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Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 335 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [335.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1) — 7 parts - [335.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2) — 7 parts - [335.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3) — 8 parts - [335.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4) — 8 parts - [335.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5) — 6 parts ### NOTE ON SURAT AND THE PIRACY TROUBLES. ### [335.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.1) \[The complaints of the Mogul emperor about European piracy on the high seas between Jeddah and Surat go back to 1693, or even to 1689 (Khafi Khan, ii. 421; Elliot and Dowson, 'Mahomedan Historians,' vii. 350; Hunter, 'British India,' ii. 265). The merchant 'Abd-ul-ghaffur, of Surat, who figures in the earlier dispute of 1693-94, is again prominent in that of 1703. The later trouble is to be traced more immediately to the so-called Muchalkahs (agreements) which Amanat Khan, the then faujdar of Surat, forced the Dutch, English, and French, to sign in February 1699. By these a guarantee was given to protect and convoy the Mogul ships, and to make good all losses from piracy. In the Dutch agreement a money payment was also stipulated for, but this clause was rejected by the Batavia Council. Their obligation to convoy the pilgrim ships to Mecca was, however, carried out for two or three years to the great injury of the Dutch Company, which lost three or four of its ships. Moreover, payment of the money was insisted on. Ketting, who had signed the bond, died on December 16, 1699, and was succeeded by Henry Zwaardekron, who tried hard for several years to secure its annulment. He, too, was imprisoned, and was not set at liberty till 1703, when his successor, Pieter de Vos, arrived with a fleet. Directly these ships had sailed, the violence recommenced against the new Director and the other officials (Dubois, 'Vies,' pp. 263 and 264, founded on Valentyn, iv. 170, 171). ### [335.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.2) On August 9, 1703, nine ships, belonging to Surat, arrived safely at that port from Jeddah and Makhah (Mocha), bringing a 'vast treasure.' Five ships, not then ready to sail, had been left at Mocha. On August 27, 1703, these laggards were 'off the island of St. John's, bending their course to Surat,' when two pirates bore down on them. Next day one ship, owned by 'Abd-ul-ghaffur, was taken near Surat. The smaller pirate stood after two merchantmen 'that had gone to the southward, and took one of them belonging to Cossim Chy (? Qasim Bhai).' The other, owned by 'Abd-ul-ghaffur, got safely into Bombay, though closely pursued as far as Old Woman's Island. On August 31 (1703), when the news reached Surat, the governor seized all the brokers of the European companies 'with your Honour's old brokers Vittul (? Baital) and Kyssa Parrack (? Kishna Parakh).' Gayer, the English agent, attempted unsuccessfully to provision their factory. But it was surrounded by soldiers, 'so that neither victuals, water, servants, nor anything else, might come near us, nor the least scrap of paper come in or go out.' The Mahomedans believed that the culprits were the English ship Regard and a smaller vessel from Bombay. ### [335.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.3) The Dutch were dealt with like the English, but they were 'well stored with provisions.' The native brokers of the French Company and of the New (English) Company were released, but those of the Dutch and English were 'barbarously tortured.' Three lakhs of rupees were extorted from the 'Parakhs,' and three from the Dutch brokers. After thirteen days a small daily portion of provisions was admitted to the English and Dutch factories, and on October 13 three servants were allowed entrance. On November 26 matters were still in the same position. Up to February 16, 1704, the two factories were still guarded, but by a smaller number of men; also provisions and servants were more freely admitted, and all of the Europeans might walk about the city, 'except John Gayer and Stephen Colt.' On March 15, 1704, the guards were removed. At the request of Gayer, Nicholas Waite, the New Company's official at Bombay, sent the ships Samuel and Mary, and the sloop Beatrix, to 'lay before the bar' and go in search of the pirates. This was in September, 1703. In the same month seven Dutch ships arrived from Batavia and 'stopped the port' until, in February, 1704, 'matters were accommodated.' ### [335.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.4) The Dutch narrative of the same events exists in the Hague Archives, in three long covering letters from Pieter de Vos, Directeur, and six others of the Surat Council — two to headquarters at Batavia, dated February 27 and March 9, 1704, and one to their High Mightinesses at Amsterdam, dated April 17, 1704. There are thirty-four enclosures — eleven letters from Pieter de Vos to commanders of ships off Sūrat, dated between September 22, 1703, and February, 1704; two to Simon Langendan of the Zuiddorp; one from Adrian de Palensteyn of the Beverwyk to P. de Vos; five ruqqa'hs (notes) from P. de Vos to I'tibar Khan, the governor, and four replies from I'tibar Khan; one ruqqa'h to Qāzī Muhammad Sa'id; one ruqqa'h from A. de Palensteyn to I'tibar Khān, and the reply; an 'arzdāsht, or dispatch, from I'tibar Khan to the Mogul Court, dated November 24, 1703 (the addressee is 'Inayatullah Khan, chief Dīwān); ruqqa'hs from de Vos and Palensteyn to the new governor, Najabat Khan, and three ruqqa'hs from Najabat Khan to them, giving cover to a Hasb-ul-hukm (order by wazīr in the emperor's name), dated 8 Shawwal, year 48, 1115 H. (February 13, 1704); and, finally, a bond by the native merchants of Surat, executed on March 19, 1704. ### [335.