The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c7.s7: Section IV. The Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century
The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c7.s7
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Section IV. The Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century
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The proceedings of the Muslmáns, so far as they can be traced, have been brought down to the middle of the seventeenth century. It is now necessary to turn back to the first appearance on the coast of the Portuguese who here as over the whole of the east played so grand a part through the whole of the sixteenth century. It is impossible to understand the position which they held on this coast without considering the objects which they pursued as to the whole of Asia and the enmities which they thereby excited. For many centuries the Egyptians had held the monopoly of the Indian trade, and the Venetians were closely connected with them as the chief carriers of Indian goods from Alexandria to Europe.¹ But the Portuguese immediately after the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope and their first visit to Calicut in 1498, resolved to become the commercial masters of the East, and for that purpose they not only claimed the monopoly among European nations of trading by the Cape of Good Hope, but also undertook the wonderful enterprise of conquering the whole coast of Asia, from the Red Sea round the Persian Gulf, along all the shores of India, and away to the Straits China and Japan.² This of course brought them into immediate collision with the Egyptians in the Red Sea, and with the whole body of Musalmán traders spread along the shores of the Eastern seas, who soon saw the necessity of opposing the Europeans by every artifice and every force,³ for the Musalmáns of those days had no more idea than the Christians of commerce being the right of all nations equally. Thus the Egyptians, who were the first enemies of the Portuguese, were entirely supported by the local traders; and the Venetians, seeing how seriously the defeat of the Egyptians would affect their prosperity, joined in the vain attempt to confine the Indian trade within its old bounds.⁴ The Portuguese had gradually made their way up the coast from Calicut, and had had many more or less casual encounters with the Musalmán fleets.
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¹ Robertson, 41.
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² Robertson, 151.
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³ Mickle, lxxxviii.; Robertson, 153.
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⁴ Mickle, cxviii.
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Their first voyage north of Goa appears to have been in 1503 under Vincent Sodre, who sailed along the coast as far as Cambay.⁵ This was just before their first voyage from India to the Red Sea, and no places in the Konkan are mentioned in the account of this voyage, nor anything of importance on this part of the coast until in 1507 Lorenzo d'Almeida destroyed seven vessels of the
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⁵ Correa, I. 346.
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The Portuguese, 1500-1600.
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Moors in the port of Chaul because they entered without returning his salute. He then went to Dábhol, and found the Calicut fleet there, and having called a council of war and resolved not to attack it he went on to a river four leagues from Dábhol, and took all the vessels in the harbour, and burnt them, except two richly laden ships from Ormuz, which he took with him to Cochin. His father however expressed great anger against him for not having attacked the Calicut fleet, and it is said that the remembrance of this in the following year cost him his life in the famous sea fight at Chaul, for he refused to fly or surrender though there was no possibility of otherwise saving his life.¹ At that time he had conveyed some merchantmen to Chaul, where the governor under the king of Ahmadnagar received them kindly, and permitted them to trade. But while lying in the harbour² they were suddenly attacked by the combined fleets of Egypt and Gujarát.³ The Portuguese were outnumbered, and lost the flagship with their commander, and one hundred and forty others killed and one hundred and twenty-four wounded. They put the Musalmán loss at six hundred and Ferishta at four hundred, and this was naturally claimed by the Musalmáns as a victory,⁴ but the Portuguese were soon afterwards amply avenged by the fleet of the elder Almeida, who destroyed the Egyptian fleet and the Gujarát sea power at Diu. The account of the sea fight at Chaul is thus given by the Gujarát historians : "The infidel Europeans, who had of late years usurped the dominion of the ocean, endeavoured at this time to occupy for themselves some part of the coast of Gujarát, on which they wished to settle." Amir Husan, the admiral of the Turkish Emperor Bajazet II., arrived off the coast of Gujarát with a fleet of twelve sail carrying fifteen hundred men, and Mahmúd Sháh (Begada) anxious to aid in the expulsion of the foreigners sailed in person with his fleet to Daman and Máhjm (Bombay). The Amir al' Umra Malik Aiaz Sultáni sailed also from the port of Diu, and having united his squadron with that of the Turkish admiral attacked the Portuguese fleet then lying off the harbour of Chaul. The Portuguese fled with the loss of "three thousand or four thousand infidels."⁵
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¹ Faria y Souza in Kerr's Voyages, VI. 98, 112.
