History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2.c39: Chapter XXV. Orissa under the Nazims of Bengal
History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2.c39
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Chapter XXV. Orissa under the Nazims of Bengal
v2.c39.2
With the appointment of Muḥammad Ḥadī, *alias* Kartalab Khān *alias* Murshid Qulī Khān Ja’afar Khān Nāṣirī, the history of Orissa takes a new turn. His distinguished services in the Deccan when Aurangzib was the Viceroy had won the approbation of all right-minded men and he became one of the most trusted officers of the empire when Aurangzib rose to the throne. Up to 1701 he was the Dīwān of revenues in Orissa and in that year was transferred to Bengal as the Dīwān with the title of Murshid Qulī Khān.¹ From Bengal Murshid Qulī supplied immense sums of money to meet the insatiable needs of the Deccan wars. He was assured by Aurangzib in writing that all his prayers would be readily granted and nobody’s complaints against him would be heard. The *Ṣūbahdārī* of Orissa being temporarily in abeyance, he was appointed *Faujdār* of Orissa a little before 1704.² Among the great Musalman traitors of the 18th century, to whom the dismemberment of the Mughal empire is due, Murshid Qulī Khān stands in the foremost rank. Long before Chin Kilich Khān, Niẓām-ul-Mulk, Aṣaf Jāh I, and Sa’adat Khān, Burhān-ul-Mulk, Murshid Qulī started the game by defeating Rashid Khān, the nominee of the new emperor Farrukhsiyar outside Murshidabad in 1713.³
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¹ *Sarkar—History of Aurangzib. Vol. V, p. 376.*
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² *Ibid., pp. 378-79.*
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³ *W. Irvine—Later Mughals, Vol. I, p. 199.*
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Of course, his excuse was that Farrukhsiyar was yet but a pretender and was the son of his old enemy ’Azīm-ush-shān. But his offences were forgotten when Farrukhsiyar ascended the throne of Delhi. Murshid Qulī Khān was appointed the deputy of the young baby Farkhunda Bakht Jahāngīr Shāh, son of the emperor, in Bengal; he became the Ṣūbahdār of Orissa in his own name.¹ Even before his confirmation as Viceroy the traitor paved the way for hereditary succession in the north-eastern provinces of the empire by the appointment of his son-in-law, Shuja’uddin as his deputy in Orissa during the lifetime of Aurangzib. Murshid Qulī, already famous for his revenue reforms, revised the revenue settlement in Bengal and in Orissa, which is quoted by Grant in his analysis of the finances of Bengal. The first mention is to be found in the account entitled “Progressive account of the Settlement of Bengal from 1582 to 1763.”² The next mention of the six Sarkārs which were left to Bengal on the Orissa side for the purpose of, as Grant says, “subjecting the whole coast, liable to the invasion of the Moggs, to the same royal jurisdiction of the Nowarah, or admiralty of boats stationed always at Dacca.”³ A very interesting list has been quoted by Grant of these six Sarkārs:
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¹ Ibid., p. 262.
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² Fifth Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company, Vol. I, Madras, 1866, p. 189.
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³ Ibid., p. 246.
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20th—Goālpārā, kismat or part of a Sarkār including Tamluk and some other small interior districts, 3 parganas—Rs. 1,14,609.
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21st—Māljhetiā, kismat including Hijli, Jalamutha, Darodumna, Mahisadal with the salt mahals of those districts, 17 *parganas*—Rs. 1,89,432.
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22nd—Mazkuri, kismatia, including Balishahi, with some districts in the vicinity of Balasore, 4 *parganas*—Rs. 25,285.
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23rd—Jaleswar the ancient *Haweli* of that *Sarkār* in its former state together with Birkul, 7 *parganas*—Rs. 53,901.
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24th—Ramna, including Suhant, beyond the Suvarṇarekhā 3 *parganas*—Rs. 23,272.
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25th—Basta, kismatia, including the lands in the neighbourhood of the port of Balasore as far as the southern extremity of the Nilgiri hills, 4 *parganas*—Rs.12,422. Total acquisition of territory to Bengal on the side of Orissa rated in the original *Jama'-kharach* account of 1112 A. H., 38 *parganas*—Sicca rupees 4,15,921.
v2.c39.16
This revenue settlement is called *Kāmil Tumār Jamā'* and was finished in the 4th year of the reign of Muḥammad Shāh, B. S., 1128, A. H., 1135, A. D., 1722. Among the *Chaklahs* are included those of Bandar Balasore and Hijli :
v2.c39.17
"1st.—Bunder Balasore, including the port and adjacent lands, in the Kissmut or divided Circars of Rumneh, Busteh and Muscoory, dismembered from the soubah of Orissa, and annexed to Bengal in the reign of Shah Jehan as before set forth, since again, about the year 1750, for the most part restored to the former province, but originally comprized in Jaffier Khan’s Jumma Toomary account of the latter, and rated . . . Mhals. 17 . . . Rs.1,08,876.
v2.c39.18
2nd.—Hejelle, compounded of the Kissmut Circars of Maljeteah, Jalasir and Muscoory in Orissa, comprising in the proportion nearly of nine to one the mudhoory or fresh, and nemucky or salt lands of Jellamootah, Derudumneh Mhesadul, etc. . . . purghs. 35 . . . Rs. 4,18,589.