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.5) In brief the story is this: When the news of the piracy reached Sūrat, I'tibar Khan proceeded to enforce the provisions of a muchalkah (a bond or agreement) extorted from the Europeans in February, 1699, by the then governor, Amanat Khan. On September 20, 1703, the Dutch ship Zuiddorp arrived, and on October 24 she was followed by the Beverwyk and five others. The port was blockaded, and a correspondence ensued. Finally, on November 24, 1703, I'tibar Khan made a report to court, his action was disapproved, and he was superseded by Najabat Khan. An imperial order was received on March 8, 1704, setting aside the agreement of February, 1699, and withdrawing all demands. A document was taken from the Surat merchants on March 19, 1704, to the effect that they had no further claims. From the English records we get the statement that, so early as September 23, 1703, the Mogul Court had become alarmed, and had called upon I'tibar Khan to report 'why he exacted money from the Hatmen on account of the late Pyracy.' On December 20 the English heard he was superseded by the faujdar of Malkher. This man was Najabat Khan, son of the Najabat Khan of Shahjahan's time and the first years of Aurangzeb. They then refer to the Hasb-ul-hukm of February 13, by which the dispute was closed for the time being (Factory Records, Surat, vols. xiii., c, and ci.; Original Correspondence, vol. lii.)\]. ### [335.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.6) A few days before the arrival of the European \[ships\] at this port (Surat), as I have stated above, the town was surrounded by the Shiva Ji \[the Mahrattahs\] with a force of 20,000 horsemen. They made considerable efforts to take the place, but they did not succeed, being driven away by the Europeans residing there. The Shiva Ji \[Mahrattahs\] returned, after having pillaged the suburbs and burnt \[154\] all that they could, to such an extent that they ruined the province and killed in it over three millions of people. At this period there appeared five Arab vessels from Mosquat (Masqat), and they went about ravaging and pillaging everywhere in the territory of Dumar (Daman), as they had done previously in the island of Salseita (Salsette), between the town of Bassahim (Bassain) and the island of Bombay. They stayed seven days, and stole all they could find, and with their plunder loaded fifteen ships. The more valuable part of the merchandise belonged to the Jesuits. Along with the goods they carried off all the best-looking among the natives of the country. This they did by reason of the violent resistance that had been offered to them. ### [335.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.1.7) The Viceroy of Goa, named Guaytana de Mello de Castro (son of the Anthoine de Mello de Castro of whom I have spoken in my First and Second Parts) (II. 129), sent in pursuit of these Arabs the general of the Portuguese forces, named Dom Anthoine de Menezes. On January 23, 1704, he attacked them with seven ships at three o'clock in the afternoon. The combat was a terrible one, continuing until the going down of the sun; but at last the Portuguese took two Arab vessels, and two others stood out to sea in a very damaged condition. It is not known whether they foundered or made for Masqat. One more of their ships was reduced to such straits that it retreated into the Surat river in company with six Arab merchantmen. He (Menezes) remained off the bar of Surat, so as to prevent the issue of the said vessels from that port. In the year 1702 Shah 'Alam being in the province of Kabul, one of his captains, named Pordelacam (Purdil Khan), son of Dalilcan (Diler Khan), of the Pathan race, wished to traverse with his cavalry a route by which Mogul armies were not accustomed to pass. Upon this the lord of the country, also of Pathan race, protested against his marching, and prayed him to adopt the usual route. He added that he would not allow the setting up of new usages affecting him and his people, and, if he acted to the contrary, he would experience exactly what had happened to Akbar's troops. ### [335.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.1) However, no account was taken of this protest, and, relying on his own valour and exceptional courage, he (Purdil Khan) entered the other's country. As soon as he had done so he was surrounded in the midst of mountains by a number of men who barred the road. It ended in all his men being killed without a single one escaping. Moreover, all the chiefs of the same race (Pathans) assembled and closed all the routes. Shah 'Alam, on hearing what had happened, grieved much over the loss of a leader so valiant, though wanting in prudence. He was obliged to send presents to allay the fury of this barbarous people, in order that they might leave the routes open, that the great caravans might be allowed to pass, and that he himself might find his road open for his annual journey to and fro \[i.e., from Kabul to Peshawar\]. When princes pass through this land of mountains they are never without fear of something happening to them, as has formerly been the case with others, as can be ascertained from my First and Second Parts (I. 123 ; II. 148, 153). \[155\] In the year 1703 Aurangzeb, having taken the fortress of Shiva Ji (the Mahrattahs) named Condena (Kandanah), he marched off and pitched his camp close to a place called Punia (Puna). It was here that he (Shiva Ji) killed the son of Shaistah Khan and that noble was himself wounded, as may have been seen in my First and Second Parts (II. 77). ### [335.