History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2.c40: Chapter XXVI
History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2.c40
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- v2.c40.33 — 8 parts
Chapter XXVI
v2.c40.1
The nemesis which overtook the ingrate 'Alīwardī Khān and his supporters took the form of the Maratha invasions of Bengal and the rebellions of the Afghan traitors in his armies. It is extremely difficult to separate the account of the Maratha-Mughal struggle in Orissa from the general account of the Maratha wars in Bengal and Bihar. The account compiled in the following pages is, therefore, a complete one of the Maratha wars beginning with the first appearance of Bhāskar Rām and ending with the treaty, by which the province of Orissa was finally ceded to the Bhonsles of Nagpur in 1751. It is based on the ample narrative of the *Sa'ir-ul-muta'kharīn*, checked with the more sober account of the *Riyāz-us-salātīn* and the Maratha version of the story as given by Prof. Ganesh Sakharam Sardesai in his *Mārāthī Riyāsat*. The story of the *Sa'ir* is slightly different at places from that of the *Riyāz*. Thus, at the beginning, there is wide difference on the point of the part played by Mīr Habībullah in bringing the Marathas to Bengal and Orissa. The *Riyāz* clearly states that Mīr Habīb had gone to invite the Marathas after the defeat of Murshid Qulī II at the battle of Balasore.¹ But the *Sa'ir* states that he was captured when 'Alīwardī was flying from Mayurbhanj to Katwa.² Bhāskar Rām and Kanber Rām, two brothers were serving under Raghujī Bhonsle I and Bhāskar was the general. They were the sons of one Nārāyaṇ Rāmājī. When Mīr Ḥabīb went to invite the Marathas of Nagpur, Raghujī I was absent on a campaign in the Karnatak when Mīr Ḥabīb went to Berar and sought Bhāskar Rām. The latter sallied out for Bengal upon the return of Raghujī Bhonsle I *via* Satara.¹
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¹ *Riyāz*, pp. 337-38.
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² *Sa'ir Eng. trans.*, Vol. I, p. 387.
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¹ Marāthī Riyāsat, Madhya Bibhag, part II, pp. 483-85.
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Bhāskar Pandit, the general of the Maratha army, entered Chhota Nagpur through Chhattisgarh and fell upon the Medinipur district through Mayurbhanj and Pachet.² ’Alīwardī was totally unprepared for this onslaught and had disbanded a portion of his army after the defeat of Mīrza Bāqir ’Alī at the battle of the Mahānadī. He was obliged to fly towards Bengal leaving the chastisement of Jagadīśvara Bhañja incomplete. The *Sa’ir* indeed states that Jagadīśvara surrendered unconditionally and had thrown himself on the mercy of Muṣṭafa Khān, the Afghan general. He was lured into the audience hall and the arch-traitor of Bengal, Mīr Ja’afar ’Alī Khān, was instructed to assassinate him. As soon as Jagadīśvara Bhañja made his appearance he was hacked to pieces with his entire retinue.³ Nawāb ’Alīwardī Khān Mahābat Jang was a great adept in this style of warfare.
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² Ibid., p. 376.
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³ Ibid., p. 381.
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’Alīwardī’s condition was serious, as the Afghan rabble in his army was openly mutinous and had to be pacified with large promises.⁴ He had only four thousand foot and three thousand horse with him while the Maratha horse numbered ten thousand strong. ’Alīwardī fled stripped of his baggage and guns and reached Katwa in western Bengal with a famishing army and with very few transport animals. He tried his usual game of treachery and to purchase himself out of the clutches of the Marathas. He sent a Deccani Musalman in the pay of the zamindar of Burdwan, named Mīr Khairullah Khān, to Bhāskar Pandit, but the latter wanted one kror of rupees in cash and all the elephants, which was beyond the purse of 'Alīwardī. At first Bhāskar Pandit wanted ten lakhs of Rupees as *chauth* but his demand rose as soon as 'Alīwardī's real condition became apparent to him. By cajolery and bribe 'Alīwardī regained control over the Afghans and had to fight every inch of his way to Katwa. Hājī Aḥmad and his son, Nawāzish Muḥammad Khān', sent provisions and re-inforcements from Murshidabad and saved 'Alīwardī. Saiyad Aḥmad Khān Ṣaulat Jang brought a train of artillery with him. Bhāskar Pandit now realised that as the rains were near at hand it would be difficult to carry on guerilla warfare any longer, and he wanted to retire with his plunder; but Mīr Ḥabīb dissuaded him from doing so, pointing out the prospect of immense plunder in the defenceless city of Murshidabad, now in the charge of the coward Nawāzish Muḥammad and the depraved wretch Hājī Aḥmad. Mīr Ḥabīb attacked Murshidabad with about one thousand Maratha horse (700 only according to Maratha records,) plundered the house of the traitor Jagat-seth Fatḥchand, from which he is said to have carried away two crore of rupees, and destroyed the suburb of Ḍāhāpara.¹ The *Riyāz* mentions another suburb named Ganj Muḥammad Khān which can no longer be identified. Mīr Ḥabīb reached his own family residence and relieved his brother and his family. He captured Murād 'Alī Khān, the son-in-law of Nawāb Sarāfrāz Khān, Durlabhrām Rāi, the son of the peshkār Jānakirām Rāi, and neither Ḥājī Aḥmad nor his son Nawāzish Muḥammad dared to stir out of the pitiful stockade which they called the Qila of Murshidabad. The Riyāz puts the strength of Mīr Ḥabīb's band at 700 and states that after plundering the suburbs of Murshidabad this army lay encamped at Kiriṭeśvarī or Kiriṭkoṇā, six miles to the west of the Bhagirathi.¹ The Sa'it says that, intimidated by the violence of the monsoon in Bengal, Bhāskar Rāo was retreating towards Nagpur when Mīr Ḥabīb caught him near Birbhum and gave him the proceeds of the plunder of Murshidabad. Bhāskar Rāo now returned to Katwa, whence Mīr Ḥabīb arranged for provisions from the zamindars and captured the fort of Hughly by a stratagem. Hughly was placed in charge of Śesha Rāo, while Bhāskar Pandit stayed at Katwa. Murshid Qulī remained at Amaniganj (Armenianganj) to the south of Murshidabad city. The Marathas spread over the whole of western Bengal and entered Orissa. They exacted money from Balasore and captured that port. The rest of Orissa submitted quietly, but Mīr Qalandar held out at Medinipur while Mīr Ma'asum Khān Panipatī remained in the fort of Barabati at Cuttack. The Marathas roamed over the whole of western Bengal from Rajmahal in the
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⁴ Ibid., p. 381.
