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South India and her Muhammadan Invaders c10: Lecture III. Muhammadan Invasions of the Dekhan

South India and her Muhammadan Invaders c10

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Lecture III. Muhammadan Invasions of the Dekhan

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*The First Invasion due to an accident.*—Sometimes great revolutions happen in the history of empires by accident, and the first invasion of the Dekhan may well be brought under the category of accidents. During one of the Mameluk revolutions that took place in Delhi, a Khilji high official, one of the slaves of the masterful Ghiyasu-d-din Balban raised himself to the throne. He was an old man remarkable alike for bravery and clemency. He came to the throne with three grown-up sons, one of whom at least was a warrior of reputation like the father. He had two nephews, sons of a brother, of whom the elder was a daring unscrupulous man of high ambitions. These nephews had married, each of them a daughter of the Sultan. Of these two ladies, the elder one was apparently a proud and indiscreet person, and conducted herself in such a way as to make her ambitious husband feel his position intolerable. Her mother the Malika-i-Jahan had great influence over the king, and as our Muhammadan authorities state, encouraged her daughter in her proud bearing towards her husband. So long as the young man was at court, he kept his pride under control. A chance came early for him however, to go out to a governorship as the result of a rebellion which was successfully put down. He took the opportunity of the remoteness of his head-quarters from court to mature his plans to carry himself to a higher position than that of a governor, and to teach the proud princess, his wife, a lesson. Gratitude to an uncle who brought him up like a father, gave him one of his daughter's in marriage and promoted him to offices and positions of trust, did not come in the way of his ambition. The one essential required for the fulfilment of this was money. He had not much chance of raising it in his own province unobserved by the agents of the court and the sovereign himself. He therefore cast longing eyes across the mountains, and made use of an occasion when he conducted an expedition to Bhilsa, to make the requisite enquiries and satisfy himself as to the wealth that was to be got by an invasion of the Dekhan. That was how the first invasion came about.

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*The Khiljis.*—The uncle monarch Jalau-d-din and his ambitious nephew Alau-d-din both alike belonged to the new dynasty of the Khiljis, which held away over Delhi and Hindustan during the last decade of the thirteenth and the first score of years of the following century. These were a people who were Turks; but having been long settled in Afghanistan, first round Herat and then further eastward, they became so assimilated to the populations of the locality that they were taken to be more Afghans than Turks. After the rule of Ghiyasu-d-din Balban, whose masterful rule left no man of dominant ability or position in the state, the feeble and dissolute character of his successor made orderly administration impossible. In the course of the struggle for power, a man of military ability with a distant governorship certainly came up, and this was Jalalu-d-din Feroz, the leader of the Khiljis, whose genius for war gave him a considerable following. The dissolute youth who nominally occupied the throne was literally ‘kicked out of existence.’ Jalalu-d-din Feroz succeeded to the throne in A.D. 1290. In the early distribution of the offices, which usually followed a new succession, the names of his three sons figure prominently as also his two nephews Alau-d-din and Almas Beg. For about a year Alau-d-din was at Court, but the rebellion, in Karra and Oudh, of Chajju, a nephew of Ghiyasu-d-din Balban gave the opportunity for the preferment of Alau-d-din. Alau-d-din was appointed Governor of Karra first of all, to which was later added Allahabad. In his new government he was joined by a number of the rebels whom Jalalu-d-din with great, perhaps unwise, clemency pardoned. Alau-d-din’s government became thereafter the head-quarters of intrigue against the good monarch, his uncle. Any access of gratitude was made impossible by the constant irritation that he had from the conduct of his proud wife. He had, therefore, formed his plans for conducting an expedition against the Dekhan without the knowledge of his uncle.