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.2) During the monarch's march to this place it happened that an officer named Mirza Baffa (Mir Wafa), who had risen at the court by the favour and the support of the wazir, Asad Khan, forgetting all the benefits he had received, erected his tents in the wazir's quarters. The wazir's servants, observing this unaccustomed boldness, never resorted to by anyone else, protested in a modest manner. But since the noble would not listen to reason, the servants of Asad Khan cut the intruder's tent-ropes and put his men to flight by a hearty use of their staves. When the king heard of the affair he seemed put out, and sent a message to the wazir directing him to visit the quarters of Mirza Wafa and make him excuses. The wazir pretended he did not understand ; but the king did not desist from sending order after order. Thus the wazir was forced to obey, to his great chagrin and much against his will. Zu,lfiqar Khan, who was then on duty against the Shiva Ji (the Mahrattahs) in the direction of Surat, on learning of this dispute, resented very much the affront put upon his father. After the enemy had retreated, this general started for the court. On the way he received orders from His Majesty to proceed to the aid of the province of Bartar (? Bidar or Barar), where other bodies of Mahrattahs were ruining and ravaging the country. But the general made humble supplication to His Majesty that he might be permitted to come to court, for he had a communication to make. ### [335.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.3) He received the answer that he must march to the point given in his orders with all possible haste, and that such was the king's pleasure. He sent back word that he could not march without having seen His Majesty in person. On finding him so determined, the king consented that he should come. As soon as he arrived he made the first complimentary speeches as usual, then took off his sword, laid it on the ground, and spoke to the king as follows: 'Your Majesty knows that my ancestors have served the emperors Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, and Shahjahan, and your Majesty, too, with all possible fidelity, that we have never been deprived of our privileges, that all the kings just named maintained them, and even gloried in our splendid mode of living, the honours rendered to us, and all the respect paid to our dignity. But your Greatness has not thought it well to uphold these privileges, now so ancient; for you have obliged the chief wazir to beg pardon from a person that he had displeased. Since your Majesty has changed so much as well as the times, you can provide yourself with some other general. As for me, I can no longer serve your Majesty.' ### [335.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.4) Having heard this speech, the king could not fail to become despondent, but, dissembling, he pacified the general and consoled him, saying that no one could withdraw from him his ancient privileges, that he merited their continuance by reason of his merit and his services as much as by his birth. He had been wrongly informed, and he would soon set the matter right. At the same time he commanded him to resume his sword. However, Zu,lfiqar Khan declined to take up his sword and bind it on, giving several reasons that hindered him. Thus the king's soft words went for nothing. In this way three times over the king told him to fasten on his sword, and yet he remained firm to his text, and would not obey. Seeing this, the king told his son, Kaembakhsh (Kam Bakhsh), who was present, to come forward and attach the weapon with his own hands. The prince did as he was told, and the other could hardly refuse, seeing that it was the king's own son who was conferring on him this honour. ### [335.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.5) After this the king made him draw closer to his person, put a hand upon his head, and said he esteemed him equal to his own son. As a still further consolation the king took the dagger from his own waist-belt, and with his own hands stuck it into Zu,lfiqar Khan's, invested him with a set of costly robes, gave him a horse bearing a saddle covered with precious stones, along with twelve other horses and two elephants very richly caparisoned. In this way he sent him off, telling him to go now and chastise the enemy. From want of wisdom and honour many people in India are unworthy of any respect — just as little as some Europeans under similar circumstances. Finding themselves raised in fortune and provided with wealth that Nature had originally refused them, they decline, nevertheless, to admit what God and Nature have done for them. An instance of what I allude to happened at Goa in the year 1666, under the government of the then Viceroy, Anthoine de Mello de Castro, when I was living in that town. There was a Portuguese gentleman, called Dom Anthoine Franco de Amiral, a rich and powerful man much loved by the Viceroy. This man, while still a youth, had come as a soldier from Portugal to India. When he had passed the Cape of Good Hope he changed his Christian name and surname, and as soon as he reached Goa he married a rich girl, who owned a great deal of real property. ### [335.