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¹ On the western bank of the Bhagirathi where Hindu officers from Dacca had taken up their residence after the transfer of the *Dīwānī*
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¹ Riyāz., Eng. trans., pp. 341-42.
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kāchārī to Murshidabad in 1706. Dacca is pronounced Ḍaha in Eastern Bengal.
v2.c40.13
west, Rajshahi in the north, and Calcutta in the south, while 'Alīwardī remained confined to the Bhagirathi-Ganges delta.¹ Muhammadans in Bengal were clearly demoralised. Entertaining little hope of victory they sent their family and valuables to Jahangirnagar-Dacca, Maldah or Rāmpur Boālia. Nawāzish Muhammad crossed with his entire family to Godagari in the Rajshahi district where 'Alīwardī also transferred his treasure and valuables.² *Marāthyānche Darārā* a work quoted by Mr. G. S. Sardesai extensively in his account of the Bhonsle campaigns of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, states the very name Maratha caused such terror in people of all classes that they fled to the hills and jungles on hearing it. The greater part of Orissa, Medinipur, Burdwan, Rajshahi and Rajmahal fell into the hands of the Marathas. Only the country around Murshidabad and to the east of the Bhāgīrathi remained in the hands of the Nawāb.³ At this stage 'Alīwardī was compelled to apply for succour to the shadow emperor Muhammad Shah at Delhi. Left without any power and unable to undertake any fatigue the emperor wrote in humble terms to Peshwa Bālāji Baji Rāo *alias* Nānā Ṣahib and Abū'l Manṣūr Khān, Ṣafdar Jang, the nephew and successor of the traitor Sa'adat Khān Burhān-ul-mulk in the *ṣubah* of Oudh, asking them to help 'Alīwardī in his distress. It is a pity that he did not or could not write to Niẓām-ul-mulk Aṣaf Jāh I of Aurangabad to co-operate with Peshwa Nānā Ṣāhib, because a counter-demonstration from Aurangabad into Berar would have checked much more effectively all Maratha incursions from the direction of Nagpur into Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. But it was perhaps not possible for the emperor to persuade the first Niẓām-ul-mulk to do anything for him in 1741-42. Both 'Abū'l Manṣūr Khān and Bālājī Bājī Rāo came, both of them too late for the purpose for which their services were requisitioned. The Peshwā Bālājī Bājī Rāo had a special grudge against Raghujī Bhonsle I, a fact not very well known even now. After the death of Peshwā Bājī Rāo I, the non-Brāhmaṇ party at the court of Satara tried to oust Nānā Ṣāḥib from succession to his father's post. All non-Brāhmaṇs, headed by Raghujī Bhonsle I, combined against the Konkanasth or Chitpavan Brāhmaṇas and tried to place Bābū Rāo Bārāmatīkar on the gadi of the Peshwā. This special grudge now induced Bālājī Bājī Rāo alias Nānā Ṣāḥib to undertake an arduous campaign against Raghujī I. Raghujī's pretensions were great. He claimed to be a relation of the Chhatrapatis, both being Bhonsles, though the line of Śivājī was not related to the Bhonsles of Berar. At one time Raghujī dreamed of placing his son on the Maratha throne at Satara by giving him in adoption to the imbecile Śhāhu or Śivājī III. Nānā Ṣāḥib recognised that it was necessary either to crush or to deal a severe blow to the power of Raghujī I.¹ While these negotiations were going on, the Marathas under Mīr Ḥabīb conquered the districts of Medinipur and Jaleśvar.²
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¹ *Sa'it*, pp. 394-95.
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² *Ibid.*, p. 396.
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³ *Marāthī Riyāsat*, Madhya Bibhag, Vol. II, p. 487.
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¹ Marāthī Riyāsat, Madhya Bibhag, Vol. II, pp. 36-43.
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² Riyāz., Eng. trans., p. 344.