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² Mr. Talboys Wheeler without giving any authority puts the first fight as well as the second at Diu. History, III, 416.
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³ Robertson, 154; Mickle, cxx. ; DeBarros, II. 294 and III. 186.
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⁴ Tohfat al Mujahidin, 92; Briggs, IV. 75.
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⁵ Rás Málá, I. 378; Bird, 214.
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A war carried on against so many enemies, in so many seas, and along so vast an extent of coast, necessarily lasted for very many years; and when the Turks had conquered Egypt they considered the expulsion of the Portuguese from the Persian gulf and from India as not less important than the Mameluke rulers had done.⁶ Therefore in 1538 Sulimán the Magnificent sent to this coast a fleet of seventy large vessels, on board of which were many Venetian galley-slaves and 7000 Janisaries.⁷ This force besieged the Portuguese in Diu, but was beaten off after the garrison had defended itself most heroically. A similar expedition and siege took place in 1546,¹ and that was apparently the last great attempt on the part of the former possessors of the Indian trade to expel the Portuguese. But as late as 1586 the Turks with ships built at Suez took two merchantmen of Chaul, and a fleet was accordingly sent against them, but was defeated by them at the entrance of the Red Sea.
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⁶ Robertson, 192.
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⁷ Mickle, cliv.; DeBarros, VIII. 50.
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¹ DeCoutto, V. 120.
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It is not likely that the Portuguese in the beginning of the sixteenth century with all their great schemes would have troubled themselves about the Konkan, if there had not been in it ports and marts of too great importance to be left in the hands of their enemies. But Chaul and Dábhol could not be so left, while the Portuguese could not spare men enough to establish themselves in these ports in the same way as they had determined to do at Goa. The state of the Musalmán kingdoms, which divided the Konkan among them, was however at this time eminently favourable to the designs of the Portuguese. The Northern Konkan as far south as Nágothna had always belonged to Gujarát² but the Southern Konkan had only just divided (as narrated in the last section) between the dynasties of Bijápur and Ahmadnagar. The rivalry which existed between these two³ was probably the cause of the Portuguese first obtaining a footing in the Konkan. The Ahmadnagar king; who had possession of the coast from Nágothna to Bánkot, admitted them into Chaul, and at a very early date accepted the protection of their fleets for the vessels which frequented his ports, and for that protection paid them a tribute, and allowed them to establish a factory at Chaul.⁴ This was between 1512 and 1521.⁵ And by the latter year the Portuguese had obtained permission to build a small fort there, and had command of the whole river.⁶ The captaincy of the fortress was already an important appointment in 1524, when Vasco da Gama took charge of the Viceroyalty there, as the first port touched at.⁷
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² DeBarros, VII. 537.
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³ Elphinstone, 416.
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⁴ DeBarros, V. 316; DeCoutto, IV. 209.
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⁵ The historians differ as to the exact year. Faria in Briggs, IV. 512; DeBarros, V. 316.
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⁶ DeBarros, VI, 69, 81.
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⁷ Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, 384.
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The good understanding between the Portuguese and the Ahmadnagar kingdom (or to speak more correctly the governors of Chaul) was scarcely broken during the sixteenth century. On the other hand the Bijápur king was too powerful on the coast to accept the protection or acknowledge the supremacy of the Portuguese fleet, and the consequence was that as early as 1608 his great port of Dábhol was destroyed by the fleet of Francisco d'Almeida, consisting of nineteen vessels and 1600 men, half of whom were natives.⁸ On several subsequent occasions the destruction was repeated;⁹ for Dábhol was so great a place of resort for ships from Malabár and Arabia that it very soon recovered its importance.¹⁰ The king of Gujarát also for some time felt no
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⁸ Faria in Briggs, IV. 507; DeBarros, III. 266.