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.6) The father of this gentleman learnt that his son had become very rich, and this induced him to write several letters reminding him that he ought to be good enough to remember his father, who was in great want. But the young man paid no heed to all these letters, and sent no answer. Not knowing the cause of this silence, the good old man imagined that perhaps his letters had not been received. He embarked on a voyage to the Indies. On arriving, though very badly clad, he made straight for his son's house \[157\] and entered. The Kaffirs and the servants stopped him from going farther, saying he could not go in until they had warned their master. The good old man said innocently: 'Let me in; I am the father of this gentleman.' In spite of this they would not allow him to pass. The master of the house, on learning what was going on, put his head out of the window and ordered his Kaffirs and his servants to put his father out. He accompanied the order with much abusive language, calling his father a brute, a peasant, a man out of his mind; he was not the son of any such low-born man. By this talk the good old man was forced to withdraw as best he could, hanging his head for shame, and his only resource was to beg alms from door to door to obtain necessary food. ### [335.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.2.7) One day when the viceroy was walking in his garden the old man found an occasion to approach, and he said somewhat innocently that he had to communicate to his Excellency a matter of great importance. The viceroy, who was in a fairly good humour, called him near and asked his wishes. He used the opportunity to tell the story of all that had passed, showed the governor the certificates from the parish where his son was born, and specified the trade he followed when in Portugal, which was the making of saddles and boots. The viceroy consoled the old man, and assured him that he should be satisfied and sent back to Portugal. ### [335.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.1) The sharp-witted viceroy, in order to force the son to admit his origin, sent for a hide, and set to work to cut out boots as worn in Portugal. He was unable to carry out his intention after many attempts. While thus occupied the gentleman came in and noticed that his Excellency was not even near succeeding in what he wanted to do. This forced him into saying: 'What is it your Excellency wants to do? Why are you taking all that trouble?' He answered that the leather was for a pair of boots after the pattern of their country. The gentleman, without guessing the viceroy's object, put himself at once into the proper attitude for cutting them out, saying that from infancy he had been used to wearing boots and riding on horseback. ### [335.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.2) By this trick the quick-witted viceroy learnt what the man had been, but allowed no sign of it to escape him; and after a longish conversation on different subjects, he told him that he was in need of a loan of 50,000 seraphim (? ashrafi), which he would return on the following day. The young man forwarded the money at once. Next day the viceroy sent for the good old man, and made him hide in the room where the money was placed. He then sent for the young gentleman, and, taking his hand, led him into that room, saying to him: 'Behold your father, to whom you are under great obligations; make up your mind to give him all that is necessary to travel home again. Indeed, he must be allowed to carry away the 50,000 seraphim, and by that payment I shall have acquitted myself towards you in regard to my debt.' He added some severe words of reproof, and sent him away. Thus the old man went back to Portugal well provided. This story shows how the wisdom of men in power may remedy many things, and how much greater is the success obtained by such means than by violence. There was in the Mogul country an officer named Fatulacan (Fathullah Khan), an Uzbak or Tartar by race. He started from Hindustan at the head of a large body of troops, convoying a large sum in gold and silver coin for the disbursements of the royal army. When they arrived at the town of Aurangabad, the insolent Mogul soldiers began to rob many of the shops \[158\] and beat men in different quarters of the town. ### [335.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.3) The governor of the place was 'Ali Mardan Khan, the same who had been captured twice by the Mahrattahs. He sent some troops to suppress this unexpected disorder. But when the soldiers arrived the mutinous Moguls declined to pay any attention to them; thus a fight arose between the two sides, and several dead were left on the field. Fathullah Khan was much incensed by this, ordered his drums to beat, assembled his cavalry, and marched against the governor of the town. The latter, when he received this report, sent out messengers to stop the advance, requesting the commander to retire and resume his journey. Fathullah Khan declined to listen, an engagement took place, and three hundred horsemen were slain and four hundred wounded. Fathullah Khan was obliged to withdraw. When the matter was brought before the king, he deprived Fathullah Khan of his rank and pay, called him a thief, and said the only thing he knew was how to rob the king's domain, which even the Mahrattahs themselves were not guilty of. As for 'Ali Mardan Khan, he was promoted, and highly praised for protecting the towns and country belonging to the Mogul Empire. ### [335.