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Total annexations from Orissa, except Temooluck purghs. 52... Rs. 5,27,465.”¹
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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 253. ² *Ibid.*, p. 281. ³ *Ibid.*, p. 276. ⁴ *Riyāz-us-Salāṭīn*, Eng. trans., p. 255. ⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 256.
v2.c39.21
The total collection from the *Ṣūbah* of Orissa from the first of the month of Ṣafar of the year 1 of Farrukhsiyar to the 5th of the month of Zil-qa’dāh of the 9th year of Muḥammad Shāh (total 15 years 9 months and 5 days) was Rs. 38,37,151-9-2.² Remittances of treasure to Delhi amounted to the same. Two new imposts were levied by Murshid Quli Khān on Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, (1) *Ābwāb Ja’afar Khānī* and (2) *Ābwāb Khāsnawīsī*, which was a fee extracted from the Zamindars at the time of the renewal of their leases by the officers of the departments of crown-lands (*Mutaṣaddīān Khālṣā*).³
v2.c39.22
According to the *Riyāz-us-Salāṭīn*, the *Chaklah* of Medinipur was separated from the *Ṣūbah* of Orissa by Murshid Quli Khān.⁴ Following the arrangements made by him in the Deccan, the great financier of Aurangzib tried to collect revenue direct from the tenants. The *’Amils* in Bengal and Orissa sent *Shiqdars* and *’Amins* to every village of the *parganah* who measured cultivated and waste land, leased them back to the tenants plot by plot and advanced agricultural loans (*Taqqāvī*).⁵ His principal service to Aurangzib was the punctual remittance of the immense amount of the increased revenues of the *Ṣūbahs* under him, one kror and three lakhs of rupees. For this service he received the title of Muta’min-ul-mulk ’Alā-ud-daulah Ja’afar Khān Nāṣirī Naṣir Jang with the personal command of seven thousand and the rank of the Order of the Fish (*Māhīwa-marātib*). No appointments were made in Bengal without the advice of Ja'afar Khān Nāṣiri.¹ Other Musalman histories mention a number of officers, who served as *Nāẓims* or *Nāib Nāẓims* under Murshid Quli: Muḥammad Rizā and Izzuddaulah Khān-i-'Alam *alias* Khān-Jahān Bahādur.² The total amount of revenue remitted rose to one kror and fifty lakhs. After the death of Saiyad Rāzī Khān, the *Dīwān* of Bengal, Mirzā Aṣadullah, *alias* Sarāfrāz Khān, son of Shuja'uddīn Muḥammad Khān, *Nā'ib Nāẓim* of Orissa, was made *Dīwān* of Bengal by Farrukhsiyar. In the same year we hear for the first time of Mirzā Luṭfullah, a son-in-law of Shuja'uddīn Muḥammad Khān, who was made *Faujdār* of Dacca-Jahāngīrnagar.³ Upon the accession of Muḥammad Shāh in 1720 the *Ṣūbahdārī* of the three provinces were granted to Ja'afar Khān Nāṣiri.⁴ During his last days Ja'afar Khān tried to get the *Sanad* of *Ṣūbahdārī* granted to Sarāfrāz Khān, the the son of Shuja'uddīn Muḥammad Khān, by the former's daughter Zinat-un-nisa Begum; but his attempts were frustrated by Shuja'uddīn, who remained in direct communication with the court of Shāhjahanābād-Delhi. The arrangements made were thorough. He wrote to the Emperor Muḥammad Shāh, his *Wazīr* Amīr-ul-'umarā Khān-i-Daurān Ṣamṣām-ud-daulah Khwājah 'Aṣim. Messengers were despatched to Delhi and Murshidabad and trusted officers were outwardly dismissed from service and secretly instructed to proceed by different roads to Murshidabad, with orders to keep themselves ready within a short distance of Ja'afar Khān's palace and be ready day and night to execute new orders transmitted from Katak. A new post was established between Katak and Murshidabad to bring intelligence about the condition of Ja'afar Khān Nāṣirī. When news was received that Ja'afar Khān could hardly survive for a week, Shuja'uddīn set out with trusted friends towards Murshidabad. Muḥammad Taqī Khān, his son by another wife, was left in charge of Orissa. On the way Shuja'-uddīn heard that Ja'afar Khān had breathed his last.¹ At Delhi the Emperor Muḥammad Shāh conferred the Ṣūbahdārī of Bengal on Amīr-ul-'umāra Khān-i-Daurān Ṣamṣām-ud-daulah and the latter sent his Sanad of appointment as his deputy, to Shuja'uddīn. Shuja' received the order at Medinipur.² On arrival at Murshidabad he found that his son, Sarāfrāz Khān, was in his pleasure pavilion outside the city. So he went to the Durbar Hall of Ja'afar Khān Nāṣirī, called the palace of Chihl Satun, sent for the Imperial News-writer (Wagia-nawish) and the head of the Imperial Intelligence Department (Siwanih-nāwīsh) and had his order of appointment read publicly. Sarāfrāz Khān had to acquiesce in his father's accession to the gadi or masnad of Murshidabad.³
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¹ *Bengal District Gazetteer, Puri, p. 38 and note.*
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² *Riyāz-us-Salāṭīn, p. 274.*
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³ *Ibid., p. 276.*
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⁴ *Ibid., p. 260.*
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¹ Sair-ul-Mutakharin, Eng. trans., Cambray & Co., Vol. I, pp. 277-78
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² Riyaz. Eng. trans., p. 287.