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⁹ DeCoutto, V. 418; VII, 198, 289; IX. 326.
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¹⁰ Barbosa, 72.
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Section IV. The Portuguese, 1500-1600.
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necessity for the Portuguese alliance, and as there was no great port in his part of the Konkan the Portuguese after punishing him at Diu did not trouble themselves much about him. But in 1521 his Admiral defeated the Portuguese off Chaul, and sank one of their vessels, and remained for twenty days off the port greatly harassing them.¹ In 1527 another Gujarát fleet was sent to Chaul, but a great number of its ships were destroyed by the allied forces of the Portuguese and Ahmadnagar.² In 1528 there was a decisive battle off Bándra, in which the Portuguese took seventy-three ships out of the eighty which composed the Cambay fleet.³
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¹ Faria in Briggs, IV. 512. Bird says that this was in 1529, and the Mirát Ahmad says that Chaul was plundered on this occasion. Bird, 237.
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³ Faria in Kerr, VI. 210.
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These attacks led to frequent marauding expeditions of the Portuguese along the coast of the North Konkan, in one of which in 1529 they burnt Nágothna Bassein and Agáshi. At this time also Thána Bándra and Karanja paid tribute to the Portuguese, these towns having sent a peaceable embassy instead of resisting as the others did.⁴ The Portuguese possession of Sálsette appears to date from about this time,⁵ though Faria puts it at the same time as Bassein,² but it seems unlikely that they had any more than a very precarious hold on any of these parts for many years after this, and it is expressly stated as regards the country round Bassein that the natives were masters of these villages in time of war.⁶ The war between Gujarát and the Portuguese was continued in 1530, and the Portuguese suffered another repulse at Chaul.⁷ In 1533 an expedition consisting of eighty vessels with 1800 Portuguese and 2000 Kánarese attacked Bassein, and stayed there ten days, destroying the fortifications: after which the fleet proceeded northwards and burnt all the places as far as Tárápur.⁸ In the next year Bassein was ceded by the king of Gujarát; and he then, as Ahmadnagar had done before, but his ships entirely under the protection of the Portuguese, and agreed that none should sail from his ports without taking out Portuguese passes and paying port dues at Bassein. This⁹ last stipulation was relaxed soon afterwards on the king ceding Diu as the price of the Portuguese alliance against the Moghals, but their passes had still to be taken and dues paid to them.¹⁰ They were never however on such good terms with the Gujarát as with the Ahmadnagar kings, and there were frequent expeditions into their dominions, while in 1539 Bassein was besieged for some time by a Gujarát force.¹¹
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² Faria in Briggs, IV. 513, 514.
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⁴ DeBarros, VII. 217, 224.
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⁵ Hough, I. 156; Reg. I. of 1808.
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⁶ Cæsar Federick and Ralph Fitch in Hakluyt, II. 344, 384.
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⁷ Faria in Briggs, III. 531.
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⁸ DeBarros, VII. 501.
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⁹ DeBarros, VII. 531. This is not mentioned in the Mirát Ahmadi that after 1536 the tribute from the ports held by the Europeans was 253.
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¹⁰ DeBarros, VIII. 69.
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¹¹ Faria in Briggs.
