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Indian Palaeography c13.s2.t1: Coins

Indian Palaeography c13.s2.t1

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Coins

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We will begin our study with the palaeography of the coins (Pl. V *a, b*). Allan was the first numismatist to make a detailed study of the palaeography of the Brāhmī coin legends. His chronological scheme is taken for granted by others. But it is clear from a perusal of his *Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India* that his study was influenced by factors other than palaeography. When no other evidence was available he fell back on the style of writing. No systematic attempt was made by him to analyse the letters. He dated some coins to the third century B.C. merely because their script resembled Aśokan Brāhmī. But, as we have seen, no reliance can be placed on such apparent resemblance. Similarly, Rapson, while illustrating a plate of early Persian and Indian coins countermarked with Brāhmī letters, assigned them to the fourth or fifth century B.C. on the evidence of the original coins, but coins by their very nature have a longer span of life than is usually believed. When was the countermarking with Brāhmī letters started? What is the meaning of the word 'countermarking' as applied to these coins? A close examination shows that the word here does not mean 'putting a new symbol on the coins', usually assumed to be the mark of the money-changers or the mint-masters. In these cases the letters are stamped on the old figures and thus the latter are partly defaced. This practice was possible only after the original coin-figures had ceased to be recognizable.

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Even if this assumption is not accepted we have to take into account all the coins illustrated by Rapson. The plate includes six of the debased silver coins of the rectangular variety which are also countermarked in the same fashion. The date of countermarking must be later than the time when these issues were current, as this practice is limited to a few coins and not to be seen at any later time. This fact makes the date considerably later than that given by Rapson. If we look to the palaeography, if it can be relied upon at all, the letter-forms are highly suggestive. We find here two forms of *ya*, the crescentic, in which the verticals are equalized, as 𑀬, and the double-curved, in which the medial *o* is one horizontal line, as 𑀬𑁄 (*yo*); while *pa* has its short vertical drawn at an angle, *va* and *kha* still retain the round forms; but *ga* has the rounded form of the later time. These letter-forms agree with those occurring in the coins of Agathocles and Pantaleon. Hence there cannot be much difference in time between the countermarking and these Indo-Greek issues. In these cases fine workmanship is a clear contrast to the poor lettering on the Negama coins of Taxila. But the Negama coins are not a later degeneration of the Greek issues, because the Greek coins imitate not only the square shape but also the incuse-stamping of the local issues.

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This was done only to maintain the continuity of the local currency, and proves the earlier date of the Negama coins, which must be placed in the earlier half of the second century B.C. The study of these coins makes it clear how poor was the local craftsmanship of letter-cutting for coins. It was the influence of Greek writing and Greek technicians that gave a new face to Indian Brāhmī. Similar poor workmanship is seen in the coins of Kāḍa, probably found in the Punjab. These coins, which are round as well as square, are cast. In two of the pieces¹ the letter *sa* of the legend is reversed and shown as [Figure:] instead of [Figure:]. These coins may also be assigned to the later half of the second century B.C. Similar lettering is found in the earliest issues of the Yaudheyas, who continued their coinage still later, and then stopped to begin again after the Kushāṇas. Farther down in South-east Malwa we have another series of inscribed coins from Eran, the ancient Airikiṇa, spelt in the coins as ‘Erakanya’. Three coins bearing this placename have been published, one by Rapson² and two by Cunningham.³ In Rapson’s coin the letters are written one below the other, while in Cunningham’s coins they are written on the top margin from left to right. A fourth coin inscribed with the legend *dhama-pālasa* (published by Allan) has been the subject of hot discussion. This coin also shows an animal (a horse?—not described by Allan) just as the other coins.

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Here the legend is arranged on three sides of the coin, but all the letters are reversed and hence the writing appears to be from right to left. But it is clear from the coin that it was not done intentionally. Even the animal appears to be in reverse and is hence difficult to identify. A similar blunder of a reversed legend is seen in a coin of Sātakarṇi.⁴ The lettering in all these coins, which are either cast or die-struck, is of the same crude type. In no case can they be dated earlier than the issues of Kāḍa. The earliest issues of Mathura may also go back to this period, but the letters are very blurred and no definite conclusion can be reached.

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¹ J. Allan, *A Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India*, London, 1936, pl. XIX, nos. 17 and 19.