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.4) This great king (Aurangzeb), finding himself so advanced in years, with little hope of living much longer, tried to invent some means of taking the fortresses and lands held by the Mahrattahs. He thought of a deception by which he hoped to raise discord among the Mahrattah leaders. There was in captivity a son of Sambha Ji, whom he (Aurangzeb) had brought up from his infancy. He summoned him to his presence, struck off his fetters, put on him a set of rich robes, and ordered his own son, Kam Bakhsh, to take charge of him. He was accorded his liberty, and the rank of a haft hazari (7,000) was conferred on him. He was given the right to receive one-fourth of the revenues of various provinces in the Dakhin and the two Karnatiks. As for the prince (Kam Bakhsh), he was made lord of the provinces of Bijapur and Gulkandah, as also of all the fortresses in the two Karnatiks. Aurangzeb told the prince he meant to leave him behind in the Dakhin to take his place, intending himself retire to the town of Dihll, there to live at his ease and seek God's favour during the few days of life that remained. This news spread abroad at once in all directions, and many persons rejoiced, hoping thereby to obtain employment. But one year has already gone by without to this day any steps being taken to put this plan into execution. ### [335.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.5) All these artifices were resorted to by Aurangzeb merely in the hope that the Mahrattah captains would flock in numbers to enter the service of the prince, his son, and that the union existing among them would in this way be broken up. However, they knew the tricks of this monarch, and took no heed of his orders, but found it much more worth their while to plunder and carry off treasure from the different parts of the empire. As for the Mahrattah prince, to whom he had given freedom, all that he gained was the repute of having a large allowance without other profit, for he continued to be strictly guarded by careful warders. This prince (Aurangzeb), finding that his troops could inflict no harm on those of the Mahrattahs, started several subtle devices, according to his usual practice \[159\]. He wrote several letters to a Brahman, Ram Chand Pandit, who is bringing up the son of Shiva Ji and rules over all his might, inviting him (the Pandit) to court. He promised him that he should be appointed grand wazir on account of his exceeding great wisdom. He had need of a man like him, one who possessed superior judgment. But on all those promises no hopes were built; they knew already by long experience the true nature of his faithless promisings. ### [335.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.6) It happened that in the kingdom of Bijapur other troops of the Mahrattahs encountered some captains of the Mogul: there was a fight, and the Mahrattahs were the conquerors. They killed the leader, Sequinazam (? Shekh Nizam), and his son; while Solimancan (Sulaimān Khan), brother of the Dā,ūd Khan of whom I spoke above, was made a prisoner and taken to the captain Gemsircan (Jamshīd Khan). In the month of January, 1704, the Mahrattahs entered the kingdom of Bījāpur, and collected from several of its provinces one-fourth of all the revenues (for he who did not pay willingly and at once was robbed of all that he had, and even the principal men of the villages were taken prisoners). In this way they were so successful that they reached their homes without any hindrance. ### [335.3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.7) In the month of February of the same year (1704) there appeared another force of twelve thousand horse and ten thousand foot, which attacked a factory (habitation) called Policonde (Palakollu), five leagues from Machhlīpatanam (Masulipatam). This army took up its quarters at the above place, and thence dispatched troops in different directions, and exacted everywhere one-fourth of the revenues with great rigour. The deputies of the king, the governors and generals of the regions, could not prevent these extortions. As to the port of Masulipatam, it was fortified as well as could be managed; five earthen bastions surrounded by thorn hedges were erected, and twenty-five pieces of artillery were mounted. The English and the Dutch mounted guard with great exactitude; but the Mahrattahs, having taken all they could get, retired. ### [335.3.