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³ Sa'ir., Vol. I, p. 278.
v2.c39.30.1
Shuja'uddīn was a native of Burhānpur, the ancient capital of the province of Khāndesh. He claimed to be a member of the Turkish tribe of Afshar of Khurasan, and rose to be the Dīwān of Bengal on account of his marriage with Ja'afar Khān's daughter in the time of the Emperor Aurangzib and the Na'ib Nāẓim of Orissa in 1706.¹ He was a man of vile moral character and had separated from Zinat-un-nisa immediately after his appointment to Orissa. His principal confidants were the brothers Ḥājī Aḥmad and Alīwardī Khān, the Hindu Rai Alamchand² and a Marwari Bania named Fath-chand, who was subsequently created *Jagat-seṭh*. Shuja'uddīn confirmed his second son, Muḥammad Taqī, in the government of Orissa. Later on when Fakhr-ud-daulah was dismissed from the *Ṣūbahdārī* of Bihar, that government was conferred by the Emperor Muḥammad Shāh on Shuja'uddīn and the latter sowed the seeds of the downfall of his own house by appointing his favourite Alīwardī as his deputy in Aẓīmābād—Patna.³ Shuja'uddīn was very kind to the Zamindars of Bengal, many of whom were in confinement in prisons at Murshidabad when Ja'afar Khān died, and set them at liberty. He raised one kror and fifty lakhs of rupees from the provinces which he remitted as revenue to Delhi through the banking house of Seṭh Fath-chand. By selling the property of Ja'afar Khān, he raised another forty lakhs which he also remitted to Delhi according to the Mughal custom of escheat of a deceased officer's property to the Crown.
v2.c39.30.2
For this he received a title of Muta'min-ul-mulk, Shuja'-ud-daulah Shuja'uddīn Muḥammad Khān Bahādur Aṣad Jang and the command of seven thousand with 7,000 additional troopers, besides a fringed *pālkī*⁴, a jewelled sword and an elephant and a horse. Rai Alamchand, who was a clerk attached to Shuja’s household in Orissa, now became the deputy *Diwān* of Bengal and received the title of *Rāi-i-Rāyān*,¹ for the first time, with the command of 1,000. Muḥammad Taqī Khān, Shuja’s Nā’ib Nāẓim of Orissa, quarrelled with his step-brother Sarāfrāz Khān, on account of the machinations of the traitors—Ḥājī Aḥmad, Fath-chand and Alamchand—and came from Orissa to Bengal. Taqī Khān disposed his troops on the western side of the river Bhagirathi while Sarāfrāz drew up his army at Naktākhālī (near Murshidabad railway station). Open fighting between the brothers was stopped by the personal efforts of their father. Muḥammad Taqī returned to Orissa and was killed according to Muḥammadan superstition by witchcraft. Shuja now appointed his son-in-law, Murshid Qulī Khān II, as the Nā’ib Nāẓim of Orissa from the *Faujdārī* of Jahāngīrnagar-Dacca. This Murshid Qulī II had a personal adherent named Mir Ḥabīb, a Persian of Shiraz, who spoke Persian fluently and is one of the notable figures in the history of Bengal and Orissa of the 18th century. He was one of the very few Indian Musalmans of the 18th century who did not turn traitor to his own master and his own community at the first provocation.
v2.c39.30.3
Among the crowd of Musalman traitors who hastened the final disruption of the Mughal empire Mir Ḥabīb towers aloft in the midst of Mir Jafar ‘Alīs of Murshidabad and Muḥammad ‘Alīs of Arkat. He came to the port of Hughly and earned his living as a clerk of the Mughal merchants. He entered the service of Murshid Qulī II during the lifetime of Murshid Qulī I and went with the former to Jahāngīrnagar-Dacca, where he succeeded in curtailing the expenses of the Imperial flotilla (Nāwwārā). There both Murshid Qūlī II and he acquired wealth by trade. The conquest of Chaklah Raushanābād, the sub-montane tract of Tipperah, is also attributed to him. When the Nāib Nizāmat of Orissa was bestowed by Shuja'uddīn on Murshid Qūlī II, the emperor Muḥammad Shāh bestowed on him the title of Rūstam Jang. But at the time of his departure, Sarāfrāz Khān detained Murshid Qūlī's son, Yāhyā Khān, and his wife Durdanah Begum as hostages at Murshidabad. Upon their arrival at Orissa, Mir Ḥabīb, lately created ¹ a Khān, found that the temple of Jagannātha was empty, that god having been removed to one of the islands of the Chilka lake on account of the ravages of Muḥammad Taqī Khān. Stirling states that Muḥammad Taqī Khān entrapped Rājā Rāmchandra Deva II of Khurdah, who killed his Diwan "Bumoo" Bhramaravara and exercised authority in his country. Afterwards he escaped through the intervention of "Sree Jeo" (?
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the god Jagannātha) and recovered possession of his country but was killed in a contest with the Musalmans. This Rāmachandra II is said to have ruled for the twelve years², according to Stirling, 1727—1743, ³ but from 1725 to 1736 according to Hunter. ⁴ On account of the cessation of worship in the great temple of Jagannātha the Imperial revenues from pilgrims had fallen of by nine lakhs. A Rājā named Danda Deo is said to have brought Jagannātha back from the hill in the Chilka lake to the temple at Puri after pacifying Murshid Qūli II and Mīr Ḥabīb.¹ Rāja Danda Deva cannot be readily identified.