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² *J.R.A.S.*, 1900, pl. VII, 7.

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³ *A.S.R.*, x, pl. XXIV, nos. 16-17.

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⁴ E. J. Rapson, *Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, the Western Kshatrapas, the Traikūṭaka Dynasty and the ‘Bodhi’ Dynasty*, London, 1908, pl. I. 9.

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The majority of the coins fall into series II and III. The second series includes some of the coins of the Yaudheyas, the coins of the Arjunāyanas, the earlier issues of Kauśāmbī, some of the coins of Mathura local rulers, and the coins of Kanauj, of Tripurī, and of Upagoda and Upātikya. In these cases the angularity of the letters is well established and round forms of *ga*, *śa*, and *ta* are usual. In the palaeography of these coin legends we clearly recognize how great was the influence of the Indo-Greek coinage. Their dates must lie in the first century B.C. The third series of the coins is well defined at Mathura, where the local series is succeeded by the Śaka Kshatrapa issues. The Kshatrapa coins show two marked features: (i) equalization of the two verticals in letters such as *sa*, *sha*, *ha*, *pa*, *gha*, and *la*, and (ii) thickening of the top heads. The top flourish in medial *i* is also remarkable. These features are also noticeable in the coins of the Kuṇindas, the Pañchālas, the Vṛishṇis, and the Audumbaras, in the later issues of Kauśāmbī, and in the coins discovered at Almora and Ayodhya. These coins should be attributed to the first century A.D. Some of the still later coins of Kauśāmbī, like that of Dhanadeva, and of Ayodhya, must have been issued after the Kushāṇas.

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*Heliodorus inscription*

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Coin palaeography is rather suspicious, because firstly the legends are short, and secondly conservatism dies hard in coinage. However, its study has opened our eyes to the new technical knowledge that was gradually spreading in India. This conclusion is further supported by a very valuable pillar inscription from Besnagar (Pl. V) of the ambassador Heliodorus from the court of the Indo-Greek king, Antialcidas, ruling at Taxila, to King Bhāgabhadra in Malwa. This inscription provides an insight into the prevailing mode of writing and an inkling of the new tendency that was soon to affect this region. Remarkable forms, though optional, are the angular forms of *pa*, *va*, *sa*, *la*, and *ha*. The lower circle of *ma* faintly copies the triangular form. *Dha* is of the later regular variety. *Ra* has a new type of serpentine vertical, described by Bühler as the 'cork-screw' type, and also an optional curved form of the straight vertical. One variety of *ya* has exceptionally equalized verticals, as seen in the countermarked coins. *Bha* has a slanting vertical, and the medial vowels are attached in the older Aśokan fashion. The date of this inscription is towards the close of the second century B.C.

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*Barli, Ghosundi, and Bhilsa inscriptions*

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When we compare the Heliodorus inscription with three others (Pl. V) of this region—the Barli stone inscription from the Ajmer district, the Ghosundi inscription from the Chittorgadh district, and the Bhilsa inscription of King Bhāgavata—we notice a great difference. Not only do we find regularization of some new and old forms, but also a tendency to create the letters in a new style. Of these the Barli inscription is the crudest example, with exaggerated verticals, except a few as in *li*, while the two others show better penmanship with the lines drawn equally thick throughout, the Bhilsa one showing equalization of the verticals in letters like *pa* and *sa*. Of the common features mention must be made of *bha*, which has a straight vertical, *ka* with a lengthened vertical, and *ma*, the lower circle of which greatly varies: in Barli it is a loop appended to the upper strokes which join together in a curve; in Ghosundi it is triangular, and in Bhilsa oval. The circle of *va* in Ghosundi and Bhilsa has become almost triangular. In Ghosundi alone *ra* maintains a degenerate form of ‘cork-screw’ type known from the Heliodorus inscription. The application of the medial vowels is also instructive. The medial *u* in Ghosundi follows the old practice, though it has come nearer to the right vertical, while in Bhilsa it is marked by prolonging the right vertical of *pa* downwards. On the other hand, the medial vowel *i* is given in the old fashion. Only in Barli it optionally has the tall flourish. These features show that they are much later than the inscription of Heliodorus. They cannot be placed earlier than the second half of the first century B.C. In order of sequence we should have first Ghosundi, then Bhilsa, and finally Barli.