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.3.8) One day the governor of Masulipatam left the fortress for a factory (habitation) near the said place; it is called \[blank in original\]. Thereupon the Dutch seized the occasion. They already had their eye on the fortress, and on the treasure stored there for safety by some people of the neighbourhood, who were afraid of being plundered by the enemy. The Dutch determined to take possession, and raised a dispute for that purpose. They sent some of their people at the head of armed messengers (peons) with flags flying and drums beating, just as the governor did when he went out for recreation. When the governor knew of this attempt he broke up the drums and made a row, but the Dutch dissembled and went back to their house. Next day they seized the gates, fortified the bastions, and trained the guns upon the town. They sent infantry to the governor's house, and ordered the rest of his men to withdraw. The Mogul troops obeyed, and the Dutch took possession of the fortress with the money in it, but did no harm to the inhabitants. ### [335.4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.1) On learning this event the governor sent to ask the reason of their taking the fortress and the treasure within it. To this they replied briefly that when the king asked the question they would give an answer. In this way the affair dropped. Let us return once more to an enquiry into the doings of the Mahrattahs. In this year of 1704, in the month of \[160\] January, they crossed the Narbada river, penetrated the forests of Mandu, plundering and ravaging several provinces, as well as the town of Sironj. Not content even with this, they went farther, and going through the hill-passes of Narwar, they entered the province of Calabad (Kalpi), close to the Gwaliyar fortress, a three days' journey from Agrah. They traversed other provinces, doing everywhere a great deal of damage. In this way they returned to their own country without anyone being able to interfere with them. These forays are of great profit to Shiva Ji, in addition to his soldiers' booty. For as soon as they enter the Mogul's dominions, that sovereign's governors send men to offer them a large sum of money: if they think fit, they take it; if not, they burn and destroy in all directions. The Mahrattah ruler is at this time very powerful; he has under him over one hundred thousand horsemen. This is the reason he ventures to test the valour of and to defy the Mogul; and what this old man used to do formerly to other kings and princes the Mahrattah does nowadays to him. ### [335.4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.2) In the raid above described, which he (i.e., the Mahrattahs) carried out with such overwhelming strength, he came across a Hindu princess. She was a Rector (Rathor) by race, and was convoying a girl, the daughter of a Hindu prince, a Cachoux (Kachhwahah) by race, who was about to be married to her son. The latter was at the time serving in the royal army. She had in her train a thousand Rajput horsemen, and carried with her things of considerable value. These were required for celebrating the marriage with all possible pomp. But this princess met with disgrace; she was overtaken on her road by the enemy and all his army. He sent her word that she must deliver up all she had before he would release her. The courageous Rajput princess, defying Death, went out to face the enemy. She held it to be a dishonour to surrender the precious stones and ornaments that her daughter-in-law was to wear. The Rajputs fought valiantly until they were all killed. Having no more men with which to continue the fight, she drew a dagger and slew her daughter-in-law, saying it was better to die with honour than to drag on a miserable existence in the hands of Shiva Jī. She repeated the same thing as to herself, and thrust the dagger into her own heart. Thus did she end the sad tragedy, and the enemy took everything. ### [335.4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.3) In the beginning of May in this present year of 1704 sixty thousand Mahrattah horsemen appeared in the Karnatik and in Bijapur. They were under the command of some good officers. Having entered the country, they took several forts; then a number of them encamped in front of a large fortified place called Sira (Sīrā). After this they separated themselves into three divisions, which marched in different directions. The first division turned towards the Karnatik, where the prince and lord of the country made a present to them of three millions of rupees. Thence they entered the country adjoining the territories of the Trichinapali (Trichinopoly) kingdom. There, too, they realized a very large sum as tribute. Next they went on to Tanjor, where they were well received, particularly as they brought with them the son of Ram Chand, Pandit, chief minister of the Mahrattah ruler, for the celebration of his marriage to the princess of Tanjor. They meant thereby to preserve the friendship between them, and defend that country from the menaces of the Mogul. ### [335.4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.4) However, Dā,ūd Khan was not without apprehension, for he felt great fear of not being able to resist these bold Mahrattahs. This fear compelled him to send an envoy, through whom he asked as a favour that nothing might be undertaken against him. As a return he would give the raiders a present of two hundred thousand rupees. The commanders sent the man away, having simply turned their backs on him, saying that Dā,ūd Khan need not concern himself about giving them money; it belonged to them already, and they would take good care that they collected it. On hearing this depressing news Da,ud Khan was much cast down. It is for this reason that he quitted Arkat, and fortified himself in the upper part of the fortress of Velours (Vellur), this being the strongest place to be found in the Karnatik of Gulkandah. ### [335.