[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Indian literature](https://indike.org/pramana/in) › [Dark Ages](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages) › [Travellers (1500–1858)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel) › [Storia do Mogor](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci) › [Storia do Mogor (Irvine)](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine) › 354 # Storia do Mogor 354: XLV. A NOBLE INTERVIEWING A HINDU ASCETIC Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 354 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [354.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1) — 8 parts - [354.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2) — 7 parts - [354.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3) — 8 parts - [354.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4) — 8 parts - [354.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5) — 7 parts - [354.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6) — 8 parts - [354.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.7) — 8 parts - [354.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.8) — 7 parts - [354.9](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.9) — 7 parts - [354.10](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.10) — 8 parts - [354.11](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.11) — 6 parts ### XLV. A NOBLE INTERVIEWING A HINDU ASCETIC ### [354.1.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.1) attended at the church. They found the Jesuit father Mansilha in the pulpit. He preached in three languages — that is, Chinese, of which nation there are many in that country ; Tagalla, the vernacular of the place ; and Spanish. When he was at the end of his sermon, they set up a sound of drums and trumpets. In a short while there appeared close to the high altar a masked black man wearing white gloves and carrying a heavy cross upon his shoulder. Round his neck was a thick rope, and he came forward step by step very slowly, followed by twelve masked black men holding spears and swords. As the man carrying the cross was about to mount the altar-steps he was so held back that he could not advance another footstep. It was the others following him who had put their feet upon the rope, which was dragging on the ground \[98\]. This stoppage gave rise among those low fellows to some disputing. Then those who took the parts of the Hebrews laughed at the Christ. He fell into a rage, and turned towards them, and gave them a lot of abuse. This abuse they returned ; from words they came to blows, and interchanged shoe-beatings. On seeing this outbreak, the father scrambled down from the pulpit as quick as he could, and with a rattan administered several blows to the Christ and the Hebrews, rushing after them in all directions. Thus ended the Passion. The principal persons present, chiefly foreigners, were unable to maintain their gravity, and gave a loud laugh. ### [354.1.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.2) On the other hand, the Jesuit was all indignation and scolded them severely, ordering them to leave the church at once and never enter it again. In fact, the merchants of the country were from this time forced to go into the city to say their prayers, which occasioned them great inconvenience. However, after some months they obtained leave to go back and enter the church, but only upon Christmas Day, and even that was the effect of several donations that from time to time they gave the Jesuit. At that church it is the custom of those fathers to enter the pulpit holding a rattan cane. If while \[99\] they are preaching they see any man and woman of the country talking together (as is the habit all over India, as I have noticed), and not behaving devoutly, the preacher leaves the pulpit and, without reserve, applies the cane several times. This admonishment finished, he mounts to his desk again and resumes his sermon. At nine o'clock at night upon September 5, 1705, the Jesuits of Pondicherry entered a Hindu temple by forcing in the doors. At the time a festival was being celebrated, which had been sanctioned in the hope of increasing the number of new Hindu settlers. Several of the Brahmans were beaten with shoes, and their hair was pulled, which is the greatest dishonour that can be inflicted. The other men present were treated in the same way. The idols they defiled by making water upon them, and then broke them into pieces. ### [354.1.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.3) Owing to this insult the whole Hindu population rose in revolt, quitted their houses, and assembled preparatory to departing. In number they were close upon forty thousand persons. The governor, Monsieur Martin, when the facts were reported to him, doubled the sentries at the gates, thus preventing these Hindus from getting away, but this only gave rise to greater confusion. The shops were shut, the fishermen took to flight, the officials disappeared; so also did the masons and carpenters working upon the erection of the new fortifications. These men, to the number of two thousand, were forced to leave, owing to the cessation of all supplies. This exodus was a great loss \[100\] to the population. The rising lasted for twelve days, when by the governor's wise conduct the people were appeased, though still far from well content. For this was the second time that the Jesuits had behaved badly to them. ### [354.1.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.4) Many traders who had means of living comfortably left the territory owing to the insults of the Jesuits, who would not let the people live in peace. When they met Hindus in the street they spat in their faces, making use of various abusive words about them and their idols. When the whole of the Hindus had assembled, as I said, in a street of some width and length preparatory to quitting the town, Father Taxar \[Tachard\], the Jesuit general, who was the principal leader in this disturbance, resorted to the fortress in a passion, and urged the governor to fire cannon at the people. The father suggested that it was a good opening for killing them. ### [354.1.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.5) The father behaved rudely to Monsieur Flacour (Flacourt), who is the second of the Royal Company, and abused him. Nay, he behaved in the same way to all who were not of his faction, uttering the further menace that he would write to France and would secure their dismissal from the service. All the persons present were thrown into a state of amazement, and were wearied out by this sort of talk. They cooled him down with gentle words, and then sent him away. The governor convened all the militia officers, \[101\] and made them sign a long letter wherein they laid before the French Court how the Jesuits had unjustly raised disturbances among the people. This paper it was intended to send to France for the information of His Most Christian Majesty. When this news reached the ears of the Jesuits, they used every effort to sow discord and enmity among those officers, in the hope of securing some loophole for exculpating themselves. ### [354.1.