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Sinews of war needed to prosecute the higher ambitions of Alau-d-din.—It would be unusual for a man who cherished ambitions to occupy the throne of Delhi to complicate his position by a distant invasion at the same time. Alau-d-din’s idea in the distant invasion was not exactly conquest or addition to the empire. In this instance there was absolutely nothing of either. His object was chiefly plunder, and plunder of a neighbouring Mussalman governor had no chance whatever of being overlooked at court. The invasion of a Hindu kingdom on the otherside of the Vindhya Mountains, where no Muhammadan had yet set foot appealed to the ambitions of the knight-errant, if there was any in him; but the chief motive was money to provide himself with the wherewithal for the purpose of carrying his ultimate ambition through, of occupying the throne at Delhi. This ambition seems to have been clearly formed in his mind and received considerable encouragement from those about him at the time. The court was not without some knowledge of his ambition, but the good Sultan could not be brought to think ill of his nephew son-in-law who had made effective use of his younger brother at court to counteract the honest efforts of the ministers to awaken the suspicions of the Sultan.

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Deogir the objective.—While in Bhilsa conducting an expedition for the Sultan, Alau-d-din made enquiries, and found that across the mountains lay the powerful kingdom of Mahārāṣṭra with its capital at Deogir. He also had definite information that the last ruler Rāmachandra had been on the throne for some considerable time already, and had accumulated vast wealth; and, what was more important for his purpose, that at the time that he had made his plans, the main army of Rāmachandra, Ram Deo as the Muhammadan historians call him, had been led southwards towards the Hoysala frontier by his eldest son Shankar Deo. Alau-d-din therefore obtained permission of the court to undertake a punitive expedition against Chanderi, the Hindu chieftain of which, according to him, had grown proud of his wealth and declined submission to his government. The permission of course was easily granted and Alau-d-din went as far as Chanderi publicly, and therefrom made arrangements that no information of his movements should reach head-quarters. He marched at the head of 8,000 chosen horse and made a dash from Chanderi to Elichpur across the mountains and not far from the frontiers of the kingdom of Ram Deo.¹ After a much-needed halt for rest at Elichpur he proceeded to Ghati Lajura,² about twelve miles from Deogir, without meeting any opposition.

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He was cleverly giving it out on his march that he was going towards Rajamundri to take service with the Raja there as he was far from being satisfied with his uncle's treatment of him. Deogir happened to be denuded of its troops at the time as Shankar Deo had ‘gone southwards at the head of his army on pilgrimage.’ When information reached Deogir that Alau-d-din was at Ghati-Lajura, Ram Deo collected together such forces as he could and sent about two or three thousand men to oppose the further advance of the Muhammadan army. Alau-d-din overpowered this small force easily and sent it in hasty retreat into the capital, himself following in hot pursuit. The Raja threw himself into the citadel, which was then undefended even by a ditch. The garrison had not adequate provision to stand a siege. At this time a caravan of bags which merchants were bringing from the Konkan happened to be abandoned at the approach of the enemy, and these were laid hold of and put into the fort in the belief that they contained grain. Having received this welcome supply Ram Deo determined to stand a siege. In the meanwhile, Alau-d-din’s troops entered the town, captured the Brahmans and the principal merchants of Deogir, and plundered the city. In the course of these operations Alau-d-din adopted the clever ruse of circulating a rumour that his was but the advance-guard of the main army of 20,000 horse following him.

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On hearing this Ram Deo considered it prudent to come to terms, and on his side commissioned agents to make Alau-d-din understand that it was time that his son should return at the head of the whole army of Deogir, and that it would be prudent for Alau-d-din to accept such terms as he offered. He also pointed out to him the dangers of a retreat in the face of a hostile force, as his retreat would lie through Khandesh, Malva and Gondwana, the Rajas of which would certainly cut off his retreat. Alau-d-din understood the dangers of his position better than Ram Deo, and agreed to depart from Deogir in a fortnight if Ram Deo guaranteed to him a ‘ransom of fifty maunds of gold, seven maunds of pearls and some valuable stuffs in addition to forty elephants, some thousands of horses and the plunder which he had already collected from the city.’ In the meantime Shankar Deo hearing of the approach of the Muhammadans returned to the city by forced marches. Ram Deo sent word to him of the conclusion of the treaty, ordering him at the same time not to attack ‘the Turks.’ The prince, however, finding that his army was twice as strong as that of the Muhammadans, disregarded the father’s orders, threatened to annihilate the Muhammadan army unless Alau-d-din restored all the plunder that he had taken, and left the kingdom immediately. Alau-d-din disgraced the messengers by parading them through the camp with their faces blackened, and prepared to fight Shankar Deo.

