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# Praudhamanorama p47

English (machine translation) p47

- **Language:** English

### [p47](https://indike.org/pramana/in.vedanga.vyakarana.prakriya.siddhantakaumudi!praudhamanorama~en-mt.p47)

\[On the phrase\] 'the final member of a pada': one who goes to a tree is \*vṛkṣavīḥ\*; one who blows \[like\] a tree is \*vṛkṣavāḥ\*; one who recounts that is \*vṛkṣav\*, \[with the affix\] \*vic\*. Here, elision of \*v\* by "elision of \*v\* and \*y\*..." (P. 6.1.66) does not take place because \[the elided element\] is treated as the original element. Nor can it be argued that the prohibition "not in operations on a pada-final..." (P. 1.1.58) \[applies\], because here the elision to be prescribed is not a part of the pada. But if it is explained that \[the prohibition applies\] in an operation in the place of a pada-final, this \[form\] would not be established. For in the view of Haradatta and others that \[the affix\] \*ṇic\* \[is added\] after an inflected word, it has padahood because of an internal case ending; nor does the \*bha\*-designation, transferred by "like \*iṣṭha\*" in \[the presence of\] \*ṇic\*, bar padahood, because \*ṇi\* has been elided; nor does \[the principle of\] having the affix as cause \[apply\], because it is based on a sound: this is the purport. \[On the phrase\] 'and in reduplication, etc.': elision of \*y\* and so forth are to be understood by the word 'etc.' But with respect to "in \[the presence of\] \*vara\*," it must be explained: an operation on a vowel that occurs in \[the presence of\] \*vara\* is not treated as the original element. Even in the absence of a desire to express \[them\] together, the dvandva compound and the non-elision of the locative case ending occur on the basis of irregular ready-made forms. Now the examples: with respect to a pada-final—\*kāni santi\*, \*kau staḥ\*. With respect to reduplication—\*suddhyupāsyaḥ\*. In \[the presence of\] \*vara\*—\*yāyāvaraḥ\*; the affix \*varac\* by "and \*ya\* after \*yaṅ\*," then elision of \*a\*; and that is not treated as the original element when elision of \*ā\* is to be performed by "elision of \*ā\* before \*iṭ\* and..." (P. 6.4.64). In elision of \*y\*—\*yātiḥ\*; after the verbal root \*yā\* ending in \*yaṅ\*, the affix \*ktic\*, elision of \*a\*, elision of \*y\*; because elision of \*a\* is treated as the original element, elision of \*ā\* \[occurs\], and \[then\] elision of \*y\*. Nor should a second elision of \*ā\* be suspected, because elision of \*ā\* is suspended according to the maxim of \*ciṇ\* and \*luṅ\*, and also because of treatment as the original element. In accent—\*cikīrṣakaḥ\*; elision of \*a\* of \*san\* is not treated as the original element when the high pitch of the vowel \*i\* belonging to the letter \*k\* is to be performed by "having \*l\* as marker" (P. 6.1.93). In homogeneous sounds and anusvāra—\*śiṇḍhi\*. In lengthening—\*pratidīvnā\*. In \*jaś\*—\*sagdhiś ca me\*; \*gdhiḥ\* is eating; when \*ktin\* is added to \*ad\*, substitute \*ghasḷ\* occurs by "variously in the Veda" (P. 2.4.39), elision of the penultimate by "of \*ghas\* and \*bhas\* before a consonant..." (P. 6.4.100), elision of \*s\* by "a \*jhal\* before a \*jhal\*" (P. 8.2.26), change to \*gh\*, and change of \*gh\* to \*jaś\*; while \*sa\* continues from the rule "\*sa\* in place of \*saha\*" (P. 6.3.78), \*sa\* occurs by the rule "of \*samāna\* in the Veda before \*mūrdhan\* and others, and in conclusions." In \*car\*—\*jakṣatuḥ\*.

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Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/in.vedanga.vyakarana.prakriya.siddhantakaumudi!praudhamanorama~en-mt.p47](https://indike.org/pramana/in.vedanga.vyakarana.prakriya.siddhantakaumudi!praudhamanorama~en-mt.p47) · Pramāṇa