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.6) Nearly five years have gone by since Dā,ūd Khān came to govern the Karnātik. The Dutch, always energetic in business, sent an envoy to him at once with a valuable present. They asked as a favour that he would cede to them a small town called Coniumeri (Conimere or Kunimedu), close to the sea and five leagues from Pondicherry on the north. The place was granted to them, and as the Dutch wanted settlers for it they invited people from Pondicherry and elsewhere to come there, offering them the fullest liberty and an absence of all interference. At the present time this town is growing with considerable hurt and damage to those who do not know how to make their subjects contented. I must not forget to tell what happened to me on the day of the Virgin's Feast — that is, on December 18, 1705. It was at this Monte Grande (Big Mount) at three o'clock in the afternoon. I was in the middle of entertaining several guests, who on that day never fail to appear, for a great crowd assembles there for this solemnity. ### [354.1.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.7) While I was in the middle of conversation with my friends, men of different nations, \[102\] I noticed that a serious dispute was going on at my gate. My servants were hindering the entrance of certain audacious persons who wanted to come in by force. I, too, proceeded to the spot. Although I saw they did not mean to listen to argument, all the same I attempted to prevent any violence, but quite in vain. The insolent fellows persisted in their attack, but were finally put to flight. There remained in our hands the captain of the men ; he was a Brahman officer, who ruled over some villages not far from Big Mount. He was drunk. I ordered the man to be tied to a tree over against my gate, and he received a good thrashing. He was then taken before the Mahomedan governor \[faujdār\] Mullā Murād, in San Thomé. He is the present governor of the territory, and is a nominee of the great dīwān and minister of the Karnātik. When the captive reached the faujdar's, the principal officers and some of his relations presented themselves. They tried hard to throw the whole blame of the misdeed upon me, and they accused me as the culprit. Some of the Mahomedan officials supported their contentions. The judicious governor was not taken in by these fabrications, but on dismissing my servants he sent me a letter full of ceremonious expressions. He paid no heed to the contrary suggestions of the Brahmans, my enemies. ### [354.1.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.1.8) Perhaps he had doubts that if he acted otherwise \[103\] he would be either reproved from court or dismissed from his office. He knew very well that the chief ministers were my friends. The man who has no friends in these lands is nowadays despised, and it is of no use for him to be in the right. As it seems to me, I have not explained in detail the way in which I was treated when in the service of the prince, Shãh 'Alam. Now, to demonstrate once more their policy, their style of government, and the mode in which their business is done, also how much the ladies at this court can accomplish, I will resume the subject. By this means the reader will learn what is the value of friends upon an occasion. ### [354.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.1) There was at the court of the prince Shãh 'Alam a European blood-letter who, when he entered the service, was granted two rupees a day, and after some years was raised in salary up to seven rupees a day. This was done by the influence of the chief physician, Muhammad Muqim, of whom I failed not to speak on other occasions (III. 43, V. 185). The blood-letter, finding the prince had a good opinion of him, and having by this time acquired a little money, made a most unreasonable demand from the prince to the detriment of the said physician. He said to the prince that Muhammad Muqim had an annual salary \[104\] of over one hundred thousand rupees, besides the other great profits that he received. But Muqim was not any wiser than he, the European, was, and therefore he, too, was worth quite as much pay. The prince upon hearing this preposterous claim was much put out, but concealed the fact, and gave not a word of reply. The physician, Muhammad Muqim, heard of the affair by means of his friends. He was much annoyed, but made no sign, and did not betray his feelings in the least. ### [354.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.2) I had already been known in the empire for many years when I reached the court after the heavy loss of money in Portuguese territory of which I have already spoken (II. 178). I was then much in need of money for my support. As soon as my arrival was heard of, I was at once invited by the prince and several of his princesses to accept service with him. The message was conveyed to me through a eunuch of some standing named Meccaian (? Miskln). To this proposal I replied that I would be really glad to accept the honour done to me by his Highness, but I must decline to accept his service unless the physician, Muhammad Muqlm, conducted the negotiations with me. Thereupon it was at once ordered that he should present me to the prince, as is the custom. At this time Shāh 'Alam was making his preparations for starting to take charge of the Dakhin. The physician, Muhammad Muqlm, remembering what the European blood-letter had done to him, feared the same conduct from me also. He farther reflected that I had cured several persons of quality whom he had given up as beyond hope, whence he was afraid he might lose his reputation and be ejected from the service. Thus, in spite of his promises, he took no steps to push my interests. ### [354.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.3) The leading princess, as a sign of her affection for me, sent me food daily, and made me presents of different kinds of fruit. Seeing that the date of departure was close at hand, she asked my permission to deal herself with the prince on my behalf, since the physician had done nothing. Before this I had requested her not to speak on the subject. My reply to her now was that I begged as a favour she would not speak to the prince on the subject, as I had left it to the discretion of the physician. This I said in spite of my being in great straits from the want of money, and my sufferings from the persecutions of my adversaries, the aforesaid \[European\] blood-letter \[of the prince\] and the \[European\] surgeon of the king, of whom I have spoken above (V. 75-85). I stood strong and firm in my decision, in order to prove to the physician, Muhammad Muqlm, and those others the vast difference there is between one person and another, and that he might see my upright modes of action. ### [354.