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He detached one thousand of his men under Malik Nasrat, and left him to watch the fort. With the remainder he fell upon the forces of Shankar Deo. After a fierce contest the Muhammadans were hurled back, and were about to retire when Nasarat Khan left the fort without orders and joined the army. The arrival of this new force was mistaken by Shankar Deo’s army for the main Muhammadan army of 20,000 which Alau-d-din gave out was approaching. In an alarm the army broke and fled. Alau-d-din now returned quietly and pressed on the siege of the citadel, putting a number of captives to death and parading the more respectable among them in chains before the fortress. Ram Deo resolved to stand the siege, but discovered, on opening the sacks of the new supply put in, that they contained salt not grain. Finding it impossible to stand the siege much longer he again opened negotiations. Alau-d-din took advantage of the situation as he inferred that the position of Ram Deo must be bad indeed to ask for terms again. Charging the Hindus with breach of faith he insisted upon far heavier terms, and, if Ferishta is to be believed, exacted from them a ‘ransom of 600 maunds of gold, seven maunds of pearls, two maunds of other jewels, thousand maunds of silver, and an yearly tribute of the revenues of the Elichpur province.’ With the wealth thus collected he returned to his own province of Karra.

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The invasion not only provided Alau-d-din with the much-needed sinews of war for the time, but it also opened the way to the Dekhan and South India for the Muhammadans.

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¹ Elliot, vol. iii, p. 149-50.

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² Lasur as it is otherwise called.

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The wealth of the Dekhan too tempting to an enterprising adventurer.—Ever since Alau-d-din reached Elichpur, the court at Delhi had no information about him, and it was not till Alau-d-din had completed his work in Deogir and was about to return that rumours reached head-quarters that he had had a victorious campaign in Deogir, and was about to return with enormous booty in the shape of gold and elephants. When information of this reached Jalalu-d-din, it naturally created suspicion which was only confirmed by successive arrivals of further news as to the movements of Alau-d-din.

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Honest counsels were not wanting at court. Alau-d-din’s ambition was known to several, who also understood that it was the want of gold that kept him from prosecuting his ambition. Ahmad Chap, the faithful Chamberlain of the Sultan, offered the piece of advice that ‘ Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance are the causes of much strife ; whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he does not know his hands from his feet. Alau-d-din is surrounded by many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chhaju. He has gone into a foreign land, without leave, has fought battles and won treasure. The wise have said “ money and strife, strife and money ”, that is, the two things are allied to each other. My opinion is that we should march with all haste towards Chanderi to meet Alau-d-din and intercept his return. When he finds the Sultan’s army in the way, he must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it or not. The Sultan then can take the silver and gold, the jewels and pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and his soldiers. His territories also should be increased, and he should be carried in honour to Delhi.’ Sounder advice in the circumstances, it would be hard to find ; but the Sultan neglected it with the reflection ‘ what have I done to Alau-d-din that he should turn away from me, and not present the spoils ? ’ He went much farther and accepted the treacherous counsel of a creature of Alau-d-din at court. Alau-d-din was able safely to return to his headquarters, and slowly worked the confiding Sultan to consent to pay him a visit at Karra, where, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, the old Sultan was murdered under his very eyes without Alau-d-din raising his little finger to defend his guest; nor did he exhibit the slightest contrition when the deed had been done. The Sultan was Alau-d-din's guest having discarded all his attendants, and was practically murdered in the arms of Alau-d-din.