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Towards the close of the rainy season 'Alīwardī marched with a new army and defeated the Marathas near Katwa.
v2.c40.20
Bhāskar Rām was celebrating the Durgā Pūjā at Katwa with great pomp in September, 1742, when he was surprised by ’Alīwardī. Bhāskar Rāo retired towards Pachet, leaving the management of the army to Mīr Ḥabīb, who piloted the army through Bishnupur and Chandrakona.¹ He now sent an army against Mīr Ma’asum Khān Panipatī who had advanced from Katak to Hariharpur. There the Musalman army was annihilated² and Katak, the fort of Barabati and the whole of Orissa fell into the hands of the Marathas. The Marathas, however, were pursued by ’Alīwardī as far as the northern banks of the Chilka lake.³ According to the *Sa’ir*, ’Abdul Nabī Khān, a uncle of Muṣṭafā Khān, was appointed Na’ib Nāzim of Orissa and his rank was raised to three thousand horse; but the *Riyāz* states that the new governor of Orissa was named ’Abdur-Rasūl Khān, a relation of Muṣṭafā Khān.⁴ The *Sa’ir* naively adds that, as the new governor was a rude soldier, the Bengali Durlabhrām Rāi, son of the *peshkār* Jānakirām, was left to help him in the administration. On hearing of the defeat of Bhāskar Pandit at Katwa, Śesha Rāo evacuated Hughly and other Maratha leaders quitted western Bengal.⁵ ’Abū’l Manṣūr Khān of Oudh came as far as Patna and had to be persuaded to retire, as his help was no longer required. The Peshwā Bālāji Bājī Rāo also advanced into Bengal with sixty thousand cavalry through Allahabad and Gaya, plundering and ravaging the entire country.⁶ ’Alīwardī treated Bālājī Bājī Rāo with consideration and paid him a very large amount of money in lieu of Chauth. The latter, satisfied as to his demands, overtook Raghujī’s army and defeated it. The actual place of the engagement remains unknown even to Maratha writers, but the latter’s defeat at the hands of Bālājī Bājī Rāo is acknowledged by all authorities. Raghujī fled and Bhāskar Rāo also retired.¹ Bālājī Bājī Rāo now retired to his own country.
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¹ *Sa’ir*, Eng. trans., Vol. I, pp. 401-4.
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² *Riyāz*, Eng. trans., p. 346.
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³ *Sa’ir*, Eng. trans., Vol. I, p. 406.
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⁴ *Riyāz*, Eng. trans., pp. 346-7
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⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 347.
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⁶ *Ibid.*, p. 351.
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¹ Sā’ir., Eng. trans., Vol. I, pp. 420-21; Marathi Riyasad, Vol. II.
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The Colossal Horsemen—Surya Deul—Koṇārak, Puri District
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The very next year (1744) the Marathas reappeared under Jānujī, son of Raghujī Bhonsle I, and his adopted son, Mohan Singh. The untiring Mīr Ḥabīb repeated his demands for chauth. Bhāskar Rāo appeared on the borders of Orissa with ’Alī Qarāwal, a Deccanī Musalman general. Tired of war, ’Aliwardī resorted to treachery. According to the advice of his Peshkār or Dīwān, Jānakīrām Rāi, the old traitor lured the Maratha generals into his camp at Mancarah, between Katwa and Murshidabad, and murdered all of them at an entertainment.² The Afghan general Muṣṭafā Khān had taken a leading part in this massacre and his importance increased accordingly. One Raghujī Gāikwāḍ had been left in the camp and he fled with his troops taking as much of the baggage as he could (Oct.-Nov. 1744).³ For a time the country was cleared of Maratha troops but the Afghans now raised their heads in rebellion. The first of them was Muṣṭafā Khān who went to Patna. He was shortly followed by his nephew Abdur-Rasūl Khān of Orissa. The great traitor Dūrlabhrām, to whose treachery Clive owed his cheaply earned victory at Plassey, had to be placed in charge of the province of Orissa.¹ The Afghan rebellion has no direct connection with Orissa and the long and tedious account of the *Sa'ir* need not be followed.
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² Ibid., pp. 430-37.
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³ Ibid., p. 436.
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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 445.
v2.c40.33.1
'Alīwardī Khan sent an ambassador named Mun'im Khān to Raghujī Bhonsle, as the latter had already appeared in western Burdwan. Mun'im Khān met Raghujī and proposed a treaty, but Raghujī wanted three krors of rupees, which was just then beyond the power of 'Alīwardī Khān to raise. As soon as the news of Muṣṭafā Khan's defeat and death was received the peace proposals were dropped. Raghujī had come to avenge the murder of Bhāskar Rām and his little band of heroes, but his first attempt had been defeated by the advent of Peshwā Bālāji Bāji Rao and his subsequent defeat at his hands.² The defeat of Muṣṭafā Khan was followed by the third Maratha invasion of Bengal and Orissa under Jānujī, a son of Raghujī Bhonsle I, and his adopted son Mohan Singh in 1748. The defection of Abdur-Rasūl Khān had compelled 'Alīwardī to leave the government of Orissa in the hands of the traitor Durlabhrām Rāi, the son of his minister Jānakirām Rāi. According to Ghulām Ḥusain Durlabhrām was duped by a number of Hindu *sanaysis* whom the Musalman writer describes as the spies of Raghujī. When 14,000 Maratha troops advanced towards Orissa, Durlabhrām was busy on the banks of the Mahānadi in the performance of some religious rites and the Marathas were actually upon him before he realised his position. A Musalman commander named Mīr 'Abdul 'Aziz received intelligence of the near approach of the Marathas and went to Durlabhrām with twenty troopers.