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.4) I held my tongue for several days, looking out for some movement on the physician's part. Finally, seeing that he was not forwarding my interests, in spite of his making a great show of wishing me well, I left the court, gave up my house, and took refuge in the house of a friend named Luis Gonzalves, intending subsequently to remove to the city of Lãhor, where I had lived for a number of years. On the day that I disappeared the princess as usual sent me some gifts of food. When it was reported to her that I had gone, and it was not known where (the news reached her rather late), she was much grieved. She shut herself up in her room, and would not go to the garden to join the prince, as was her custom. He passed his time there listening to music and in other pastimes. The prince noticed the absence of the princess. Not aware of the cause, he sent to invite her, letting her know that he was waiting in the garden most impatiently, for without her there could be no joy. The princess, aware of the great love the prince bore to her, sent back to say that she had been kept awake and troubled by a slight ailment ; would he, therefore, excuse her for that day ? Hardly had the news reached the prince's ear than he quitted the entertainment, and with all possible haste \[107\] made for her apartments. He saw she had nothing the matter beyond being in low spirits, so he pressed her to tell him the cause of her melancholy. ### [354.2.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.5) But the princess in a graceful way made excuses, just exactly as ladies know how to do when they are intent on having their own way. Finally, being forced into consenting to explain her ill-humour, she said it all sprang from the thought that his Highness did not love her to the extent he asserted ; because, if his love were really such, he would not have neglected to entertain at court, and take into his service, the physician Manuchi, a man who knew her constitution, and had nursed her as a little child in his arms. Taking her by the hand, to these words the prince replied that when morning came he would send in search of me, and pledged his word of honour that he would do so. Women can do much, and demand a good deal as soon as they perceive that they are held in estimation. On this occasion that was how the princess acted ; therefore she replied to the prince that that very moment he must write an order to the principal eunuch, Nãzir Daulat, directing him to send off a troop of soldiers, who at the time were on guard, to trace me \[108\] out. Prince Shãh 'Alam gave way to the wishes of the princess, and the soldiers, rushing about all the night, made a fruitless search for me. ### [354.2.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.6) However, they came in the end to know that if I were in any place in the suburbs of the city, I should not be found anywhere else than at the King's artillery park, in the house of my great friend, Luis Gonzalves. In fact, when it was already full daylight, being seated in the garden, I observed one of the prince's guard thrusting his head in at the door, but as soon as he saw me he withdrew it at once. Having seen this man, I was a little reassured, guessing what it might be for, when in a minute or two there entered twelve troopers in the highest glee. They treated me most ceremoniously, and in a few words conveyed to me that the prince was waiting for me, and I must start quickly. At these words I pretended to turn a little uneasy, as if they had need of me for some case of illness. They assured me that everybody was in good health, and I was sent for solely with a view to do me honour. The men urged me to start, and, to tell the truth, I was extremely eager myself, yet concealed \[109\] it, and gave signs of the exact contrary to what I desired. I told them to let me go to sleep, during which time they, too, could sit down and rest. To sum up, we began our journey about nine o'clock in the morning. ### [354.2.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.2.7) Meanwhile, let us look at what was going on about me at the court. By this time the princess had given up hoping for my return, and carried her lamentations to the prince. Shãh 'Alam went forth to hold audience, and asked his chief minister and counsellor, Casmir (Qãzl Mir), where Manucci had gone to. The Qãzl, knowing nothing about my disappearance, replied that I was in the city. Shãh 'Alam then ordered him to include me among the servants of his Highness. Upon receipt of this order Qãzí Mīr suggested that Manucci had heavy expenses; it was therefore necessary to give him an honourable rate of pay. The prince thought over this for a little, and then instructed him that he should give me seven rupees a day, the sum that his blood-letter had received. My friend Qãzí Mīr put on a dejected air, and made this suggestion: 'Your Highness ought to know that the father of your blood-letter was barber to the father of Manucci; thus he will never accept that rate of pay.' ### [354.3.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.1) At these words another friend of mine who was present, named Mirecautaula, came forward three paces, and making obeisance \[110\], said: 'If your Highness permits me to speak, I will inform him of what I know about Manucci.' The prince turned his eyes in his direction, and with a smiling face said he might speak. Mirecautaula then stated: 'Does your Highness know that Nawãb Mahãbat Khãn offered him through me three hundred rupees a month, with a palanquin, robes, and food, yet Manucci would not enter his service?' Having said this much, he bowed, and returned to his place. The prince asked him whether, if he were to offer me three hundred rupees a month, and create me a mansabdãr (noble) of the court, would I accept. Mirecautaula replied: 'Maybe he will agree, this being a royal establishment.' The prince ordered Qãzí Mīr to settle with me, and obtain my consent. This is the way they are accustomed to act in this court when they want to give a helping hand to anyone. ### [354.3.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.2) While this was in progress, I arrived at the house of my friend, Qãzí Mīr, not far from the court. He was not long in making his appearance. As he was coming in at the door I went to meet him, and paid him the usual compliments, but with a very long face, in spite of my now knowing all that had taken place. The moment he saw me he put his hands to his sides, halted, and showed all the signs of being quite worn out, telling me : 'To-day I laboured in a cause which very seldom is carried to success in the Mogul court : you are already made a servant of the prince Shãh 'Alam, and have \[in\] as pay three hundred rupees a month, and in addition you are a noble of the court.' ### [354.3.