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The murder of the good uncle did not make the way to the throne quite open to Alau-d-din. Jalalu-d-din's eldest son had died, and the second son was Arkali-Khan, who was then Governor of Multan. He was a soldier of great reputation at the time, and had already done splendid service under his father. Had he been put forward in succession to the late Sultan, Alau-d-din would have found his position difficult, nay impossible almost, but the evil genius of the late Sultan in the person of the queen Malika-i-Jahan put up the third son Ruknu-d-din Ibrahim in preference to his elder brother, and thus lost the support of the more powerful among the nobles who would gladly have supported the cause of Arkali Khan. Alau-d-din found his opportunity now, made the very best use of it, and applied the Dekhan gold to pave his way to the throne. ‘ He rejoiced over the absence of Arkali-Khan and set off for Delhi at once in the midst of the rains, although they were more heavy than any one could remember. Scattering gold and collecting followers, he reached the Jamna. He then won over the Maliks and Amirs by a large outlay of money, and those unworthy men greedy for the gold of the deceased and caring nothing for loyalty or treachery, deserted the Malika-i-Jahan and Ruknu-d-din and joined Alau-d-din.’ ‘ Five months after the death of Jalalu-d-din at Karra, Alau-d-din arrived at Delhi and ascended the throne. He scattered so much gold about that the faithless people easily forgot the murder of the late Sultan and rejoiced over his accession. His gold also induced the nobles to desert the sons of their benefactor and to support him.’¹ About the same transaction Ferishta makes similar reflections. ‘He commenced his reign by splendid shows, and grand festivals, and encouraged every description of gaiety, which so pleased the unthinking rabble that they soon lost all memory of their former king, and of the horrid scene which had placed the present one on the throne. He who ought to have been viewed with detestation, became the object of admiration to those who could not see the blackness of his deeds through the splendour of his munificence.’

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¹ Elliott, vol. iii, p. 157.

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An essential need of Alau-d-din’s reign to keep the Mughals out of India.—Having thus successfully paved his way to the throne with blood and gold, Alau-d-din naturally had to fear plots against him from those in positions similar to that which he occupied at his uncle’s court. There was further the probability of trouble in the subordinate governments of the kingdom of Delhi particularly as the succession was irregular. To add to these two, the Mughals who began to appear on the north-western frontier early in the century kept hanging like a cloud over the frontier and had to be kept out of it at all costs. He proceeded therefore to suppress revolts in the interior, and put the frontier in a footing to oppose possible incursions of the Mughals. Having done this preliminary he was able to defeat the Mughals. A ruler of ordinary ability in his position would have given himself up to ease and pleasure having so far succeeded in putting down disturbances, but Alau-d-din was not a man of ordinary ability. He knew that defeating the Mughals for once did not mean the suppression of the Moghul trouble, and his work therefore lay in providing efficiently for the permanent defence of the north-western frontier on the one side, and the maintenance of peace by suppressing rebellions and disturbances in the country as necessary thereto. To effect both these objects, the prime necessity was what would be called a standing army of sufficient strength in a high state of efficiency. Such a standing army, having regard to the numbers in which the Mughals invaded India, should of necessity have been large and we need not be surprised at the statement of Wassaf that he maintained in very efficient condition an army of 475,000 soldiers of all arms.¹

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¹ 'At the present time the imperial army consists of 475,000 Muhammadan disciplined holy warriors, whose names are recorded by the imperial muster-master, and whose pay and rations are entered in the regulations of the deputy victualler,' Elliott, vol. iii, p. 50.