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He found that the Na'ib Nāzim was still asleep and knew nothing of the approach of the Marathas. Durlabhrām woke up and got into a palki with the intention of taking shelter inside the fort of Barabati. On the road he saw Maratha troopers plundering the city. He then left the palki and took to horse and reached the fort after great difficulty. Raghujī Bhonsle arrived immediately after and surrounded the fort. Durlabhrām was frightened out of his wits, as he knew that 'Alīwardī had left Murshidabad for Patna and there was no chance of immediate succour. According to the suggestions of the sanyāsīs Durlabhrām proposed surrender but they were resisted by Mīr 'Abdul 'Azīz. Ghulām Ḥusain says that Mīr 'Abdul 'Azīz and certain Musalman officers stated that the surrender of the fort would be derogatory to the honour of the Nawāb Nāzim 'Alīwardī Khān Mahābat Jang. As a matter of fact this Mīr 'Abdul 'Azīz refused to surrender the fort even after the surrender of the person of Durlabhrām Rāi, the Na'ib Nāzim. For this reason Durlabhrām was imprisoned by the Marathas and kept as a hostage till Mīr 'Abdul 'Azīz surrendered and certain bankers paid three lakhs of rupees as his ransom. Even when the news of the surrender of Durlabhrām and the holding out of Barabati fort reached 'Alīwardī's ears he made no move towards Orissa.
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It was clearly impossible for him to do so in the face of the Afghan rebellion and he merely temporised by sending the embassy of Mun'im Khan to Raghujī described above. As soon as the proposal fell through Raghujī advanced towards Birbhum and brought the whole of Orissa, Medinipur and Hijli and the greater part of Burdwan under his sway. Mīr 'Abdul 'Aziz surrendered and was permitted to join the Musalmans of Murshidabad, but Durlabhrām was detained for more than a year till the payment of the ransom.¹ The Afghans, who had rebelled, now sent proposals to Raghujī Bhonsle to join his standard and the latter found it to be a great advantage to have several thousands of trained Musalman troops under him. So he set out for Kharagpur, plundered Tikari and Shahpura in the Gaya district and crossed the Sone to reach the hills near Sasaram where the Afghans had taken refuge. 'Alīwardī followed him with 12,000 horse. A battle with the Marathas proved indecisive but his baggage was plundered. At this stage 'Alīwardī's begum sent two envoys named Muẓaffar 'Alī Khān Bahādur and Faqī 'Alī Khān to call upon Raghujī and Mīr Ḥabīb with proposals of peace. They were introduced to Mīr Ḥabīb and though Raghujī would have listened, Mīr Ḥabīb definitely refused to have any treaty with the murderer of Sarāfrāz Khān.² According to his advice Raghujī now took the road to Murshidabad and was followed by 'Alīwardī.
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But while the Maratha horse forayed over a country exceeding 80 miles in length, provisions and forage grew scarce in the Bengal camp, as the country was totally ruined. With lightning speed Raghujī fell upon Murshidabad, burnt and sacked the suburbs of Chhapāidaha and Mīr Ja'afar's garden and retired into Birbhum before the arrival of 'Alīwardī. 'Alīwardī fought a skirmish near Katwa where he had an advantage over the Marathas. Raghujī now left a small army under Mīr Ḥabīb and retired towards Nagpur.¹ The Marathas, though expelled from Bengal, still held Orissa in great strength with the dismissed troops of the Afghan leaders Shamsher Khān and Sardār Khan. After the fall of Durlabhrām, 'Alīwardī could not send any high officer of State to Orissa. Now he appointed Saiyad Aḥmad Khān Ṣaulat Jang, once more to be the Na'ib Nāẓim of Orissa, but took care to retain him in safety at Murshidabad by sending the arch-traitor Mir Ja'afar Khān (afterwards Shuja'-ul-mulk Nawāb Mir Ja'afar 'Alī Khān Bahādur) as his deputy. The Faujdāris of Medinipur and Hijli were conferred upon Mir Ja'afar in additon to his double appointments, Chief Pay-Master-General to the troops (Mir Bakhsī) and deputy to the Na'ib Nāẓim of Orissa. In order to encourage the coward the appointments were bestowed upon him in a public durbar and he was honoured with a khil'at, an elephant, a horse, a sword and a sarpech and a jhikā of jewellery.
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Mir Ja'afar deputed Mir Isma'il, the son of his maternal uncle, to hold charge of the Bakhshi's office at Murshidabad and sent a Hindu named Sujan Singh as his deputy in the Faujdāri of Hijli. Then he set out for Katak as the head of 7,000 horse and 12,000 foot and defeated a body of Marathas and Afghans near Medinipur. The Marathas fled to Jaleswar where they were persued by Mir Ja'afar, who encamped on the side of the Kehnasa (Kāsā-Bāsā ?) river. There he was frightened out of his wits by the news of the arrival of fresh Maratha troops under Raghuji's son Jānuji and the future victor of Plassey fairly turned tail and ran for his dear life, closely pursued by Maratha horse. The brave Mir did not stop till he reached Burdwan. Every one knew that Mir Ja'afar controlled nearly 20,000 troops and all were surprised. 'Alīwardī sent 'Aṭa-ullah Khān to his succour. Jānujī and Mir Ḥabīb now attacked Burdwan. Mir Ja'afar 'Alī now aspired to follow in the footsteps of his august master by murdering him and succeeding him on the *masnad* of Murshidabad, but the conspiracy leaked out and 'Alīwardī advanced to join the two generals.¹ Severely reprimanded for his cowardice, Mir Ja'afar ceased to attend court and even had the courage of refusing to send for Sujan Singh when 'Alīwardī wanted to check the account of Hijli. 'Alīwardī sent *Jasāwals* to bring Sujan Singh by force.