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.3) With a humble countenance, making an obeisance, I rendered him sincere asseverations of my gratitude. But Qãzí Mir, observing that I had not changed my expression one little bit, nor shown any sign of gladness, came to the conclusion that I was dissatisfied. Therefore, coming closer to me, he suggested that for the time being I ought to accept the pay that had been fixed. He could assure me it would very soon be increased, and this he repeated at least twice. Discovering by these remarks that he had not perceived that I was more than content, in order to let him see the truth, I drew back one pace, and lifting my head and my voice, I said : 'I accept with all goodwill the honour that, through your mediation, his Highness has done me, and I live in the hope of receiving through your protection still greater.' Thus did I reassure Qãzí Mir, and inform him that I was satisfied. Embracing me, he took me by the hand and led me into the house. We had dinner together, then he presented me with a horse (which I was much in want of) and a valuable set of robes ; thereupon I returned to my own house. As soon as I reached my house the princess sent me her usual gift of food, together with a thousand rupees, giving me to understand that this money should serve as a help for the expenses I might have to incur in connection with the ensuing march, which was to begin a few days afterwards. ### [354.3.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.4) The eunuch Nãzir Daulat sent a man to \[112\] call me, whereupon I paid him a visit and sat down in his presence. On seeing me, he shook his head and said : 'You are the man who had the royal gates opened at night at unsanctioned hours — a thing never allowed in the royal palace.' I replied that to have the royal gateway opened at that hour was due to the generosity of his Highness, who desired to favour a foreigner. This man (Daulat) was a great friend of mine, as I experienced on many necessary occasions, as will have been seen. In opposition to the habits of his class, he was of a good disposition, and very liberal. He had sixty horses in his stalls and sixty camels loaded with pieces of cloth and other valuables. His tent was like a general's, and in his suite were noble horsemen. He was much esteemed at the court because he behaved prudently ; his income was very large, owing to the offices he held ; and his words were listened to by the prince. I likewise give an account of the manner in which it is usual to bleed the princes, at what seasons it is done, and what happened to me on such occasions. ### [354.3.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.5) Ordinarily the princes and princesses have themselves bled twice in the month of March, and the interval between the two bleedings does not exceed twenty-four hours. The operation is begun half an hour before the setting of the sun. Three days afterwards they take a purge ; but if necessity demands a shorter interval \[113\] they do not wait the three days, but are governed by the requirements of the case. In the month of September the same procedure is repeated. The first time that Shãh 'Alam had blood let by me I was summoned to the Maal (mahal), which means palace, and went into the saral (same) — that is, seraglio. He showed me his arm, inquiring if his veins were visible, and asked if I should give him any pain when I drew the blood. When I heard this question, I took hold of his arm, and looking at it, said without a pause that the vein could be opened without the least difficulty, and he would be quite satisfied. I quickly tied his arm with a bandage of fine broad cloth without stretching the skin very much. As I took up my lancet to make the incision, he stopped me, and said I ought to stretch and rub the arm well, as other blood-letters did. I answered that his Highness need not be alarmed, that I knew what I was doing. ### [354.3.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.6) I took hold of the arm again, and at once made the incision, opening the vein without going so deep as other practitioners do, by which practice some days must be passed without being able to move the arm. What I noticed on this occasion was that the prince betrayed signs of fear, turning away his face until the blood had been taken. It is customary to keep ready for these \[114\] occasions a set of silver scales and weights; the basin for receiving the blood is also of silver. On the ground is spread a large sheet, in order not to dirty the carpets and floor-cloths; over the body of the prince is cast another sheet, somewhat smaller. All the princes are present at the operation, as also the principal eunuch and some under-eunuchs who act as attendants. It is the business of one of these to throw a little charcoal into the blood that is collected from the vein, also a little bit of iron, some small coin, and a few grains of raisins for the preservation of the blood. After all these ceremonies they buried the blood in the garden, also performing other customary superstitious observances. When the incision is made all those who are present make profound bows, adding the words: 'May the blood-letting be to your benefit.' The same ceremonial is followed in the case of a princess. ### [354.3.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.7) As soon as the surgeon has left the room alms are distributed. When I had finished the blood-letting the prince ordered them to give me four hundred rupees. At the time of my reaching the gate a eunuch handed me the said money on a salver, telling me it was proper for me to make a bow with my face turned towards the palace. I did so, according to the custom of this court. ### [354.3.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.3.8) When I gave an order to my servant to take charge of the said rupees \[115\], the insolent eunuch said to me: 'It seems to me you could never have had as much money in all your life.' At once I took the salver and emptied out on the ground all the money in it in the presence of the gate-keepers, telling them I made them a present of it. Then I turned to the eunuch: 'Do you not know that I am the son of the chief physician of the King of Spain, who is lord over half the world and owns the mines of silver? My father, being tired and in a hurry, on one occasion missed the vein; but, seeing that the king required to be bled, he made another stroke, and hit the right place. In spite of this my father was so sorrowful for the error he had committed that the consolation offered by the king had no effect upon him. Therefore, out of the love he bore him, and in the hope of restoring him to happiness, the king gave him a town as large as the town of Sihrind, together with a galleon laden with silver, which had just reached the port of Cadiz. Out of these revenues and moneys my father sends me twenty-four thousand rupees for my expenses, since the pay I receive from this court barely suffices for the expenditure in my kitchen.' ### [354.4.