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.5) The second army made for the town of Gulkandah, which it invested, and there they are at the present moment in the prosecution of their enterprise. The third army is advancing into the rest of the country, conquering as much of it as it can, placing commandants in the forts and places that it captures. The governor of the town of Adoni, whose name was Cod Vandcan (Khudabandah Khan), son of Sha,istah Khan, feared that some misfortune would befall him as had happened to others in previous years. He therefore sent a large sum of money to obviate their interfering with him. The Mahrattah leader sent him word that, as a son of Sha,istah Khan, a prince so high in degree and so liberal, he had no intention of doing him any harm. For the same reason he declined to touch his money. All he demanded was the surrender of \[blank in original\], chief minister and farmer of the revenues of these provinces. If he did not comply, the heads of both should be cut off. Khudabandah Khan, finding himself in such great peril, was forced to deliver to the Mahrattahs the minister in question. He (Khudabandah Khan) received his own liberty and that of his family, but he had to depart unprovided and leave his baggage behind him. ### [335.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.6) It is a remarkable thing to see these leaders, so many in number, yet without any prince to direct them, make war on the Mogul. They perpetrate constant ravages first in one part, then in another of that empire. In the process they carry off much wealth, while by their foresight and valour they continue constantly victorious. The reason is, as it seems to me, because they keep ever before their eyes the lesson that Taimur-i-lang gave long ago to his generals a few days before his death. It is as follows : This great prince, being ill and having no longer any hope of life, ordered his attendants to bring to him the quiver in which he carried his arrows. He sent for the principal captains in his army. He ordered one of them to draw out an arrow from the quiver and break it. He did so. Another was ordered to withdraw ten at once, and try to break them at one effort with both hands. He failed to break them. Thereupon Taimur-i-lang delivered the following speech to them : ### [335.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.7) ' I feel, as if warned by God, that I cannot live much longer, and at my departure you lose a good friend and a great leader. Thus you will no longer have anyone to direct you. For I note that my son, Sultan Abujahid (Abu Sa'id), has not the ability required to lead you, or to exercise the command over such a numerous army. However, if you wish to be always victors and never to be overcome, you must remain ever united, for as you have just seen by experiment, ten arrows joined together cannot be broken, but taken singly they can easily be broken. In the same way, if there is division among you, your enemies will soon succeed in undoing you. But if you remain united their efforts will be in vain, and turn only to their own shame.' This it is which leads me to believe that the union among the above leaders (the Mahrattahs), for so many years on end, is the cause of their mutual preservation. ### [335.4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.4.8) These \[Mahrattah\] leaders and their troops move in these days with much confidence, because they have cowed the Mogul commanders and inspired them with fear. At the present time they possess \[162\] artillery, musketry, bows and arrows, with elephants and camels for all their baggage and tents. They carry these last to secure some repose from time to time as they find it convenient. In short, they are equipped and move about just like the armies of the Mogul. Under this head arises the reflection that only a few years ago they did not march about in this fashion. In those days their arms were only lances and long swords two inches wide. Armed thus, they prowled about on the frontiers, picking up here and there what they could ; then they made off home again. But at the present time they move like conquerors, showing no fear of any Mogul troops. ### [335.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5.1) At the commencement of June in the same year (1704) they (the Mahrattahs) attacked Gulkandah, and took possession of much property. Thereupon the governor of that place, seeing that he could not resist, was obliged to take refuge in the fortress of Badnagar (Bhagnagar), where they left him no peace until by many threats they forced him into paying a large sum. Da,ud Khan found that his arms and his forces would not justify resistance to the enemy ; he therefore came to terms and paid five lakhs of rupees. Although the Mahrattahs took the money, that did not induce them to retire. They continued to pillage the country round AdonI and Sira. Up to this moment the Mogul has sent no reinforcements. The reason is that he is engaged with another of the Mahrattah armies which has surrounded him, and is robbing and stealing in every direction. Perhaps the reader will not be displeased at learning what is passing in Siam since the death of the old king. Here is a brief account of the facts in a letter from a friend of mine in that country : 'Sir, 'It is a long time since I heard from you or our friends on the Choromandal Coast. I am not without concern for this, sir, and I feel this silence very much. It is true that the openings for sending letters here are at the present time very rare, and I feel sure you would not allow one to pass without giving me some sign of remembering me. ### [335.