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He appointed Nūr-ullah Beg Khān as the Pay-Master General by dismissing Mir Ja'afar but confirmed Sujan Singh in the *Faujdārī* of Hijli. Mir Ja'afar's brigade was dismissed and the latter retired to Murshidabad where he threw himself on the mercy of Nawāzish Muḥammad Khān, the Nā'ib Nāẓim of Bengal.² 'Alīwardī is said to have defeated the Marathas under Jānujī who rushed upon Murshidabad in the hope of plunder, but was headed back towards Medinipur, followed by the Bengal army. Upon the approach of the monsoon 'Alīwardī returned to cantonment after abandoning his project of re-conquering Orissa. The traitor was further rewarded at this stage of his life by the projected rebellion of Zainuddin Aḥmad Khān, his son-in-law and nephew and the Nā'ib Nāẓim of Bihar and the father of his dearest grandchild Sirāj-ud-daulah, who aspired to the *masnad* of Murshidabad. Zainuddin strengthened his army by appointing the dismissed troops of Shamsher Khān and Sardār Khān. But the result was that he himself was murdered by them and his family kept in confinement. Old Ḥājī Aḥmad, one of the greatest Musalman traitors of the 18th century, was captured together with his women and concubines and murdered after 15 or 16 days. Patna fell into the possession of the Afghans, who gathered a large army of their countrymen. 'Alīwardī had to raise another army and take the field in Bihar in 1749.¹ But the Marathas were on the *qui vive*.
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A body of troops sent to 'Alīwardī by Saif Khān of Purnia was attacked by the Marathas at Sultanganj near Bhagalpur and detained until assistance was sent to them. Mīr Ḥabīb attacked the rear of 'Alīwardī's army in the Bhagalpur district and plundered the baggage.² Both Jānujī and Mīr Ḥabīb arrived in the neighbourhood of Patna and sent notice of their arrival to Shamsher Khān and Sardār Khān. The Afghans now joined the Marathas and considered themselves to be in the service of Jānujī. They visited the Maratha camp and were honoured with *khila'ats*. When Mīr Ḥabīb came to their camp, they committed the blunder of detaining him. Mīr Ḥabīb was extricated from this difficult situation by his friend Mīrzā Ṣāleh. A body of Maratha troopers suddenly appeared and informed the Afghans that 'Alīwardī was attacking them. A confusion ensued during which Mīr Ḥabīb escaped to his own camp. He paid two lakhs of rupees through a banker and retired. This mistake of the Afghans was the real cause of their defeat in the battle, because 'Alīwardī's position was really very serious and if the Marathas had attacked him from the rear while he was fighting with the Afghans in the front the day would have gone very hard upon him. The Maratha army was drawn at right angles to the Afghan line and was skirmishing till the end. The death of Sardār Khan broke the rank of the Afghans and was the cause of their defeat.
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The Marathas under Mīr Ḥabīb fell upon the left wing of 'Alīwardī's army and caused confusion. 'Alīwardī sent Faqīr-ullah Beg Khān to the left wing. Murād Sher Khān was killed and the Afghans ran away from the field. The Maratha army thereupon commenced to retreat. 'Alīwardī was not in a position to pursue them without consolidating his own position at Patna.¹ Orissa was left in the possession of the Marathas and no attempt was made to reconquer it, 'Alīwardī being kept fully occupied by the treacherous members of his family and the rebellions in his army.
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² *Riyāz.*, Eng. trans., pp. 349-51.
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¹ Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 1-6.
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² Ibid., p. 12.
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¹ Ibid., p. 14.
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¹ *Ibid.*, pp. 24-25.
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² *Ibid.*, pp. 26-27.
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¹ *Ibid.*, pp. 29-47.
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² *Ibid.*, pp. 47-49.
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¹ Ibid., pp. 50-56.
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After the defeat of the Afghans, Jānujī had left Bihar and tried to plunder Murshidabad during 'Alīwardī's absence, but his mother's death compelled him to return home, leaving Mīr Ḥabīb with an army of Afghans and Marathas at Medinipur. Raghujī sent his younger son, Bimbājī, to join Mīr Ḥabīb. 'Alīwardī advanced from Murshidabad to Katwa and sent Bahādur 'Alī Khān, the commander of his light artillery to Burdwan with 8,000 horse and foot. When 'Alīwardī reached Burdwan, Bahādur 'Alī was ordered to proceed to Medinipur. On the way the gunners refused to move as their pay was in arrears. The detachment had to be disbanded as 'Alīwardī was not in a position to pay cash. Without a single gun 'Alīwardī advanced upon Medinipur when Mīr Ḥabīb set fire to his own encampment and retired towards Orissa. ’Alīwardī crossed the Kasai without entering Medinipur. There was another skirmish and Mīr Ḥabīb retired towards Katak. ’Alīwardī Khān ordered the generals to follow them. The former encamped in Balasore and learned that Mīr Ḥabīb and Mānājī with their Maratha and Afghan troops had retired towards the Garhjats. ’Alīwardī advanced as far as Bhadrak and Hajipur, about 36 miles from Katak, where he received letters and messengers from Saiyad Nūr, Sarandāz Khān and a Hindu named Dharamdās, three officers of infantry who commanded the garrison of Barabati fort, offering submission. Without paying any attention to them ’Alīwardī tried to pursue the Marathas and Afghans but had to retire on account of the difficulties of the country. He set out with a small army and reached Katak by forced marches. When he reached that city not more than 300 people were able to keep up with him and if the garrison had attacked him at that time he would have succumbed. In the afternoon Saiyad Nūr and Dharamdās paid a visit to him and promised to bring Sarandāz Khān in the morning. When Sarandāz arrived next day, ’Alīwardī, with his usual treachery, fell upon him and captured him after having wounded him mortally. Ghulām Ḥusain relates truthfully that the Maratha garrison of Barabati, after hearing how their commanders had been treated, refused to surrender. At this stage Mīr Ja’afar ’Alī Khān, Faqir-ullah Beg and Rājā Durlabhrām Rāi arrived and pressed the seige of Barabati and the garrison surrendered after a fortnight. The rains having set in, ’Alīwardī retired and Mīr Ḥabīb emerged from his safe retreat in the Garhjats. He fell upon the commanding officer at Katak six or seven days after the departure of ’Alīwardī and defeated and captured him. The news reached ’Alīwardī at Balasore, but as the monsoon was far advanced he left Orissa to its fate and retired to Murshidabad. 1