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.1) All this I did and said solely to the end that it should not be thought I was needy, and also to let them know my lofty way of looking at things. My prince \[116\], when he knew what had happened, said that he felt I must have been brought up in the midst of riches. He sent me the money over again, recovering it from the porters, and added to it a valuable set of robes and a fine horse. He said he must maintain the customs of his court, but without my being subordinate to anyone, and that I should have entire liberty. Another mysterious thing happened to me when I first drew blood from the wife of the prince, called Nurnixam (Nur-un-nissã) Begam. The lady thrust her arm out from the curtain, as is the custom, and holding my lancet, I moved forward to open the basilic vein. I was still at a distance of six inches from the arm, when suddenly the princess turned round and threw up her arm violently towards the lancet — I know not whether through fear, or simply in changing the position of her body. The instrument went into the basilic vein, and blood flowed. ### [354.4.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.2) The prince, who was present, patted me with his hands on the shoulders (a sign of pleasure), and applauded my ability in having opened so skilfully so difficult a vein as the basilic. At this unrehearsed success I cannot tell you how I felt. Pallor spread over my countenance at the thought that all that portion of the lancet which projected beyond my finger-ends had entered \[117\] the basilic vein, and might have cut the artery. Having this in my mind, I stood watching the blood flow with no little apprehension. However, when four ounces had been lost, I noticed that I had not in any way touched the artery; on the contrary, I had struck exactly on the basilic, and thus I was reassured without having betrayed my concern. The princes who were in attendance, although they had observed the difference of method in this extraction of blood, nevertheless did not attribute it to accident, but to the dexterity of my hand; and as such they spread it abroad, talking me up as a great master of surgery, although it was really an accident. In this way I left the court after obtaining great honour and valuable gifts, in addition to being praised by everybody. ### [354.4.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.3) What I have observed and learned about the Jesuits is that, when unable to find out by public channels all that is done in private houses and in the city council, they endeavour to learn it by private means and through the medium of the confessional. They make the penitent understand that to observe silence or not to reply to their interrogations will trouble his conscience—a maxim, as it seems to me, the principal end of which is to secure knowledge of everything that is discussed in public and private gatherings. Above all \[118\], however, they make use of women, knowing thoroughly well that they are unable to keep anything a secret. By these means they govern the world and courts, as we see them do in Europe. But these arts are of no use to them among Mahomedans; with them they are somewhat more politic. The Jesuits know what Mahomedans are, and therefore behave with moderation; nevertheless, when they find a little opening, they endeavour to draw to themselves as much as ever they can. Experience shows this to be true, and I will relate a case in confirmation of this dictum. ### [354.4.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.4) In Bengal there was a Portuguese married man, who placed full reliance on Jesuit hypocrisies. The man drew up his will, the terms of it being that he bequeathed all his goods to the said fathers for the benefit of the Madura mission. The estate consisted of three thousand rupees in ready-money, besides all the other property he owned. The moment he was dead the Jesuits took possession of everything, leaving the wife and three marriageable daughters without a penny. Thus at this time they are houseless wanderers, through not having the means to get married. I might recount many such cases, but I \[119\] pass them over, believing that to the cautious reader this one instance can serve as his guide, if he will only reflect on it. In the month of March, 1706, the Shivã Jis \[i.e., the Mahrattahs\] came again to plunder the suburbs of Surat and all the surrounding country. Among other places they sacked a large town called Gandoui (Gandevi), lying half-way between Surat and Daman ; it was a place of considerable wealth, owing to many traders living there. ### [354.4.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.5) At that time the qãzi of Súrat found himself there ; he had gone not only to amuse himself, but to make rent collections from, and audit the accounts of, his villages. The unhappy man was unable to flee before the arrival of the Mahrattah troops, and he was taken prisoner. They pierced his hands, passed a cord through the holes, and dragged him about everywhere in the country, demanding money from him and a statement of where his hoards were buried. From these tortures he died. This was a merited punishment, for the man was not only an oppressor, but an unjust judge. The Mahrattah princess, widow of Rãm Rãj and mother or the new prince, Shivã Jí, caused the head of the general, Danojado, to be struck off. His crime was that he had not, as he ought to and could have done, made a prisoner of Dã,úd Khãn; another crime was that he had not conquered the kingdom of the Karnãtik \[120\]. On the contrary, he had retreated from that conquered country after the payment to him of some sums of money by the aforesaid Dã,ud Khãn. At this punishment all the captains and soldiers rejoiced. ### [354.4.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.6) The merchants whose ships had been taken by the Portuguese while on their way to Mecca, as I have already stated (IV. 153; V. 3, 24), never ceased to make complaint to King Aurangzeb and demand justice. Wearied by their supplications, his Majesty sent several dispatches to the Portuguese demanding restitution of the vessels, but they would never consent to give them back. Enraged at this conduct, the king suddenly expelled from his camp the Father Rector of Ãgrah, after having subjected him to some disagreeable treatment. Next he ordered the Governor of Surat to punish the Portuguese at Daman. A march was commenced at once at the head of six thousand men, cavalry and infantry. As soon as the governor approached the Portuguese villages, the frightened peasants took to flight. Upon noticing this the governor sent for the village headmen, and treating them courteously, reassured them, and told them that they ought to remain in their villages and go on cultivating their fields as usual. For, so he assured them, no one would interfere \[121\] with them. He sent them away contented, giving presents to each according to his merits. ### [354.4.