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¹ *Ibid.*, pp. 274-7
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² *Ibid.*, p. 279.
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³ *Ibid.*, pp. 280-81.
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⁴ *Riyāẓ.*, Eng. *trans.*, p. 290.
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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 293.
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¹ Ibid., pp. 299-303.
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² Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, part II, 1837 p. 765.
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³ Asiatick Researches, Vol. XV, p. 294.
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⁴ Orissa, Vol. II, App. p. 190.
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¹ *Riyāz*, Eng. trans., p. 305.
v2.c39.41
General View of the Lion-Gate with the Aruna Stambha from Konārak
v2.c39.42.1
Shuja'-uddīn Muḥammad Khān died about the time of Nadir Shāh's invasion of India (1739).² The Imperial Court was prostrate at the feet of the Persian conqueror and therefore Sarāfrāz Khān succeeded without any trouble, but the opposition came from the Hindu and Musalman vipers whom Shuja'-uddīn had nursed; Ḥājī Aḥmad, 'Alīwardī Khān, *Jagatseṭh* Faṭhchand and Raī-i-rāyān Alamchand. On this subject the testimony of Ghulām Ḥusain cannot be trusted, as he was personally related and very greatly indebted to 'Alīwardī Khān and his nephews. The anonymous author of the *Riyāz*, who calls himself Ghulām Ḥusain Salīm, is more trustworthy on account of his bold criticism of the worst offenders of the province of Bengal. According to this authority these traitors induced Sarāfrāz Khān to issue coins in the name of Nādir Shāh and then reported the matter to the Court through Kamruddīn Khān and Chinkilich Khān Niẓām-ul-mulk Aṣaf Jāh I. They obtained a *sanad* granting the *Ṣūbahdārī* to 'Alīwardī and authorising the execution of Sarāfrāz Khān on a charge of treason. 'Alīwardī had been appointed Nāib Nāẓim of Patna by the deceased Shuja'-uddīn but his principal agents at Court were the accursed trio, his brother Ḥājī Aḥmad and the two Hindus, the Marwari Bania Jagatseṭh and a Kāyasth Alam Chand. They advised the young *Ṣūbahdār* to reduce the strength of his army and sent secret intelligence to ’Alīwardī Khān at Patna to enlist men dismissed by Sarāfrāz Khān.
v2.c39.42.2
Too late Sarāfrāz Khān tried to remove ’Alīwardī from the Nāib Nizāmat of Patna and Hājī Aḥmad’s son-in-law ’Aṭāullah Khān from the Faujdārī of Rajmahal and the command of the Sakrigali and Teliyagadhi passes; but the council of traitors persuaded the young man to delay the dismissal. The result of the battle of Ghariya or Garhiya, which decided the fate of Bengal and Orissa is very well-known. Among the officers on the side of Sarāfrāz Khān are mentioned Murshid Qūlī Khān Faujdār and Mīr Ḥabīb.¹ A few pages later it is stated that Murshid Qūlī Khān, Shamsher Khān and Mīr Ḥabīb stood aloof at a distance during the battle and marched away in silence after the death of Sarāfrāz.² Ghulām Ḥusain dilates on the brazen effrontery of the patron of his family in addressing Nafisa Begum, the daughter of Ja’afar Khān Nāṣirī, the widow of Shuja’-uddīn and the mother of Sarāfrāz, immediately after the treacherous action which raised him to the masnad of Murshidabad.³ During the distribution of rewards Saiyad Aḥmad Khān, one of the sons of the Hājī Aḥmad, was appointed Nāib Nāẓim of Orissa as soon as it might be recovered from Murshid Qūlī II.⁴ ’Alīwardī Khān now became the Ṣūbahdār of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and started to wrest Orissa from Murshid Qūlī II.
v2.c39.42.3
He appointed Mīr Ja’afar ’Alī Khān Bahādur, the greatest Musalman traitor of India in the 18th century, to command the expedition.¹ During the insurrection of ’Alīwardī Khān the hapless Sārāfrāz had asked for help from his brother-in-law Murshid Qūlī II of Orissa, but the latter delayed to march until he heard of the fall of Sarāfrāz.² Ghulām Ḥusain says that Murshid Qūlī II sent one Aghā Muḥammad Taqī of Surat as ambassador to ’Alīwardī.³ But the Riyāz mentions one Mukhliṣ ’Alī Khān, a son-in-law of Ḥājī Aḥmad, as the ambassador. The same authority continues to state that the two traitors sent back Mukhliṣ ’Alī as their own agent to corrupt the officers of the army of Murshid Qūlī II and in this mission Mukhliṣ ’Alī succeeded wonderfully and sent messages to Murshidabad. Ghulām Ḥusain states that the negotiations fell through on account of the impetuosity of Mīrzā Bāqir Khān Ṣafawīm, the son-in-law of Murshid Qūlī II, and the advice of Shuja’-uddīn’s daughter.⁴ ’Alīwardī Khān marched with two thousand picked troops for Orissa. Ghulām Ḥusain states that the news caused consternation in the Court of Katak.⁵ Murshid Qūlī II marched out of Katak, leaving his wife and son in the fort of Barabati at that place, with his two sons-in-law Mīrzā Bāqir Khān and ’Alāuddīn Muḥammad Khān, to the port of Balasore. At the ferry of Phulwar, from the rock of Tilgaḍhi to the river Jon he threw up an entrenchment. These places cannot be identified now.