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Details on Spokes of Wheel, Koṇārak
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Mīr Ḥabīb did not permit ’Alīwardī Khān to rest for any length of time. So ’Alīwardī advanced to Katwa at the end of the rains and then proceeded to Medinipur through Burdwan. In the meanwhile the Marathas had occupied the whole of Orissa and sent their troops into barracks. ’Alī Qulī Khān, the commander of Sirāj-ud-daulah’s troops, was appointed the *faujdār* of Medinipur and ’Alīwardī desired to employ that prince against the Marathas. The latter sent forth Mīr Qāzim Khān and Dost Muḥammad Khān in advance and followed with the main army. Dost Muḥammad caught the Marathas and fought a skirmish after which the Marathas fled. Sirāj-ud-daulah advanced as far as Balasore and stopped there. ’Alīwardī now tried to put Mīr Ḥabīb between his own troops and the advance guards under Sirāj-ud-daulah. He sent orders to the latter to retire and they joined hands at Narayangarh. Both armies then retired to Medinipur. A quarrel broke out about the accounts of the army, and two officers named Khwājah ’Abdul Ḥādī Khān and Saiyad Muḥammad Yasāwal detected the frauds and were introduced to ’Alīwardī by the superintendent of the audience hall. They pointed out that on account of the collusion between the Accountant’s office and the Paymaster of the Army the musters of the troops were false and in reality less troops were borne upon them. In fact, only one-fourth of the number borne on the musters were to be found on parade. It was found on examination that an officer who received pay for 1,700 horse could not muster even 70 troopers. This defection caused great dissatisfaction in the army, specially at this troublesome time. Many of the commanders fled from the camp at Medinipur to Burdwan. At this time news was received that the Marathas were advancing swiftly upon Murshidabad. When 'Aliwardi came to Burdwan he learned that the Maratha army had again retired towards the hills of western Bengal. After attempting to pursue them for some time he retired to Burdwan and waited there for some certain intelligence about the Marathas. Here, the arch-traitor Mīr Ja'afar 'Alī Khān appeared before him from Murshidabad and was taken to task for his embezzlements and false musters. He was ordered to dismiss his own brother (? cousin) Mīr Isma'il and to appoint Khwājah 'Abdul Hādī Khān as Deputy Pay-Master (Nā'ib Bakhshi) of his own troops and he complied with a bad grace.¹
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¹ *Ibid.*, pp. 76-85.
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¹ Ibid., pp. 85-91.
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Intelligence was received that the Marathas had appeared near Medinipur and 'Aliwardi set out for that place after having despatched Sirāj-ud-daulah to Murshidabad. But at Medinipur 'Aliwardi could not get certain information about the movements of his enemies and went into cantonment at that place. He repaired the palace in the fort and even sent for his family from Murshidabad after issuing an order to the troops to prepare to pass the rainy season in that cantonment. From this place the old traitor 'Alīwardī had to run after his scapegrace darling Sirāj-ud-daulah, who had taken it into his head to run away with a beautiful hand-maiden, Lutf-un-nisa, to Bhagulpur. He arrived at Patna where he was not very well received by the Nā'ib Nāẓim Rāja Jānakīrām. His party forced its way through Patna fort. In the meanwhile 'Alīwardī arrived at Barh, sent messengers to Sirāj-ud-daulah and finally reached Patna. After a reconciliation he returned to Murshidabad with his grandson. From the way he wrote to Mīr Ja'afar 'Alī Khān and Rāja Durlabhrām Rāi, who had been left in command of the troops at Medinipur which were regarded as being quite sufficient to drive out the Marathas from the whole of Orissa. It appeared that he was losing heart. Weakened in mind and body by disease and age and surrounded on all sides by traitors, the great traitor 'Alīwardī was no longer in a position to cope with the Maratha army or the energy of Mīr Ḥabīb. Durlabhrām and Mīr Ja'afar 'Alī came to meet 'Alīwardī near Burdwan. The Marathas had already advanced to Medinipur but fled according to their usual custom after engaging in a skirmish. They retired to the Garhjat and having baffled pursuit debouched into Orissa through another route. 'Alīwardī retired to Medinipur, whence he was obliged to send proposals of peace. Here the accounts differ and Ghulām Ḥusain, a professed sycophant of 'Alīwardī and his breed, actually states that the proposals of peace emanated from Mīr Ḥabīb and the Marathas. Kāśīrav Rājeśvar Gupte's *Bakhar* of the Nāgpurkar Bhonsles distinctly mentions that 'Alīwardī's application for a cessation of hostilities was sent with his envoy to Nagpur where terms were negotiated with Jānoji.¹ But the excuses which he trots forth on behalf of ’Aliwardi prove that the latter was solely responsible for the proposals. He states that the decline in ’Aliwardi’s health and above all the state of his dominions required a sacrifice. He was 75 years of age and besides fighting for 12 long years with the Marathas he had fought in the intervals with Afghan rebels like Muṣṭafā Khān and Shamsher Khān. The country to the south of the Ganges and west of the Bhagirathi had been devastated by the Marathas. So ’Aliwardi was at last compelled to sue for peace. The author of the Riyāz states that the proposals of peace were sent at the request of ’Aliwardi’s son-in-law and nephew Nawāzish Muḥammad Khān. The arch-traitor Mir Ja’afar ’Ali was directed to send trusted messengers to the Maratha camp and he sent Mīr Ḥasan ’Ali and Mīr Ghaus ’Ali as ambassadors. Mīr Ḥabib now appointed Mirza Ṣālih as his own envoy. The terms of the peace were :—
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¹ Bakhar, p. 45. (Edited with notes by Vaman Daji Ok and published by Kaśināth Nārāyaṇ Sāne, B. A., in Saka 1807).