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.7) After this he marched onwards and attacked a small Portuguese fort, situated two leagues from Daman. It was provided with five pieces of artillery, and defended by forty soldiers. They surrendered to superior force after a contest of one half-hour, during which one man was killed and several wounded. The rest of the garrison were made prisoners. Just then the news was brought to the governor that seven Dutch ships had come into the port of Súrat. This news made the governor desist from his invasion of Portuguese territory ; he acted prudently enough, for he was afraid that the Dutch might take possession of the Surat fortress. For this reason he gave hasty orders for the march of his army back to that town. The demands of the Dutch were as I have already recounted (IV. 153). It may now be close on twenty years ago that a most curious incident arose at the port of Surat. A European living there had been married to a lady who was a native of India. During a voyage that he undertook \[122\] he lost through robbery both the wealth he possessed and his life. His wife was known as an honourable woman, virtuous and charitable, ready to help the sick poor and gather into her house orphan girls, bringing them up to good habits. Thus she was held in esteem by everybody. ### [354.4.8](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.4.8) In the neighbourhood of this lady dwelt a very wealthy Mahomedan trader, married to a lady of good family. This man, on leaving Surat in the pursuit of his business, made over his house to the charge of his consort. The woman committed adultery, and became pregnant. Seeing her fault thus exposed, and expecting on her husband's return to be put to death, she resorted to the above lady, her neighbour, and sought her advice, telling her what had happened. The virtuous lady, in order to protect the honour of the Mahomedan woman, and at the same time to gain for the Faith her offspring, made pretence that she was with child, at the sacrifice of her own reputation and of the esteem in which everyone held her. Everyone spoke evil of her and she became universally abhorred ; nor was there anyone who would help her with alms as they had hitherto done. In the end the Mahomedan was delivered in secret \[123\], and the Christian lady carried the infant to her house, had it baptized, and brought it up as her son. In this way the Mahomedan continued to be held chaste, since there was no one else who knew the secret. ### [354.5.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.1) The charitable Christian lady, when she had brought up the child to the age of seven years, in the fear that he might be perverted sent him to France. When he had grown up he returned to India, and travelled from one part to another, earning his livelihood and living as a Christian, and he believed himself to be the son of the Christian lady who had brought him up. After some time the Mahomedan woman became a widow, and when at the point of death, remembering the charitable act done by the Christian, was secretly baptized by a Capuchin father, thus in this last extremity embracing the Catholic religion. Not many years after her death the Christian lady fell mortally ill. When she was dying she confessed publicly what I have above stated. It will have been already seen (V. 34) how Monsieur Bono \[Bouynot\] set out for Bengal on being appointed captain of the \[Dutch\] commissary's \[captured\] ship, the Phénix. He arrived safely at that port, and loaded his ship with a valuable cargo. In the month of November, 1705, he set sail, passing in front of the English and Dutch factories, flying at his masthead and poop a captain's flag of scarlet colour. He passed through twenty-five ships of various nations which were anchored there \[in the Hughli\]. Upon coming out of the river, not far from the entry to the port, he encountered two Dutch ships, the one of 54 cannon and 550 Europeans, the other of 24 cannon with 250 soldiers, also Europeans. ### [354.5.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.2) As he was coming out they stopped him and attacked. He tried to set fire to one of the ships, but his attempt did not succeed, for the ship escaped and he only damaged himself. The two ships, finding they had cut off his retreat, fought him most vigorously. On his side Monsieur Bono \[Bouynot\] made a stout resistance, and used his utmost efforts to get away into the open sea and continue his voyage. But he was not able to proceed farther as his ship was not well found, and was defended by only two hundred fighting men of different nations. Thus he was obliged to beat a retreat, and, using judgment and courage, he went back into the port of Bengal \[? Hugli\], disembarked his cargo at the French factory, and there laid up his ships till the times permitted of his departure. \[125\] I will insert what is commonly said by all the Hindus, though for myself I do not believe it will happen as they assert. In all their prophecies and documents, it is said that after the death of King Aurangzeb the line of Tamur-i-lang's descendants will cease to rule, and that once more the Hindus will reign over Hindustan as they did of old time. They tell, however, a fable, which is very widespread in the empire, and is as follows : ### [354.5.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.3) They say that long ago, while Taimur-i-lang was still a lad, as he was going through his village on his way to graze his camels, he met a poor faqir walking along the road and crying out : ' He who will give me to eat and to drink once only, I shall make him a great king.' Taimur-i-lang, who even then cherished ambitious thoughts, believed in the faqir's words, and told him to wait where he was and he would satisfy his wants. He ran in all haste to his own house. When his mother saw him she cried out at him for coming back to the house so soon, and not keeping with the camels as he was used to do. Taimur-i-lang told her what had happened, and gave his mother no peace until she had made over to him some food. \[126\] He carried it to the faqir, who, after eating, informed Taimur-i-lang that if he wanted to be a king he would make him one, but in that case he must patiently suffer the pain he should inflict. Taimur-i-lang replied that he would suffer gladly all that might be done to him. Then the faqir ordered him to throw himself on the ground, covered him with his cloak, and struck him with the hand, using all his strength, eleven times on the posterior. He would have gone on administering blows had not Taimur-i-lang, unable any longer to endure the pain, risen up and flung the cloak far from him. He then sat down some paces from the faqir. ### [354.5.