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His revenue system and the invasions of the Dekhan had the same object in view—money.—The maintenance of such a vast army implies an unfailing treasury, which could, according to the economics of those days, be kept well-filled only by heavy taxation supplemented by the plunder of other states. His revenue measures were so adopted as to make rebellion impossible either for the Musalman or for the Hindu, and the recognized principle of revenue assessment in his reign was that the actual ryot was left enough to carry him through till the next crop. Even so, the treasury could not meet the demands upon it. He therefore naturally had to look outside of his territory proper to eke out his revenues. There was a very good precedent in the invasion of Deogir. It was the plunder of Deogir that provided him with the resources to accomplish the ambition of occupying the throne at Delhi. Deogir itself could be made to pay more, and there were other kingdoms besides, equally rich if not richer. Two alternatives would have presented themselves to a man of daring ambition like Alau-d-din, to conquer the kingdoms south of the Vindhyas and annex them to his empire, or to war against them to produce the impression of his power, and make them pay tribute to him so that he might draw from their well-filled treasury gold and treasure to the utmost of his need. It is to the credit of Alau-d-din that he considered it bad policy to go on extending his empire by adding territory at great distances, which would only mean so many distant centres for disturbance and rebellion. He therefore chose the other alternative of maintaining these states under the Hindus, who must have appeared to him, as in fact they were, capable of administering their kingdoms economically and keeping themselves well-provided with treasure for any emergency. We shall see that his instructions to the invading generals were explicitly on this understanding.

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Conquest of Gujarat.—In the early years of the reign of Alau-d-din, among various other expeditions that he sent out either against the Mughals or against states situated in the interior that rebelled against him, he had to send one against Gujarat. This expedition went under the command of Ulugh Khan and Nasrat Khan. Rai Karan, the ruler of Gujarat, was besieged in Nahrwala and after a month's siege he escaped from the fortress which surrendered. Among the booty taken was Kamalā Dēvi, the beautiful wife of the Rai. They proceeded further into Gujarat laid siege to Kambay and in the plunder there, they took a beautiful slave by name Kafur. These two persons Kamalā Dēvi and Kafur attracted the fancy of Alau-d-din so much that he appropriated both of them to himself. He took the former ‘who, for beauty, wit, and accomplishments was the flower of India’ into his harem, where she rose to be his favourite. The other beautiful slave, Kafur, appealed to his fancy equally and began his official career with the king's favour, which in the next few years raised him to the highest position in the state. These two persons each exercised the highest influence upon the Sultan. Kamalā Dēvi, the ill-fated wife of perhaps an iniquitous husband, was pining away for the surviving one of her two little daughters with whom Rai Karan escaped from Nahrwala into the territories of Deogir. A demand was made for the surrender of the little girl Dēval Dēvi, but the father declined to give her up. The mother would not take a refusal and an invasion was necessary to gain possession of her. But for this one necessity, Alau-d-din at the close of the first decade of his reign could look upon his administration as a success and the following words of Barni may be regarded as exhibiting the actual position of affairs in regard to the Sultan :—‘ Wherever Sultan Alau-d-din looked around upon his territories, peace and order prevailed. His mind was free from all anxiety. The building of the fort of Siri was completed, and it became a populous and flourishing place. Devoting his attention to political matters, he made ready his army for the destruction of the Rais and Zamindars of other lands, and for the acquisition of elephants and treasure from the princes of the south.’