v2.c39.42.4
The translator of the Riyāz, Maulawī Abdus-Salām, could not find any river called the Jon near Balasore. He thinks that it is a mistake for Nuniajuri, a tributary of the Burabalang on which Balasore stands.¹ Both chronicles are agreed on the cause of Murshid Qūlī II's defeat at the battle of Balasore. The wily 'Alīwardī had a traitor in the Orissa camp in the person of Mukhliṣ 'Alī Khān, who gave secret intelligence of the Orissan camp to the Bengal army.² Ghulām Ḥusain Salīm puts the strength of 'Alīwardī's army at one lakh cavalry and infantry in the place of the modest twelve thousand of Ghulām Ḥusain. He has also recorded one refreshing incident amidst the sickening mass of chronicles of Musalman treachery, which is the bravery and loyalty of a Bhañja chief named Jagadīśvara.
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² *Ibid.*, p. 307, Sa'ir, Eng. trans., Vol. I, p. 322.
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² Ibid., p. 317. 3 Sa’ir, Eng. trans., Vol. I: p. 340.
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¹ Riyāz., Eng. trans., p. 323.
v2.c39.46
² Ibid., p. 325.
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³ Sā’ir., Eng. trans., vol. I, p. 348.
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⁴ Sā’ir., Eng. trans., vol. I, p. 348.
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⁵ Ibid., p. 349.
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¹ *Riyāz., Eng. trans., p. 326 and Note 4.*
v2.c39.51
² *Ibid., p. 326.*
v2.c39.52
When 'Alīwardī Khān reached Medinipur he tried to secure the allegiance of the zemindars by bestowing rewards and *Khila'ats*, but he failed to seduce Rājāh Jagadīśvara³ Bhañja of Mayurbhanj from his allegiance. Jagadīśvara guarded the ford of the Suvarṇarekhā with his *Khaṇḍait* infantry and irregular force of *Chuāṛs* and had thrown up entrenchments. 'Alīwardī failed to cross the river at Rajghat without the help of Jagadīśvara Bhañja⁴ and started bombarding the entrenchments, on which the *pāiks* fled and the former crossed to Ramchandrapur. Here parleys ensued which lasted for over one month during which the wily ’Alīwardī attempted to bring out Murshid Qūlī II from his entrenchment at the ferry of Phulwar.¹ At this stage Ghulām Ḥusain Salīm mentions another interesting incident—the raids of Maratha freebooters. Previous to 1740 Marathas had not been heard of, either in Bengal or in Orissa. It is stated that in view of the dearth of provisions, the commissariat arrangements for such a huge army, the approach of the rainy season and the raids of the Marathas, ’Alīwardī thought seriously of making some sort of arrangements with Murshid Qūlī II and returning to Murshidabad.
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³ In the English translation the name is once spelt Jagardhar and again Jagat Isvar.
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⁴ The name of this chief is omitted in the genealogies accepted by the Mayurbhanja State. In the Persian original it is once written Jagardhar and again Jagadīśvara. The King may be the same as Chakradhar Bhañja who was the successor of Raghunath Bhañja and the predecessor of Dāmodar Bhañja. See P. Acharya's *Vanshanucharito*, Baripada, 1927, Apps. VI, B, No. 34 and App. VI, C, No. 36, since Chakradhar written in Persian can easily be misread Jagardhar.
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¹ Riyāz., Eng. trans., p. 327.
v2.c39.56
Muṣṭafā Khān, an Afghan general of ’Alīwardī, would not listen to any peace talk and therefore ’Alīwardī once more resorted to treachery. A messenger was sent to Murshid Qūlī II to attempt to bring him to an engagement. Though officers like ’Abīd Khān who were in the pay of ’Alīwardī, instigated by the spy Mukhliṣ ’Alī Khān, tried their best to force Mīrzā Bāqir out of the entrenchments, Murshid Qūlī II prevailed upon all to remain quiet. At last impatient of inaction, the impulsive Mīrzā Bāqir rushed out with his Saiyads of Barha and Murshid Qūlī II was obliged to come out in order to support his son-in-law. At this crisis Mukhliṣ ’Alī Khān, ’Abīd Khān, Muqarrab Khān and other Afghan generals deserted to ’Alīwardī and the result was a rout. Murshid Qūlī II retired to Balasore and sailed in a ship to Masulipatan. ’Alīwardī deputed Mīrzā Khair-ullah Beg and others to capture Durdanah Begum and Yaḥyā Khān but Murshid Qūlī II was much better served by the Hindu chiefs of Orissa even in his adversity.
v2.c39.57.1
Rāmachandradeva II of Khurdah, who had turned a Musalman on account of the persecutions of Mīrzā Muḥammad Taqī and assumed the name of Ḥāfiẓ Qādar, sent his General Murād Khān to guard Yaḥyā Khān and the Begum in the fort of Barabati at Katak. Murād Khān planned to send them with all moveable property to the Deccan by way of Chikakol. Murshid Qūlī’s treasure was attacked by the Mīrzā (Khairullah Beg) and captured, but his family escaped. The Riyāz calls Rāmachandradeva II simply “Rājah of Parsotam” (Purushottama) and the translator in his note states that the name of the Rajah was Ḥāfiẓ Qādar.¹ Ghulām Ḥusain states that the Rājah of Ratipur, who was also the Lord of Jagannātha, helped Murshid Qūlī II during his adversity and that his agent Shāh Murād conducted his family as far as Ichchhāpuram in the Ganjam District. The Faujdār of that province, Anwaruddīn Khān, probably the same Anwaruddīn Gopāmauī, who was appointed by Niẓām-ul-mulk Āsaf Jāh I to be the governor of Arkat, was an acquaintance of Murshid Qulī II and took charge of his family. Mīrzā Bāqir arrived a few days later.² ’Alīwardi Khān proceeded to chastise the adherents of Murshid Qūlī II by confiscating their property and conciliated the zamindars and officers of Orissa. He appointed his nephew and son-in-law Saiyad Aḥmad Khān, formerly Faujdār of Rangpur, and procured for him the title of Nāsir-ul-mulk Saiyad Aḥmad Khān Bahādur Ṣaulat Jang.