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5.2) 'I have found the kingdom of Siam in a very different condition from that I saw it in twenty years ago. In those days it was very flourishing, and there was considerable trade. Now it is in a miserable state, and abandoned by almost all the other nations. Nothing comes here but a few Chinese vessels, or some from Bengal and Surat, and these even, once they have been here, never come back a second time. Things were in this state in the reign of the old king, who died at the beginning of the year 1703. 'The chief prince, who has succeeded to him, appears to have the desire of treating traders better than his father did. He urges all foreign nations to come and establish themselves in his kingdom, and to induce them to come he makes very advantageous offers. He has declared to me more than once that he would have the greatest pleasure at seeing some Frenchmen in his country. He would allow them to settle where they liked; he would protect them; he would give to them the same privileges as to the Dutch. He insisted that I must write to this effect to France and to India. I have done so in order not to displease him, although I am fully persuaded that not very much heed will be paid to his offers. 'If he had pushed his generosity to the point of ceding Mergui, they might have been more disposed to renew the intercourse between France and Siam. But it is not a thing they dream of here, and it would be deceiving oneself to look for anything of the sort. ### [335.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5.3) 'I do not know yet whether the words of this new king can be much relied on. When he was only prince \[163\] he gave no great grounds for being satisfied with his conduct; and one must not be easily persuaded that inclinations so evil as his could be changed all of a sudden. Monsieur le Chevalier Martin and the gentlemen who are directors at Surat and in Bengal, being so wise and prudent as they are, will think more than once before becoming involved in a business of which the results might be far from agreeable. ### [335.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5.4) 'The new king, having made all his arrangements beforehand (and that a long time ago), ascended the throne without hindrance. His brother, a young prince of fourteen or fifteen years, to whom the crown belonged as of right, since he was born of a princess of ancient family, was in no position to resist. This unfortunate young prince was the first victim of his brother's jealousy and passion. Some mandarins who had espoused his cause shared his fate. All these tragical events were carried out with great shedding of blood. Following on these cruel executions everybody bent beneath the tyrant's sway, except the governor of Lygor (Ligor). He has refused to submit, and has resolved to avenge the death of the young prince who has been so unjustly made away with. As this governor belongs to one of the most ancient families of the kingdom, and has brought over to his side the kings of Singor (Singora) and of Pattang (Patani), he is causing terrible uneasiness to the new monarch. ### [335.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5.5) 'Things being in this position, you can easily judge, sir, that religion does not make here any great progress. The population, overwhelmed with labours and necessities, has not the time nor the frame of mind required for listening to such serious matters or of such grave consequences as a change of religion. We must wait in peace for the moment God has fixed and appointed, in the riches of His wisdom and foreknowledge, for the conversion of these poor idolaters. It is true that some are baptized, but they are few in number. As for infants at the point of death, many of these are baptized ; and every year the number of these amounts to one thousand, sometimes to twelve hundred. There are also two missionaries who are constantly occupied in this labour of love. 'The college is almost as numerously attended as it was twenty years ago; there are forty students, who study with much zeal and emulation, and at the same time advance greatly in piety and virtue. 'I am (et cetera).' ### [335.5.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335.5.6) I have already stated, in speaking of the past months, that the Mahrattahs had gone as far as Calabay (? Kalpi), close to the fortress of Gwaliyar. Aurangzeb, fearing they might go on and capture the town of Agrah, sent in pursuit his grandson, Bader Bact (Bedar Bakht), son of Azamtara (A'zam Tara). He gave him, however, a very small army, and the prince set out in obedience to his grandfather's order. However, he did not hurry, and went another road, simply that he might not come across the enemy. He made for the town of Ygen (Ujjain), near the province of Gujarat, where his father was then governor. When the enemy had retreated, Aurangzeb sent for the prince, but he did not obey, excusing himself by asserting he was ill. When the princes are away \[164\] from the king's presence they take women (?), because then they have more liberty. \[The rest of folio 164 is blank.\] --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.335) · Pramāṇa