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.4) The man said to him that if he had been able to endure, as many more descendants of his as there were additional blows would have reigned as kings. Thus the fault was his if there were to be no more than eleven generations of rulers. This tale is very well known, but I have not seen it in the royal chronicles of Taimur-i-lang. In connection with the narrative I have already inserted, I will recount what happened in the year 1702. Reflecting on the great sins he had committed \[127\], and desirous of knowing which of his sons would become emperor and destroy the rest, Aurangzeb caused a famous magician to be sent for several times. The man repeatedly excused himself from attending. But as kings are powerful and can do what they please, he was obliged in the end to go to him. The king had him brought into his room, and then set forth the desire he had to know which of his sons was fated to be emperor. The magician became rather terrified at this proposal, and attempted to protect himself by finding out what were the king's wishes. But finally he was persuaded by the king's soft words, and encouraged by a promise that no one should be allowed to hurt him. ### [354.5.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.5) In about twenty minutes he caused four severed heads to appear at the four corners of the royal bed ; they were the heads of Aurangzeb's four sons. Whilst the king stared in horror at such a sight, the magician told him none of the princes would be allowed to reign. Without uttering a word, Aurangzeb waved his hand for him to go, ordering the eunuchs to let him pass out and conduct him home in safety. When the magician had left the four heads disappeared, and for that night the king did not sleep \[128\]. After having ordered the bedstead to be burnt, he knelt on the bare earth in prayer. Time will show what is to happen, and if God gives me life I shall not fail to draw up a report thereof, and satisfy the reader's curiosity. \[I omit the following, which have been already given — viz., the story of Qãzí Mir, his unorthodox treatise with Christian tendencies, and his death in prison (Part IV., fols. 239, 240) ; that of the young man from Syãlkot, who met his death in Ahmadãbãd (Part IV., fol. 240) ; and that of the Capuchin friar at Isfahan (Part IV., fol. 240b). I resume on fol. 136.\] ### [354.5.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.6) \[136\] It will be about five years ago that I went to visit Nawãb Dã,ud Khãn to carry out some negotiations, as I have stated in my Fourth Part (IV. 88). One night while I was in conversation with him there arrived a letter from the court containing a strict order that immediately on perusal he was to place in prison the captain, Bader Kam (Bahadur Khãn). In execution of this order, the Nawãb sent for the officer under the pretext that good news had come from court which he required to communicate at once. The officer believed this was the truth \[137\], and came at once to his superior's presence without even a single follower. There he was seized suddenly and bound, without being able to have recourse to his arms. He was removed to a house in the fortress of Arkãt, where he lay with irons on his feet, watched by vigilant sentinels. This Bahadur Khãn was a subordinate of Dã,ud Khãn, had the command over three hundred cavalry, and possessed many elephants. He was sent to prison on the pretext that he was a traitor to the crown, in secret correspondence with Shivã Jī (i.e., the Mahrattahs) and the other allied princes who had revolted. In fact, we are obliged to believe that this was truly the case, owing to the numerous methods in which they (the Mahrattahs) tried to get him released, and to obtain his services on their side. In these attempts they succeeded. ### [354.5.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.5.7) These princes, in their efforts to get him out of prison, made use of a shepherd. This man carried daily to the captive a vessel of milk for him to drink, and inside it they placed some files, by means of which in time he got rid of his fetters. The day fixed for his flight was the day following the conclusion of their fast in the year 1706, a day on which Mahomedans have great festivities and dances. When this day had arrived he (Bahadur Khãn) feigned severe illness \[138\], threw himself on his bed, and groaned just as if he had really been attacked by a mortal malady. The sentries, believing that Bahadur Khãn was really suffering from illness, went off to watch the dancing and the fireworks. ### [354.6.1](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.1) The prisoner lost not an instant, but, embracing the hoped-for opportunity, left the fortress, and joined his Mahrattah friends, who were waiting for him with horses. He took the road to the mountains, and was soon in safety. He continued his flight, however, in all haste, and went to join the Mahrattahs, who were encamped in the lands of Aduni. The extravagant delight with which the Mahrattahs received him can be easily imagined; this can also be collected from the sign of it they gave in assembling an army for him, with which to take satisfaction for the affront done him by Dã,úd Khãn. Bahadur Khãn, while engaged in scouring the country in that neighbourhood, came cross a despatch-rider carrying letters to Dã,ud Khãn. Speaking politely to the man, but without revealing his identity, he made over to him a letter \[139\] directed to Dã,ud Khãn, to the following effect: 'I left my scull-cap on the bed where I slept. Keep it safe, for shortly, when my horsemen and elephants are ready, I am coming to inquire for it from you.' When this letter reached Dã,ud Khãn he was far from content, for he knew the nature of his own tribe when they entertain a hatred to anyone. \[Here follows (fols. 139-148) a story of a herdsman and Shãh 'Abbas the Great, of Persia. As it has no reference to India I omit it, as also another about the same Persian king (fols. 148-149).