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The Bijápur dominions in the Southern Konkan had during this time suffered from the marauding expeditions of the Portuguese quite as much as the Northern Konkan. In 1547 John de Castro made treaties both with Ahmadnagar and Bijnagar, that is
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Vijayanagar, offensive and defensive, against Bijápur. The Portuguese were bound to defend the coast of the Ahmadnagar kingdom against pirates, in return for which they were to receive as payment sailors provisions and timber for their ships. The treaty with Bijapur contained also many stipulations as to trade. Both stipulated against the ports of this coast being open to or any help being given to fleets or ships of the Turks.¹ Immediately after these treaties were concluded followed the Portuguese expedition of 1547-8, which seems to have exceeded all previous ones in cruelty and severity, for every place between Goa and Shrivardhan is said to have been burnt by the Portuguese, and the same thing was repeated in 1555 and 1557, Dábhol being always the first place to suffer. By 1548 however the Bijápur power had suffered so much as to find it necessary to cede ports to the Portuguese, and to accept the protection of their fleet; but for many years after the peace then made there were frequent hostilities in which the Southern Konkan suffered severely. In 1555 an expedition was sent from Goa which defeated the Bijápur troops at Achra and on the Kárli river, both near Málvan.² Ferishta records a Musalmán success in 1571, which the Portuguese historians do not mention. A Portuguese force landed at Dábhol to destroy it in the usual manner but the Governor laid an ambush and killed 150 of the attacking party. It is evident however that by 1560 the Portuguese were entirely masters of this coast, and once established they never drew back. The Musalmán writers quite acknowledge the importance of the position of which they were thus deprived, and complain that nothing but an insignificant coasting trade was left to them.³ The cruelties, which even the Portuguese historians admit, are of course put in a much stronger light by their victims.
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¹ Annaes Maratimos e Coloniais (1884), 69, 172.
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² DeCoutto, VI. 77, 418; VII. 169, 198, 289.
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³ Tohfat al Mujahidin, 153.
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It is easy to see that it was no part of the Portuguese plan to invade the inland parts of the country; in fact, the mere occupation of the ports would have caused too great a drain on the population of Portugal if Albuquerque had not provided his soldiers with wives from the women of Goa, baptised for the purpose, and given them grants of land in the Goa district.⁴ He thus speedily raised up a race of half-caste Portuguese, who as Christians were entirely identified in interest with the Europeans. Such parts of the interior however as were productive and could be defended were not neglected by the Portuguese.⁵ It does not appear indeed that they Portuguese.
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⁴ Gemelli in Churchill, IV. 202; Mickle, exxv.
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⁵ The writer cannot forbear from entering a protest against a view of the Portuguese proceedings in India to which the name of the author who has adopted it and the character of his books may lend strength. Colonel Meadows Taylor in "The Student's Manual of Indian History" published in 1870 says: "The Portuguese were excellent sailors: but their never attempting military operations by land except in the defence of their own seaports either marks timidity or disinclination amidst opportunities which few others would have neglected during a period of more than a hundred years." The short sketch the writer has given of the objects of the Portuguese throughout Asia is sufficient to prove how unfair and superficial it is to ascribe
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possessed any territory between Bombay and Goa except the new town of Chaul, now called Revdanda; and in 1540, when they took the fortresses of Sáksa and Karnála, they speedily restored them to Ahmadnagar for an additional tribute.¹ They had however a factory at Dábhol, though it is very seldom mentioned, and it was apparently not established till after 1570.² In the Northern Konkan they seem from the first to have held the productive villages between Bassein and Agáshi, and this small district they then and afterwards called Casaba.³ About 1556 they acquired the inland forts of Asheri and Manor⁴ as giving them the command of a rich and productive district.⁵ The fort of Asheri was considered almost impregnable, and was given up by the Abyssinian captain commanding the district on payment of Rs. 6500. A garrison of sixty soldiers was put in it and a church erected. This fort was always greatly valued by the Portuguese, and was described in 1818, after the Maráthás had had it for eighty years, as accessible only at one point, and of such natural strength that with a handful of men to defend it it may justly be considered impregnable. The latter part of the ascent is an almost perpendicular staircase (with a precipice of several hundred feet immediately below it) hewn out of the solid rock forty feet high, at the top of which is an iron door horizontally fixed, and from which the ascent is nearly as steep and of equal height to a second gateway.⁶ Soon after the capture of Asheri and Manor, Daman, which the Portuguese had long coveted, was ceded to them, and with it apparently a good deal of the coast between Daman and Bassein. The Tárápur pargana is mentioned as the best and most prosperous of all the districts within the jurisdiction of Daman. In 1559 a body of Abyssinians made an attack on Sanján and Tárápur; at the latter place there was then only a stockaded fort (tranqueira) and forty men, but the Abyssinians after ravaging some villages were beaten off.⁷ In 1569 there was an expedition against the Kolis which seems to have penetrated quite up to the foot of the Gháts, and a stockaded fort permanently held by the Portuguese is spoken of at Sáyván on the Vaitarna river. The Koli country was again ravaged in 1583, and on both occasions the Portuguese suffered considerable loss from the difficulty of the country and the activity of their enemy, whom
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¹ DeCoutto, IV. 184, 201.