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I. That Mīr Ḥabib-ullah should be regarded as the Na’ib Nāzim of the Ṣubah of Orissa in the place of all other officers hitherto appointed by ’Aliwardi Khān.
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II. That the revenue of the province of Orissa should be paid to Raghuji Bhonsle in lieu of the arrears due to the troops of the prince.
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III. That in addition to the revenue of Orissa a sum of 12 lakhs of rupees should be paid every year as *chauth* from the revenues of Bengal on condition that the Marathas will not attack that province any more.
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IV. That the money to be paid from Bengal as *chauth* should be paid by the Qanungoi's office and the Muṭasaddis.
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V. That the river Sonamukia (?) which runs by Balasore Bandar should be regarded as the boundary between the provinces of Bengal and Orissa.
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Maratha authorities differ on most important details from the *Sa'ir-ul-Muta'kharin*. It is stated that thirty-two lakhs of rupees were paid as *chauth* before the treaty. Jānoji oppressed 'Aliwardi Khān so much for two years that he was compelled to agree to all demands made by him. He sent an envoy to Raghuji Bhonsle at Nagpur. The terms of the treaty as given by Sardesai are as follows:—
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I. That the Nawāb will pay the *Chauth* of the three provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa regularly to the Bhonsle.
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II. Mir Ḥabib will return to the Nawāb and that the latter will nominate him governor of Orissa. The entire revenue of that province will be paid by Mir Ḥabib to the Bhonsle.
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III. Marathas will not invade Bengal any more, in return for which the Nawāb will pay the Bhonsle twelve lakhs of rupees every year.
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IV. The province of Cuttack, *i. e.*, Orissa as far as the river Suvarṇarekhā, was to be ceded to the Marathas and the latter were not to set their feet on the other side of that river.
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V. Twenty-five lakhs of rupees were to be paid immediately in lieu of blackmail (*Khaṇḍani*) in cash.¹
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¹ *Nagpurkar Bhoṅsleñchen Bakhar, p. 46*; quoted by Sardesai in *Marāthī Riyāsat, Madhya Bibhāg Vol. II, p. 492*.
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It appears now that the treaties between 'Alīwardī and Raghujī Bhonsle I were in existence in Murshidabad up to 1769, as copies were sent by Nawāb Muḥammad Rizā Khān to the governor of the East India Company at Calcutta and the original treaties may still be in existence either at Murshidabad or in the Imperial Record Office. The treaty written out by Nawāb 'Alīwardī Khān and sent to Raghujī Bhonsle I ran as follows :—
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"After invoking and calling to witness the Prophet of God, he says as follows :—I swear by Qurān that I, 'Alīwardī Khān, have agreed with the Mahārāja Chhattarpati Rām Rājā to pay the *chauth* for the *ṣūbahs* of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa ; and in conjunction with Shahāmat Jang, Ṣaulat Jung, and Sirāju'd-Daulah, I likewise swear by the holy Qurān that we will enter into a firm alliance with Raghujī and his posterity and consider his friends and foes as ours. And I agree from the 18th day of the month Āsin of the Bengali Era 1157, answering to the 9th day of the month Zu'l-Qa'd in the 4th year of the reign of Aḥmad Shāh, to pay annually the sum of 12 lakhs of rupees on account of the *chauth* for the *ṣūbahs* of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, to be remitted in two *qists* every six months to Benares either through Jagat Seṭh or the Mahārāja Sarūp Chand, as he (Raghujī) shall judge proper ; on this condition that neither Raghujī nor his posterity, nor any Marhattas, nor any other chief in alliance with him shall remain in or enter these *ṣūbahs*. Nor shall they in any manner molest or have any concerns with the *zamīndārs* thereof. And if, which God forbid, I should be engaged in war, he shall assist me. If he comes himself, it will be better, if not, he shall send one of his children with whatever number of troops I shall want, and from the day of their arrival so long as I entertain them, I will give each sepoy a rupee a day for his maintenance. They are to be satisfied therewith and are not to demand any more. And when I dismiss them, they shall without delay return home and not molest the ryots of these provinces in coming and going.¹
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¹ Imperial Record Department, *Calendar of Persian Correspondence*, Vol. II, 1767-69, pp. 331-32, No. 1247.