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*Mathura*

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Bühler, while editing these inscriptions in *Epigraphia Indica*, vols. i and ii, distinguished the inscriptions of the Śaka Kshatrapas from others which he termed ‘archaic’, obviously meaning that these are earlier than the Kshatrapa inscriptions. This classification produced a confusion regarding the date of the Kankali Tila at Mathura, from where most of these inscriptions come. It is hardly justified. The difference between the so-called ‘archaic’ and the Kshatrapa inscriptions is due to the scribes, one being a commoner and the other a royal protégé. Consequently the Kshatrapa inscriptions are ornate, and show greater skill in the handling of the new pen. The other epigraphs lack this skill. But there is no difference in the forms of the letters. This is also true in the case of the Mora inscription, though older forms persisted here. From the point of view of chronology they fall in the same period, i.e. after the coming of the Kshatrapas to Mathura.

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In the Kshatrapa inscriptions (Pl. VI *a*, *b*) the verticals are drawn in the new style, and even the curvature is affected by the use of the new pen. The thickness varies with the twist of the pen, e.g. *a*, *ā*, *cha*, *chha*, *sa*, *ḍa*, *ta*, *bha*, *ya*, *la*, *ha*, and *ra*. Then we find the equalization of the verticals, except in *la* which has a tall flourish. Angularity is a marked feature in letters such as *kha*, *gha*, *ja*, *ṭa*, *pa*, *pha*, the lower circle of *ma*, *ya*, the lower circle of *va*, *sha*, *sa*, and *ha*. Both *ga* and *śa* develop a beautiful curve. *Chha* has optionally an ellipse, but more usually a double loop. The lower half of *ḍa* shows curvature, and the two strokes of *ta* are also joined in a curve. *Ra* has both the serpentine form and the straight vertical; the latter has its lower end bent to the left. The medial *i* has a tall curved flourish, and the medial *o* in the case of *mo* is attached optionally to the middle of the letter, as is known from the Girnar R.E. of Aśoka, while in *po* and *gho* two upward slanting strokes are attached to the left vertical—a practice which became common in the next period.

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*Sanchi*

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Sanchi (Pl. VI *a* and *b*) has given us a great wealth of material for palaeographical study. Bühler, R. P. Chanda, and N. G. Majumdar have studied in detail the palaeography of these inscriptions. Their method is based on the old assumptions, and though Chanda and Majumdar have made many corrections on stylistic grounds, their conclusions do not stand the test of the new approach. As my purpose is not to write a memoir on the Sanchi inscriptions, this study is confined to selected inscriptions in order to throw more light on palaeography. The inscriptions up to the first century A.D. are divisible into three series. The third series includes the inscriptions from Stūpa III (except the casket inscriptions), illustrated by Marshall in pl. CXXXVII, lower half, and those on the eastern, southern, and western gateways of Stūpa I, illustrated in Marshall, pl. CXXXIV. The inscription of ‘Sātakaṇi’ is included in this series. There are others scattered among the railing inscriptions of Stūpas I and II, but it is not possible here to catalogue all of them. There is no fundamental difference between this series and the Mathura Kshatrapa inscriptions. They may be safely dated to the first half of the first century A.D.

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Series II includes the relic casket inscriptions of Stūpa II, illustrated by Marshall in pl. CXL, the railing inscriptions of Stūpa II, illustrated on pls. CXXXVI and CXXXVII, and those on the northern gateway of Stūpa I. The casket inscriptions are a class by themselves and show unity of hand, while the railing inscriptions are very varied. The angularity is clearly marked in most of the letters. The casket inscriptions have reduced verticals. The medial *o* is a single horizontal line, while medial *u* in letters such as *pu*, *su*, and *hu* is given by prolonging the right vertical downwards. Though these inscriptions do not show the use of the new technique, they illustrate to a slight degree the influence of the new style of writing. Hence they may be safely dated in the second half of the first century B.C.

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Series I includes the casket inscriptions of Stūpa III and most of the railing inscriptions of Stūpa I. Here we find some letters which resemble those in the Heliodorus inscription, but there are some features, such as the straight vertical of *bha* and the single horizontal line for medial *o*, which are so distinctive that they appear to occupy an intermediary position between the Heliodorus inscription and series II of Sanchi. Hence the inscriptions of series I may fairly be placed in the earlier half of the first century B.C.

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