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² Milburn, I. 305; Bruce, I. 23; DeCoutto, X. 17.
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³ Gemelli in Churchill, IV. 190; O Chronista, I. 30.
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⁴ There is no trace of any fort at Manor, nor is there any commanding site near the present town.
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⁵ DeCoutto, VII. 229.
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⁶ Dickenson's Manuscript Report.
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⁷ DeCoutto, VIII. 28, 208.
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the want of activity of so small a nation in Gujarát and the Dakhan "to timidity or disinclination," while a comparison between their exploits and settlements in a hundred years and those of the English in the first hundred years after their coming to India can certainly not be unfavourable to the Portuguese. An historian of the first class may be properly, and the writer hopes conclusively, quoted against Colonel Taylor. Dr. Robertson says of the Portuguese conquests: "By the enterprising valour, military skill, and political sagacity of the officers who had supreme command in India, and who have a title to be ranked with persons most eminent for virtues or abilities in any age or nation, greater things were perhaps achieved than were ever accomplished in so short a time." Historical Disquisition, 150.
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they described as jumping along from tree to tree like monkeys. The chief towns of the Kolis mentioned at this time are called Darila, possibly Darje Tavar and Vazen (perhaps Vásind). Tavar appears to have been to the north of Daman; but the other two in the Konkan, and Darila is described as a considerable town of great stone and tiled houses.¹
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¹ DeCoutto, IX. 257 and XI. 346.
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In 1570 the kings of Bijápur and Ahmadnagar entered into an alliance against the Portuguese; and while the Bijápur troops in great force invaded the district around Goa, those of Ahmadnagar besieged Chaul, which was defended by Don Francisco de Mascarenhas, afterwards the first Viceroy under Philip II. of Spain.² This was one of the severest trials the Portuguese ever had to undergo, and the result covered them with glory. They estimated the troops of Ahmadnagar which invaded their territories at 42,000 cavalry and 120,000 infantry, a force which it is needless to say would have eaten up the Konkan ten times over. After the Musalmáns had several times unsuccessfully assaulted the fort a battle was fought outside, in which the Musalmáns were defeated, and soon after they made peace and retired.³ All that the Muhammadan historian Ferishta says of this expedition is that the king Mortaza Nizám Sháh marched against the fort of Revdanda belonging to the Portuguese, but was obliged to raise the siege after a blockade of some months, as the enemy obtained provisions by sea, owing to the treachery of the Nizám Sháhi officers who were bribed by presents, particularly of wine.⁴ While this was going on the Portuguese were able to make an attack from Bassein on Kalyán, which then belonged to Ahmadnagar. The suburbs were burnt and a considerable booty taken. Their fleet also destroyed Dábhol.⁵ On the other hand 4000 Ahmadnagar cavalry marched along the Konkan north of Chaul to cut off reinforcements and supplies from Bassein, and the Portuguese were besieged in Karanja, where they had a small fort and forty men: they were however relieved from Sálsette.⁶ The terms of the peace were altogether favourable to the Portuguese.
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² DeCoutto, IX. 290.
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³ DeCoutto, IX. 453 and X. 17; Faria in Briggs, IV. 522.
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⁴ Briggs, III. 254. A very full account of the siege will be found in DaCunha's Chaul and Bassein, 47.
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⁵ DeCoutto, IX. 326, 427.
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⁶ DeCoutto, IX. 362.
