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The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period v4.c17.33

The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period v4.c17.33

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English

v4.c17.33.1

Meanwhile Khurram had succeeded in a few months by negotiation in settling the affairs of the Deccan more effectively than his brother had done in as many years. The degenerate rulers of the Deccan were weary of the struggle and some of their officials had been corrupted by bribes. Khurram’s success in Mewār had enhanced his reputation. Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh II the ruler of Bījāpur agreed to pay tribute and restore the conquered territory, including Ahmadnagar. Jahāngīr celebrated the peace by a magnificent reception in Māndū of the Bījāpur envoys and his son Khurram received the unique privilege of a seat in his father’s presence. He also received the title of Shāh Jahān (Sovereign of the world) which he retained later when he succeeded his father on the throne. Roe, who was present, was rather contemptuous of the whole affair, and rightly guessed that the boasted victory was no more than the avoidance of future loss. Some element of personal disappointment tinges his comments, as he had hoped a few months earlier to sell Malik ‘Ambar a quantity of the Company’s cloth and swords which were not in demand elsewhere. But in fact the settlement advanced the Moghul power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan, and while the Muhammadan rulers were rapidly losing hold the Marāthās who formed the bulk of the population had begun to realise their own strength.

v4.c17.33.2

There was no longer any need for the emperor to remain in the magnificent but uncomfortable surroundings of Māndū, and he decided to visit Gujarāt, where for the first time in his life he saw the sea. Throughout the journey Roe was endeavouring to negotiate with Āsaf Khān, thwarted perpetually by Shāh Jahān, who was against the English and constantly feared that any grant to them of rights of trade would derogate from his powers as viceroy. Roe also attempted to get the Portuguese expelled from Gujarāt, but the emperor told him that he proposed to maintain the arrangements with them that had been concluded by the former rulers of Gujarāt. A respect for the power of the Portuguese on the sea was still the deciding factor. It was not until the late autumn of 1618 that Roe finally concluded an agreement with Shāh Jahān, by which he obtained better terms than had first been offered, but not the complete freedom he desired. In particular the English were not allowed to purchase or construct their own residences,¹ though they were allowed to hire, and either the disorderly conduct of the sailors or fear of actual invasion led to restrictions on the carriage of arms. Jahāngīr with his zest for the amenities of life was disgusted with the climate and scenery of Ahmadābād. He records that he did not know whether to call it Samūmistān (the place of hot winds), Bīmāristān (the abode of sickness), Zaqqūm zār (the thorn or cactus bed) or Jahannumābād (the house of hell).

v4.c17.33.3

His reference to disease is illustrated by the descriptions of a mysterious pestilence at Ahmadābād the exact nature of which cannot be identified. It was characterised by a very high temperature and the appearance on the body of large dark-coloured blisters the matter from which produced others. Death ensued in a few hours and even the small English community lost seven members. Both the emperor and Shāh Jahān were attacked but recovered after a lengthy convalescence. There was nothing to detain the court in western India. Two chiefs in Cutch, the Jām of Navānagar and a lesser chief on the borders of Sind, had been reduced by Rājā Bikramājīt in 1617. Jahāngīr therefore set out for Āgra in the rainy season, and during the leisurely march of the court, a son was born to Shāh Jahān’s wife, who was named Aurangzīb and later became emperor. Another epidemic now threatened the court and prevented its entry into Delhi. This, from the description given by contemporary writers, was clearly bubonic plague, as they describe the characteristic mortality among rats and the appearance of swellings in the neck and groin. It had broken out in the Punjab in 1616 and had spread south and east as far as Āgra, where it was still causing 100 deaths a day early in 1619, so that Jahāngīr on arriving at Fathpur Sīkrī remained there till April.¹ During the halt at that place Nūr Jahān distinguished herself by killing a tiger with one shot.