and placed him in the situation of director (naib) to Shahabu-d din, instead of Malik Kafur. They thought and boasted to themselves that they could remove and kill one of the two princes, and make the other one Sultan. Mubarak Khan acted as director for Shahabu-d din several months, and managed the government. He was seventeen or eighteen years old, and he made friends of many of the maliks and amirs. He then seated himself upon the throne with the title of Kutbu-d din, and sent Shahabu-d din a prisoner to Gwalior, where he had him deprived of sight. The paiks who had killed Malik Kafur now talked in vaunting tones at the door of the palace, boasting of having slain the Malik, and of having raised Kutbu-d din to the throne. They claimed to have seats below the maliks and amirs, and to receive robes before them. * * * They collected at the door of the palace, and went in before all to the audience chamber. Sultan Kutbu-d din, at the very beginning of his reign, was therefore compelled to give orders that these paiks should be separated, and sent to different places, where they were killed, and an end put to their pretensions. * * *