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From the descriptions given of Chaul at the time of the two sieges⁷ it appears that the main part of the fortifications were built between 1570 and 1592, and an inscription states that those along the beach were made in 1577.⁸ It was later than this the extensive fortifications at Bassein were begun, though there had been a fort there since 1536.⁹ In 1597 the new works having got on very slowly, Ayres de Silva de Mello was sent to superintend them.¹⁰
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⁷ DeCoutto, IX. 290; XIII. 165.
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⁸ Hearn, III.
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⁹ DeBarros, VIII, 102.
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¹⁰ DeCoutto, XIV. 65.
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In 1592 there was again war with Ahmadnagar, as the king had determined to expel the Portuguese from the Chaul creek. It is
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not clear whether the rock of Korlai, which commands the entrance of the creek, and which was called by the Portuguese and other Europeans Il Morro, had ever been in the possession of the Portuguese before this.¹ It was always looked upon by them as a position of the greatest value, and in 1557 they had determined to get possession of it somehow, but the king of Ahmadnagar on their asking for it temporised with them while he began to fortify it himself. The Portuguese had a cross at the extreme point which was miraculously preserved from the attempts the Musalmáns made to destroy it, while their fleet bombarded the rock, and prevented the Musalmáns from working at the fortifications. In the end an arrangement was come to, that no fort should be built on the rock by either people.² Nevertheless in 1592 when war broke out the Musalmáns were in possession of a fort there which is described as a wonder of strength and completeness, and Ferishta implies that it had only lately been built. They greatly harassed the Portuguese at Revdanda, having a considerable force outside the fort as well as within, and the latter after many skirmishes, being reinforced from Bassein and Sálsette, determined to beat up the enemy's camp, but without any idea of taking Korlai. On the night of September 4, 1594, fifteen hundred Portuguese crossed the river and attacked the Musalmán camp. The Musalmáns, though not altogether unprepared, fled to the fort, and the Portuguese following were able to enter with them through the first gateway being blocked by a wounded elephant. The resistance though brave was disorganised, and after about two hours the Portuguese got possession of the whole of the works, with a loss of only twenty-one killed and fifty wounded, the Musalmáns being said to have lost 10,000 men. The fort was destroyed, as the Portuguese could not afford men to garrison it, but they retained the battery commanding the entrance to the creek, and afterwards rebuilt the fort on the original plan.³
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¹ Gemelli says the Portuguese built a fort there in 1520 (Churchill, IV. 200), but this is not borne out by the accounts of their historians.
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² DeCoutto, VII. 370.
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³ DeCoutto, XIII; Briggs, IV. 284; Hearn, 42. Ferishta's account of these proceedings does not differ much from that given by the Portuguese historians, but he puts the Musalmán loss in the final assault at twelve thousand, and says that the Portuguese reduced the fort to ashes. Briggs, III. 284.
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After this the Portuguese had full possession of the creek and the kingdoms both of Bijápur and Ahmadnagar were now too near extinction to give them serious trouble. Yet in 1609 the Musalmán governor in Chaul sent out a fleet of thirty prows to cruise against the Portuguese, and the latter could get no redress from the Ahmadnagar government.⁴ This last event may be taken as illustrating the view of the Portuguese historians, that as the period up to 1560 was the infancy of their power in India, and from 1560 to 1600 its manhood, so from 1600 its decline began.⁵ And as their rise had been rapid and their success marvellous, so their decline began early and was unchecked. After the beginning of the seventeenth century no more is heard of aggression or acquisition on their part, and they appear to have owed the retention of the territory they had to the forbearance or the dissensions of their neighbours. The few events in which they took part after this will be mentioned in the history of their struggles with the Dutch in the next section and in the account of the Maráthás. But it is necessary now to give some description of the way in which the Portuguese managed their possessions in the Konkan and of the causes which led to their decline and resulted in their losing this part of the coast.
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⁴ Faria in Briggs, III. 528.
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⁵ Hough, II, 213.
Linked texts (5)
- Tārīkh-i Firishta — Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Firishta 1606, Persian
- Bassein
- Karli
- Agashi
- Chaul