\] ### [354.6.2](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.2) \[149\] At the present time the kings of Persia are a good deal different from the former kings. They are now much addicted to wine and women, besides such diversions as music and dancing. They pay no heed to what concerns the crown. The government is left in the hands of eunuchs and persons learned in religion. The new kings do not make a display of their ability in governing like the former kings did. ### [354.6.3](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.3) In the reign of Shãh Sultãn Husain, the son of Shãh Sulaimãn and grandson of \[150\] Shãh 'Abbas the lesser, there was a famous general called \[blank in text\]. This man noticed the great difference between this king and his predecessors. In place of making much of and showing esteem for officers who had grown grey in battle-fields, he insulted them by refusing them the offices that they had merited. In this fashion the affairs of the state went from bad to worse. Therefore that general said boldly in the king's presence at a public audience : 'Your Majesty is incapable of governing, since you do not rule like your predecessors ; they raised to high place those who merited it, and could be serviceable to them. Your Majesty, quite to the contrary, appoints low men to places of authority, men of little judgment, and therefore you will be the cause of your own destruction.' On hearing these reproofs the king directed him to withdraw, and never appear at court again. The command was executed, and to this day he lives in retirement in his own house. To say the truth, this was a great piece of courage, not to say temerity, by which this general was deprived of his king's favour, although he had been highly thought of previously. ### [354.6.4](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.4) You will have already seen (IV. 224, V. 34) the agreement made by the Dutch commissary Bernard Phoosen \[151\] with the French of Pondicherry when he was made a prisoner. The Dutch gentlemen who live in Batavia, and have control over Indian affairs, when they heard of the agreement that he (Phoosen) had made, deprived him of his office, as they did also to the other officials who accompanied him, and dismissed even the officials at the town of Negapatam who had signed the agreement. We come now to speak of King Aurangzeb. During the time of the rains the king cantoned his army near the river Quessina (Kishnã), which flows past the territory of the prince Aganguiri (Wãkinkerah). Not to be idle, he dispatched General Zu,lfiqãr Khãn to make war against a prince who was a vassal of the kingdom of Bíjãpur ; he also ordered the general Chinichiliscam (Chin Qalích Khãn) to march with his army and invest the principal fortress of another prince, equally a vassal of the Bíjãpur kingdom. The first of these princes offered thirty thousand, the other twenty thousand rupees in order that the king might allow them to live in peace. This offer was referred to his Majesty, who directed that these sums of money should be taken, and the cash should be kept as a present by the said generals \[152\]. Yet he instructed them to continue their best efforts to destroy these rebels. This is a habit of this king, although his orders are not carried out as he gives them. ### [354.6.5](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.5) Meanwhile he sent men to reconnoitre the route along which, as he pretended, his army would make its advance on its way to attack the prince of Massur (Maisur). The same was done in regard to Taniaur (Tanjor) and Triginapali (Trichinopoly); it was meant only as a means of intimidation and the extraction of money from them. With the same object he gave a fresh order for Dã,ud Khãn to return to the Karnãtik. The Khãn, assuming pleasant ways, feigned himself the friend of those princes, and advised them to offer handsome tribute to the Mogul if they wished to be liberated from imperial interference. These princes are so ignorant that they paid what was demanded of them, without foreseeing the destruction which would overtake them therefrom. The said Dã,ud Khãn amassed all the money that he could from them and from the Europeans, since he had bound himself to pay to the court a revenue fifty per cent. in excess of that usually paid. From this cause the people had a good deal to suffer. The Shivã Jls (the Mahrattahs) quitted the neighbourhood of the royal camp, started for their own territory, and in less than three months recovered the fortresses of which the conquest had occupied Aurangzeb so many years. ### [354.6.6](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.6) \[153\] Dã,ud Khãn left the court and came back to the Karnãtik, and when he reached it all the European nations sent him their presents, which he accepted. From the French alone did he refuse to take any, in spite of his declaring himself to be their very great friend. Instead of receiving their tribute, he rejected it with displeasure. He said to their agent that he was not a man fit to carry on their affairs; he must therefore write to Monsieur Martin, Governor of Pondicherry, to send him some person of judgment to arrange certain interests of the greatest importance. At once Governor Martin sent a Hindu inhabitant of Pondicherry, named Anomond, bearing a substantial and notable present. When this man reached the camp of Dã,ud Khãn, he was not well received; on the contrary, he was spoken to in a somewhat arrogant and menacing manner. He was given to understand that the French ought to restore to the Dutch the ship Phénix, taken from their commissary, with all the valuable cargo in it; otherwise he (Dã,úd Khãn) should proceed to destroy the fortress of Pondicherry. ### [354.6.7](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354.6.7) This discussion took various turns, and in the end Dã,ud Khãn announced that if they gave him one hundred thousand rupees he would leave them alone. This settlement was not accepted by the French of Pondicherry; they were resolute to pay nothing, and began to prepare for defence \[154\]. At the same time, Governor Martin did not relax his efforts to adjust the claim; and, with the aid of some friends, he succeeded in settling matters. Up to the present time Dã,ud Khãn has done him no injury, although he has uttered many threats. But that is what they always do. The prince of Maisur was aware that, as soon as the rainy season was over, King Aurangzeb would make war upon him. He therefore made ready to resist him with a force of fifteen thousand horsemen of different tribes — Pathãns, Rãjputs, and Moguls, et cetera. The whole of these men came out of the Mogul empire; not finding employment at that court, they went and took service with this prince. I do not believe that these men will be faithful to him; on the contrary, I know that Aurangzeb, following his custom, will be sure to invite them to desert to his standard by an offer of higher pay, if he has not done this already, as he has practised in the kingdoms of Bījāpur and Gulkandah, and in other principalities. _First 45 of 94 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354)_ --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354](https://indike.org/pramana/in.darkages.travel.manucci~en-irvine.354) · Pramāṇa