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Very probably ’Alīwardi was fully aware of the debauched and cowardly nature of his nephew and therefore left him in charge of a trusted officer named Gujar Khān. The arrangement resulted in immediate disaster. Like all members of the family of the two traitors, Ḥājī Aḥmad and ’Alīwardī, Ṣaulat Jang was morally depraved, and tried, in the first place, to reduce military expenditure and, in the second place, he took into his service a number of commanders who were faithful adherents of Murshid Qulī II.¹ In the third place, he reduced the pay of the troops and, therefore, most of the officers and soldiers, who had been left in Orissa by ’Alīwardī, quitted his service. Their places were taken by local people. In the fourth place, a Faqīr called Shāh Yāhyā, a bosom friend of Ṣaulat Jang in Delhi, arrived at Katak and was employed by the depraved wretch to abduct respectable women from their homes. This Shāh Yāhyā practically became the ruler of Orissa and Ṣaulat Jang very soon became the most despised person in the whole province. Conspiracies were formed in Katak and the only faithful troops remaining under Ṣaulat Jang were three hundred men under Gujar Khān Rohilla. In the meanwhile, Mīrzā Bāqir, from a distance, seduced the troops and the local officers of Ṣaulat Jang. One day the people rose against Ṣaulat Jang under Shāh Murād or Murād Khān, the trusted agent of Rāmachandra-deva II. Gujar Khān was murdered in the streets and Mīrzā Bāqir reappeared in Katak.
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He captured Ṣaulat Jang and seated himself upon the *Masnad*. ’Alīwardī suspected Nizām-ul-mulk Āṣaf I of having helped Mīrzā Bāqir in his *coup* and made great preparations for the reconquest of Orissa.² Maulawī Abdus-Samad places greater reliance on the *Sa’ir-ul-Muta’kharin*, because it is fuller though somewhat different from the account given in the *Riyāz-us-Salātīn*. But the *Riyāz* is certainly much more reliable on account of the evident bias of Ghulām Husain for the family of ’Alīwardī. After the capture of Saulat Jang, Mīrzā Bāqir sent him with his family to the fort of Barabati. His troops spread as far north as Hijli and Medinipur. On hearing of the approach of ’Alīwardī, Mīrzā Bāqir ’Alī crossed the Mahānadī and entrenched himself. The *Riyāz* states that on hearing of the approach of the Bengal army Mīrzā Bāqir’s troops concentrated at Midnapur and Jaleswar and then encamped near the port of Balasore, but they soon lost heart and sent their families to Chikakol. Mīrzā Bāqir was compelled to advance and he sent some troops to Jobra Ghat near Katak. ’Alīwardī was near Jajpur when he heard that Mīrzā Bāqir had crossed the Kātjuri. The armies met at a place called Malisar (? Mukamasar, a place across the Kātjuri, about two miles from Katak on the Puri road). In the battle which ensued Mīrzā Bāqir was defeated and was sent to the Deccan by Murād Khān, the General of Rāmachandradeva II.
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’Alīwardī now appointed Shaikh Ma’asum to be the Nāib Nāzim of Orissa and carried the precious Saiyad Ahmad Khān Saulat Jang back to his mother.
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¹ Ibid., p. 331, Note 2.
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² Sair, Eng. trans., Vol. I, pp. 354-55.
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¹ *Riyāz*, Eng. frans., pp. 332-33.
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² *Sa’ir*, Eng. frans., pp. 355-56, 64.
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Chandrasekhara Temple, Door Jamb
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’Alīwardī’s wrath now fell upon Jagadīśvara or Chakradhar Bhanja of Mayurbhanj who had supported Mīrzā Bāqir instead of submitting to him. Secure in the fastnesses of the jungles Jagadīśvara defied ’Alīwardī, who now devastated his territories and compelled the Rājā to fly to Khiching.¹ According to Ghulām Husain ’Alīwardī at first appointed Mukhlis ’Ali Khān to be the deputy of the depraved wretch Saiyad Aḥmad, but a few days later he changed his mind and appointed Shaikh Muḥammad Ma'asum Pānipatī in his place.¹
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¹ *Riyāz*., Eng. trans., pp. 334-37.
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¹ Sa'ir., Eng. trans., Vol. I, p. 370.