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*Invasion of Deogir.*—It was in these circumstances that the matter was brought home to the Sultan that Ram Deo of Deogir had neglected to pay his tribute for the last three years. Before the year A.D. 1300 Alau-d-din made two attempts to get into Telingana by the eastern route, but neither of them advanced beyond Jajnagar,¹ the capital of Orissa in those days. Ram Deo, of Deogir, who had been sending his yearly tribute regularly, took advantage of the disturbances in the first years of Alau-d-din’s rule and withheld the tribute. An expedition to punish this remissness and exact the much-needed tribute was necessary. A great expedition was therefore sent out under Malik Kafur, the most esteemed Muhammadan general of the time, Kwaja Haji being made second in command. Ein-ul-Mulk, Governor of Malva, and Alaf Khan, Governor of Gujarat, sent their troops to reinforce the invading army. This expedition was commissioned to take Dēval Dēvi from Rai Karan, and send her over to Delhi. Rai Karan, who was paying the penalty for a bad act of his, had on a previous occasion declined to give his daughter in marriage to Shanker Deo, the son of Ram Deo of Deogir. Knowing the danger in which she was at the time and having had a renewal of that request from Shanker Deo, he agreed to send her over under an escort provided by Shanker Deo and commanded by his younger brother Bhim Deo. The expedition went into Gujarat defeated Rai Karan, but failed in the principal purpose of the expedition as Dēval Dēvi had been for sometime on the march to Deogir. By an unfortunate accident, a body of three or four hundred of the army who went out on a holiday in the region of the Ajanta caves, met the escort, took the princess and sent her over to Delhi, thus fulfilling the first object of the expedition. Kafur’s expedition marched south to Deogir, laying waste the country on the way and round the city itself. Ram Deo sued for terms. Malik Kafur sent him to make his personal submission to Sultan Alau-d-din, who received him kindly and made him stay in Delhi for six months. At the end of this period he dismissed him with marks of honour, and gave him the title of ‘Rai Raiyan’ with ‘a red-canopy.’ According to Ferishta even the district of Nausari taken from Gujarat was given over to Ram Deo as a personal estate. Ram Deo continued to send his tribute regularly afterwards. This was in the year A.D. 1306 according to Ferishta, A.D. 1307 according to Amir Khusru, and A.D. 1308 according to Barni.

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¹ This is apparently the place referred to as Śādinagar or Ādinagar in inscriptions of Rājendra-Chola I, and corresponds to Yayātinagar identified with Sirpur Binka on the Mahānadi by Pandit Hīra Lal, Ep. Ind., ix. No. 19.

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Invasion of Warangal.—The kind of treatment Alau-d-din accorded to Ram Deo would seem to be in strange [Figure: Ajanta Caves, Panoramic View (by permission of the Government Archaeological Department)]

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contrast to what perhaps would have been expected from Alau-d-din. Alau-d-din's object in these various invasions of the Dekhan and the farther south appears to have gone no farther than making them the milch-cow for the gold that he was often much in need of for the efficient maintenance of his army to keep Hindustan free from internal disturbance and invasion by the Mughals from outside. That this was actually his policy is clear from the instructions he gave to Malik Kafur on the occasion of the expedition against Warangal. In the words of Barni the Naib was to do his utmost to capture the fort of Warangal and overthrow Rai Rudra Deo (Laddar Deo). ‘If the Rai consented to surrender his treasure and jewels, elephants and horses, and also to send treasure and elephants in the following year, Malik Naib Kafur was to accept these terms and not press the Rai too hard. He was to come to an arrangement and retire without pushing matters too far, lest Rai Laddar Deo should get the better of him. If he could not do this he was, for the sake of his own name and fame, to bring the Rai with him to Delhi.’ The policy here adumbrated involves two essential conditions: (1) The ruler was to be defeated to make an impression of power, but the territory was not to be annexed as it would involve government from a distance, which would mean constant rebellion and war; (2) he was to be allowed to rule, but to be fairly fleeced of all his wealth and treasure, and even all the elephants, the most powerful arm of Indian armies in those days. These ought to be regarded very wise measures to attain the object he had in view. In the year A.D. 1309 Malik Kafur left with a force similar to that which he took with him in the previous year on an expedition to Deogir. Accompanied in this expedition ‘by the royal red canopy, through the kindness of “the sun of sultans,” he departed towards the sea and Ma’bar.’ Marching through uninhabitable tracts, which in the graphic language of Amir Khusru are called ‘the Razor-bridge of Hell’ and crossing five rivers in the course of six days, the army arrived at last in Elichpur (Irijpur) called by the Muhammadans, Sultanpur. Proceeding from there they arrived at Kandahar where they spent the first fourteen days of the Ramzan. At Nilkanth¹ on the borders of Deogir which was the frontier town of Rai Rayan Ram Deo, the minister of Deogir, met the army and attended to their wants till they passed the frontiers of Deogir. Marching for sixteen days in what seems a south-eastern direction, they arrived at the fort of Sarbar (Sirpur), considered to be within the province of Telingana. The fort was set fire to and the inhabitants massacred. They marched further forward and in four more days arrived at a place called Kunarpal, very near Warangal. They took possession of Hanumakonda (An Makinda in Amir Khusru) wherefrom ‘all the edifices and gardens of Warangal can be seen.’ Warangal was a double fortress; the inner wall was built of stone and the outer made of mud ‘but so strong that a spear of steel could not pierce it; and if a ball from a western catapult were to strike against it, it would rebound like a nut with which children play.’ The fort was immediately laid siege to. Malik Kafur fixed his headquarters a mile from the gate of Warangal and pitched his tents close together all round the fort. Every division of his army was allotted 1,200 yards of land round the fort, the entire circuit of the wall being according to the same authority 12,546 yards. Orders were issued also that every division of the army was to surround itself with a stockade wall. They were so well and so strongly constructed and entrenched ‘that if fire had rained from Heaven their camp would have been unscathed.’ A night attack upon the camp by Vinayak Deo (Banak Deo) was unsuccessful and [Figure: Hanumakoṇḍa Temple, General View (by permission of H.E.H the Nizam's Archæological Department)]