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The original treaty signed by Raghujī Bhonsle I and delivered to ’Alīwardī Khān was also preserved at Murshidabad at least up to 1769 and a copy of which was sent by Nawāb Muḥammad Rizā Khān to the Governor. It ran as follows :—
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“After invoking and calling to witness Srī Sadā Sheo, Khaṇḍe Rāo Jagan Nath, the holy waters of the Ganges and Belbhaṇḍar, he says as follows :—I agree together with my sons Jānūjī and Mānūjī to enter into a firm alliance with the Nawāb Mahabāt Jang and his successors Shahāmat Jang and Sirāju’d-Daulah, to be faithful thereto till the last breath of our lives, and to consider their friends and foes as ours. On condition of the peace I am to receive 12 *lakhs* of rupees yearly including everything, the payments to be made agreeably to the statement drawn up. Neither I nor any of my posterity, nor other potent *sardārs* in alliance with me, shall remain in these three *ṣūbahs* dependent on the Nawāb ’Alīwardī Khān or in any way molest the *zamindārs* or have any concern with them. Rām Rājā, who has settled the *chauth* of the aforementioned *ṣūbahs* on me, shall not send any other *sardārs* into those quarters. If, which God forbid, the Nawāb should at any time be engaged in war and want assistance, I will either
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[Figure: Jagamohana of the Surya Deul—View from East Konārak—Puri District]
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repair to him myself or send one of my children with whatever number of troops the Nawāb should ask; and from the time of their arrival till the time he thinks proper to dismiss them, he will give them as much money as is necessary for their subsistence and they are to demand no more. When they are dismissed, they shall without delay return home and not oppress the ryots of those ṣūbahs when going and coming.”¹
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¹ Ibid., p. 331, No. 1245.
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A long note was forwarded with the copies of these treaties by Muḥammad Rizā Khān in his letter dated 1st January 1769.² The discrepancies between the Maratha and the Musalman version of these treaties cannot be accounted for. The summary as preserved in the Imperial Record Department appears to be the more trustworthy of the two. There is no mention of the previous payment of thirty-two lakhs of rupees before the treaty and the condition of paying twenty-five lakhs immediately in Persian Records. Such discrepancies also occur in Sardesai's account of the Maratha War of 1741-51 in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. He states about the Maratha incursions into Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa that, “In these provinces the Bhonsles led four principal campaigns. In them Raghujī, Bhāskarpant and Raghujī's son were present but everyone was not present in each of them. The dates of these campaigns are as follows:
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² Ibid., p. 330, No. 1244.
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First—1742 summer to autumn. Second—1744 Third—1748 Fourth—1751.”³
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³ Marāthi Riyāsat, Madhya Bibhāg, Vol. II, p. 484.
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In reality the third and the fourth campaigns were continual, beginning in 1748 and ending with the treaty in 1751. There is no mention of these details in Wills' account.¹
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¹ British Relations with the Nagpur State in the 18 Century, Nagpur, 1926, p. 15.
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This treaty was ratified with 'Alīwardī by Jānujī and then Maratha troops were withdrawn from Bengal. During the governorship of Śivarām Bhaṭṭa Sāṭhe Orissa prospered and cultivation increased. Mir Ḥabibullah triumphed and succeeded in punishing the murderer of Sarāfrāz Khān and the protegee of Shuja'uddīn Muḥammad Khān after twelve long years of strenuous warfare. Unfortunately, he did not live long to enjoy his triumph but he had succeeded at the risk of his life and veerything he held dear in imparting a salutary lesson to Indian Musalman traitors of the eighteenth century.
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During the Maratha incursions the English merchants of Balasore suffered much. In 1748 Mr. Kelsall, Resident at Balasore, reported that the Marathas had attacked the English factory at Balaramgarhi at the mouth of the Balasore river but that they had been driven off by the Nawāb's troops and pursued as far as Katak. He writes on the 25th February 1748, suggesting the running of the post by mounted postmen. In August of the same year Mr. Kelsall reports the Maratha attack at Balaramagarhi. Two years later in 1750 the same Mr. Kelsall complains that "Owing to the disturbances in the country he could not purchase any ready-money goods as the weavers or greater part of them have been obliged to abscond."²
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² Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1883, Vol. LII, Part I, pp. 242-43.
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Considerable misunderstanding existed among early English writers about the true nature of the position of the Marathas in Orissa after the treaty of 1751 between Raghuji Bhonsle I and Nawāb 'Alīwardī Khān. Owing to the appointment of Mīr Ḥabībullah Khān and later on of Mīr Muṣliḥuddīn Khān as Nāib Nāẓims, the English thought that the Nawāb's authority was being continued. So they speak of another Maratha invasion in 1753. In that year the Resident at Balasore writes on the 1st February that "Weavers at Balasore complain of the great scarcity of rice and provisions of all kinds occasioned by the devastation of the Mahrattas, who, 600 in number, after plundering Balasore had gone to the Nellegreen (Nilgiri ?) hills; several weavers have brought their looms into the factory; and the few who remain declare they shall be obliged to quit the place. Desires he will send him 1500 or 2000 maunds of rice on the Honorable Company's account." Even after the appointment of Śivarām Bhaṭṭa Sāṭhe as the Maratha ṣūbahdār of Katak in 1756 and the separate treaty entered with Jānuji Bhonsle by Nawāb Mīr Ja'afar 'Alī Khān in 1760 the English factors in Orissa thought that the Marathas would not retain Orissa permanently.