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Mīr Ḥabibullah Khān, the faithful adherent of the family of Ja'afar Khān and Shuja'-uddīn, now appeared on the scene as the avenging angel. He had gone to Raghuji Bhonsle I at Nagpur and persuaded the latter to undertake the conquest of Bengal and Orissa and the chastisement of the arch-traitors Ḥāji Aḥmad and 'Alīwardī. Mīr Ḥabīb marched with the Maratha general Bhāskar Rām, commonly called Bhāskar Pandit, by Musalman and European writers, and on hearing of his approach 'Alīwardī left the devastation of Mayurbhanj territories to defend his own. The Marathas swept upon 'Alīwardī's army from the direction of Burdwan and he fled towards Ujani near Maṅgalkoṭ in the same district. His baggage was looted and all transport animals and food supplies captured by the Marathas. Even 'Alīwardī's begum was captured on her elephant and was saved with great difficulty.² The retribution had begun and for twelve years 'Alīwardī and his family paid very dearly for their great treachery to their patron and master Shuja'-uddīn, who had retrieved them from the gutter and made noblemen of them. The Maratha war for the conquest of Orissa began in 1741 and lasted till 1751, the narrative of which will be found in the next chapter.
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² Riyāz., Eng. trans., pp. 337-39.
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Like Ja'afar Khān Nāsirī, Shuja'-ud-dīn Muḥammad Khān was the author of several Ābwābs or imposts in the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Accounts of these *Ābwābs* as levied in the Bengali year 1135 or 1728 A.D., are available. They are :
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(1) *Nazarāna Mukarrarī* or “a fixed pecuniary acknowledgment paid by the Zamindars as farmers-generals of the king’s revenue virtually, for improper remissions, indulgences, favor and protection ; forbearance of hustabood investigations or privilege of being freed from the immediate superintendence of the aumils ; but ostensibly and formally to defray the charge of nuzzers sent to Court at the *eyedein* or two principal yearly Mussulman festivals and other great ceremonial days, in like manner as the jagheerdars or holders of assigned territory were, as Mahomedans, with more propriety obliged to contribute their share of the whole demand.”
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(2) Zer Mat-Hoot (Zar Māthaut) a certain proportionable increase of a capital sum, applied technically in the present instance, to a percentage of about one and a half rupee on each hundred of the ausil jumma of the khalsa mahals, and made up of the four following component abwabs ; *viz.*—(1st.) Nuzzer pooneah (*Nazar-Puṇy-āha* ; presents exacted from the zemindars by the officers of the exchequer at the annual settlement, a second time resumed by government,—(2nd.) Bhay-khelat (Ba-hāy-Khila’at) price of the robes bestowed at the same time, on the most considerable landholders, as tokens of yearly investiture in their offices of farmers-generals of the king’s rents.—(3rd) Pooshta-bundy (Pushta-bandi) upholding the river banks in the vicinity of Lal Baug and the Kellah of Moorshedabad,—(4th.) Russoom-nezarut (*Rusūm-nazarat*) commission of ten annas per mille exacted by the nazur jummadur, or head peon, on the treasure brought from the Mofussil. All of which thenceforward carried to the public credit constituted a permanent additional revenue extending over the whole country.
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(3) Mat-Hoot Fee (*Māthaut-Fil-Khānah*)—a partial contribution in other respects similar to the last mentioned, to defray the expense of feeding the elephants of both the nazims and dewan, kept at Moorshedabad.
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(4) Abwab Faujdari—i.e., limited permanent assessments on the land levied by *Faujdārs* within their respective jurisdictions. The burden of them fell for the most part on the frontier districts of the *subahs*.¹
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¹ The Fifth Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company, Vol. I.
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Under Shuja'-ud-dīn Muḥammad Khān, his son Muḥammad Taqī Khān collected Rs. 11,31,40,338-14-8 in all from the *ṣūbah* of Orissa out of which Rs. 11,11,85,145-8-9 was remitted in specie and bills of exchange to the capital or Delhi. Rs. 4,90,193-6-was spent on the charges for the transportation of this huge amount of specie and Rs. 14,65,000 was paid to merchants and bankers in repayment of the amount borrowed from them during the government of Nawāb Ja'afar Khān Nāṣirī. During the previous government the total amount of remittance from Orissa to Delhi was only Rs. 38,37,151-9-2.² Figures are available only of the *Chaklah* of Medinipur or that part of *ṣūbah* of Orissa which was transferred to Bengal before 1722. These amounts refer to the period when that district had been ceded by Nawāb Mīr Qāsim 'Alī Khān of revered memory to the British East India Company. In B. s. 1112 or 1706-7 A. D., Bengal was enlarged by the transfer of forty entire *parganas*, the revenue from which was valued at Rs. 4,15,724, but later on twelve of these forty mahals were re-transferred to Orissa as being entirely dependent on the port of Balasore, the revenue from which was estimated at Rs. 74,340. After deducting the revenue of these twelve mahals Bengal still sent Rs. 3,41,384 with its own revenue, which was really revenue from the *ṣūbah* of Orissa. In reality the effective revenue of the *ṣūbah* of Orissa was only Rs. 36,07,245.¹ The details available in Grant’s famous analysis of the revenues of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa refer only to the *Chakla* of Midnapur for B. S. 1181 or 1184 i.e., 1774 and 1778 A. D. This statement contains figures for two *parganas* of the *Sarkār* of Goalpara, 24 mahals of the zamindari of Sundar Narayan, 20 mahals in 2nd *Sarkār* of Jaleswar, 7 mahals in the 3rd *Sarkār* of Maljethia and 6 mahals in the 4th *Sarkār* of Mazkuri. The *Sarkār* of Goalpara was settled for Rs. 3,75,135, out of which a 7/8th share of the *pargana* of Kāsījorā was settled for Rs. 2,65,597 and the *pargana* of Shāhpur was settled for Rs. 1,09,538. This *Sarkār* contained the zamindari of Sundar Narayan, which was settled for Rs. 14,04,477. It contained a 1/8th share of the *parganah* of Kāsījūṛā and Medinipur, Mainajura, Currickpore (Kharagpur), etc., in the Medinipur district and Chhatnā in the Bankura district. The total revenue of three other *Sarkārs* were much less than the sum total of the revenue of *Sarkār* Goālpāṛā. *Sarkār* Jaleswar fetched Rs. 2,71,957, *Sarkār* Maljethia Rs. 1,69,785 and *Sarkār* Mazkuri Rs. 62,177. The total of the four Orissa *Sarkārs* pertaining to Bengal in 1811 was Rs. 19,08,965.² The total wasil jama' of the Chaklah in the time of Nawāb Ja'afar Khān Nāṣirī in 1707 was Rs. 11,43,878 from which after deducting Rs. 1,10,221 left to ancient land-holders the net standard revenue was Rs. 10,33,657.¹
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² Ibid., p. 282.