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¹ Nalgund is too far east. Could this be Naldrug?

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was beaten back with great vigour, and ridges and redoubts were successfully built commanding the inside of the fort. They were able to effect a breach at last by battering down the walls over the length of about 100 cubits. A few other minor breaches also were made. As escalading was considered too laborious an operation, it was resolved to make an attempt at taking the fort by storm. By a night attack three bastions of the outer wall were taken and occupied by the Musalmans. By persistent effort during the next three days, the besieging army got possession of the whole of the outer wall. They then began a vigorous attack on the stone bastions of the inner fortress. Rudra Deo thought it prudent to offer terms and sent his messengers offering payment of annual tribute and sending a golden image of himself with a golden chain round its neck in acknowledgement of his submission. The Naib demanded in reply ‘everything that the Rai’s country produced from vegetables to mines and animals.’ Rudra Deo agreed and surrendered the elephants, treasures and horses. ‘The Malik took the entire wealth of the Rai, which was brought, and threatened a general massacre, if it should be found that the Rai has reserved anything for himself.’ An engagement was then entered into that the Rai should send Jizya annually to Delhi. Malik Kafur left Warangal with all his booty, ‘a thousand camels groaned under the weight of the treasure,’ in March 1310. He returned to Delhi by way of Deogir, Dhar and Jhain.

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From this it is clear that there were two convenient roads by which an army starting from Delhi could reach the Dekhan, one seems to be an eastern road coming down the western bank of the Jamna to Agra and possibly even Allahabad, proceeding by way of Chanderi along the main railway line from Allahabad to Hosangabad and breaking southwestwards from there across the Vindhya Mountains, which are much broken at the place southwestwards to Elichpur. The actual convenience of this route seems to have been that in spite of its being in certain parts the ‘razor-bridge of hell’ according to Amir Khusru, it avoided the Narbada in its lower course; but when Malik Kafur returned he returned by another route equally well known and along another line of railway of the present day across the country of Malva, and through the less arid parts of Rajputana straight to Delhi. There was a high road leading from Deogir to Dhar and straight across from there, through the western margin of Rajputana to Delhi. Elichpur is a convenient centre from which to march southward upon Deogir or south and then south-east upon Warangal. As a matter of fact on the occasion that Malik Kafur invaded Warangal he did go to Kandahar, which is some way northwards of Bidar and proceeded to the frontier of the country of Telingana and thence to Kunarpal; therefrom he marched a short distance and came within sight of Warangal. This line of march has to be borne in mind in connection with another line that Malik Kafur took from Deogir on his invasion of the farther south.

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