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¹ Ibid., p. 528.
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² Ibid., pp. 532-3.
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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 530.
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With the defeat of Mīrzā Bāqir 'Alī Khān and the arrival of Mīr Ḥabībullah with a contingent of Maratha troops we enter upon a period of anarchy which did not end till about 1773. Rāmachandradeva II began to rule in 1727 and died in 1743 according to Stirling.² Hunter places his accession in 1725 and assigns eleven years to him bringing his reign to a close in 1736. None of them mention his conversion to the Musalman religion. Even Stirling's more careful account published in 1837 omits the fact of his conversion.³ It was noticed for the first time by the late Mr. Monmohan Chakravarti who had it recorded for the first time⁴ and included in the Gazetteer,⁵ which states that Rāmachandra II married a daughter of the Nawāb of Orissa, *i. e.*, Murshid Qūlī II. Rāmachandra II died a few days after the battle of the Mahānadī (1742) and one of the records states that he was killed in the battle with the Musalmans.⁶ At this time Mīr Ḥabībullah had become the dictator of affairs in Orissa and he placed Padmanābhadeva of Paṭiyā on the gadi of Khurda, but eventually Virakīśoradeva, a grandson of Rāmachandra II, was placed on the gadi. The period of the rule of Virakīśoradeva (1743-80)
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² *Asiatick Researches*, Vol., XV, p. 294.
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³ *Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal*, vol. VI, part II, 1837, p. 765.
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⁴ *Ibid.*, old series, 1898, part I, Vol. LXVIII.
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⁵ *Bengal District Gazetteer*—Puri, p. 48.
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⁶ *Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal*, Vol. VI, part II, p. 765.
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belongs to the Maratha and his troubles will be recorded in the next two chapters.
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Shuja'-ud-dīn Muḥammad Khān built the only Musalman monument of any pretension and size in Orissa, the Qadam Rasūl Masjid in Katak in 1712. His illegitimate son Muḥammad Taqī Khān lies buried here. This building is much better designed than Shuja's Masjid at Roshnībāgh, opposite the city of Murshidabad on the western bank of the Bhagirathi. The Mughal mint at Katak continued to be the only mint in the province till the end of the rule of the Nawabs-Nāzim of Bengal over Orissa. Coins were issued all along in the name of the titular emperor Muḥammad Shāh (1719-48).
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Divyasiṃha I was succeeded in 1720 by his brother Harekr̥ṣṇadeva, whose reign is given at different lengths. Manmohan Chakravarti's calculation points to the 18th March 1725 as the date of his decease. The father of Gadādhara Rājaguru, the author of Āchārasāra, was the religious preceptor of this king. He was succeeded by his son Gopīnāthadeva.¹ According to Stirling, Harekr̥ṣṇadeva reigned for forty years. But this figure seems to be a mistake for four years and five months. According to the same account Harekr̥ṣṇadeva whitewashed the temple of Jagannātha at Purī by preparing lime from the ashes of cowrie shells.² Gopīnāthadeva ruled for seven years. During his reign an owl sat on the image of Jagannātha and defiled it. This necessitated a special purification of the entire temple with three baths of the image. This event took place on the 25th January 1731. Gopīnātha was succeeded in the same year by his son Rāmachandradeva II.¹ In the time of Rāmachandra II, Muḥammad Taqī Khān, the illegitimate son of Shuja'ud-dīn Muḥammad Khān, the Nā'ib Nāẓim of Orissa, began to interfere with the worship in the temple of Jagannātha and therefore the image was removed to an inaccessible island in the Chilka lake.² The revenue from the pilgrim tax having declined the images were permitted to be brought back and re-installed in the great temple at the intercession of Mīr Ḥabīb as narrated above. Later on Muḥammad Taqī Khān invaded Khurdah and captured Rāmachandra II. The Rājā was carried to Katak where he had to accept Islām. He was renamed Ḥāfiz Qādir. The important part played by Rāmachandradeva II in the defence of the family and honour of Murshid Qūlī II has already been narrated.
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¹ Ibid., Vol. LXVII, 1898, p. 382.
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² Ibid., Vol. VI, 1837, part II, p. 765.
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¹ Ibid., Vol. LXVII, 1898, part I, p. 383
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² See ante.
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Standing Surya No. I—Sūrya Deul Konārak—Pūri District