[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [General history and culture](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general) › [The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882) › c7.s9 # The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c7.s9: Section VIII. The Angrias The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c7.s9 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [c7.s9.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.2) — 4 parts - [c7.s9.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18) — 6 parts - [c7.s9.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.21) — 5 parts ### Section VIII. The Angrias ### [c7.s9.2.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.2.1) The family of Angria is by caste Marátha, and its splendour may be considered almost to have begun and ended with Kánhoji, although his father Tukáji had early distinguished himself in Shiváji's fleet.¹ It has been already stated that Kánhoji's power rapidly increased during the unsettled days of Sambháji and Sháhu, and in 1713 he was recognised as virtually independent, and was in fact master of all the coast with the forts on it from Bombay to Vijaydurg besides a good deal of the inland country. He made Vijaydurg his capital and in doing so showed himself a sailor of a different sort from Shiváji. It may probably also be owing to the same uncompromising spirit that he was from the first on terms of enmity, more or less pronounced, with the Bombay Government. As early as 1717 the English had already made an attempt on Vijaydurg, but were not successful.² In 1719 a force from Bombay attempted to take Khanderi from Angria, but failed.³ The then Viceroy at Goa is vaguely said to have chastised Angria,⁴ but in November 1720 the Portuguese found it advisable to unite with the English against him, and they burnt sixteen of his vessels which were lying in the Vijaydurg river, but could do nothing against the fort. ### [c7.s9.2.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.2.2) In 1722 the same allies attacked Kolába with three British ships of the line and a Portuguese army but failed, and in 1724 the Dutch attacked Vijaydurg with a fleet of seven ships of the line, two bomb ketches and some land forces, but they succeeded no better than the others. Kánhoji was naturally encouraged by these failures, and in 1727 he took the Darby, a richly-laden English ship besides many Dutch and French ships at different times, and our East India Company are said at this time to have been put to an annual expense of £50,000 in keeping up an armed squadron to protect their trade against the pirates, of whom Kánhoji was the acknowledged chief. In 1728 however he died and his possessions were soon all in confusion. His eldest legitimate son Sakhoji retained possession of Kolába until his death soon afterwards, when his illegi-timate brothers Mánáji and Yesáji were put in charge by Sambháji, the second legitimate son, who lived at Suvarndurg. Mánáji and Yesáji having quarrelled, Mánáji with the assistance of the Portuguese took Kolába and put Yesáji's eyes out. Sambháji then attacked him, but Mánáji got assistance from the Peshwa, to whom he yielded the forts of Kutla (probably Kothigad) and Rájmáchi, and repulsed Sambháji.¹ The war between these two continued for a good many years with various alternations of alliances, but the Bombay Government appear always to have opposed the whole family. ### [c7.s9.2.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.2.3) In 1730 they made an offensive and defensive alliance with Phond Sávant against the Ángriás generally, and in 1733 a similar one with the Sidi,² but these appear to have had no particular result. The next hostilities we hear of were in December 1738 when Commodore Bagwel with four grabs was cruising in search of Sambháji's fleet, and on the 22nd came upon nine of his grabs and thirteen gallivats issuing from the Vijaydurg river. They stood up the coast, but the Commodore immediately bore down on them, and they took refuge in the Rájápur river, displaying all their flags. They ran up the river further than the English vessels could follow them, and the Commodore could only give them a few broadsides, which however did much damage and killed their Admiral.³ After this it was Mánáji's turn to be troublesome, and he took Karanja and Elephanta, but soon afterwards Sambháji attacked him and took Chaul, Álibág, Ságargad, and Thal. Báláji Bájiráv was sent from the Dakhan to help to defend Kolába, and distinguished himself in an attack on an outpost, and with his assistance Mánáji held his own.⁴ In the meanwhile the English drove Sambháji's fleet down as far as Suvarndurg, where they cannonaded his camp and refused to allow him to retire to the fort. He however managed to effect his escape. ### [c7.s9.2.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.2.4) In 1740 Sambháji took possession of Bharatgad, Bhagvantgad, and the greater part of the Vádi possessions in the Sálshi province, and these were not recovered till 1748.⁵ About this time Sambháji died and was succeeded by his half-brother Tuláji. He like the rest, whether rendering or refusing obedience to the Peshwás, never failed to plunder the ships of all those who were not too strong for him. The Sávants and the Kolhápur captains did the same, and these both now and later went among the English by the general name of Málvans,⁶ as at an earlier period other pirates were called Sunguiceers from Sangameshvar their principal station.⁷ ### [c7.s9.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.3) ¹ Grant Duff, 163. ### [c7.s9.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.4) ² Milburn, I. 295. ### [c7.s9.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.5) ³ Bom. Quar. Review, III. 57. ### [c7.s9.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.6) ⁴ Kloguen, 50. ### [c7.s9.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.7) ¹ Grant Duff, 231; Macpherson, 181. ### [c7.s9.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.8) ² Aitchison's Treaties, VI. 119, 200. ### [c7.s9.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.9) ³ Bom. Quar. Review, IV. 75. ### [c7.s9.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.10) ⁴ Grant Duff, 247. ### [c7.s9.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.11) ⁵ Hutchinson, 157. ### [c7.s9.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.12) ⁶ Grant Duff, 288; Field Officer, 163. ### [c7.s9.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.13) ⁷ DeCoutto, XII, 30. ### [c7.s9.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.14) Matters went on in this way till 1755, when the Portuguese having entirely lost their power, and the Maráthás being on unusually good terms both with the English and the Sidi, the two powers determined to reduce Tuláji Ángria by a joint expedition. The Maráthás were to keep Vijaydurg and the English to receive Bánkot with the sovereignty of the Mahád river, and a few villages on its banks.⁸ Orme has given a long and interesting account⁹ of the operations that followed, and his description of the equipment and manœuvres of the pirates is also too apt to the purpose of this history to allow of much curtailment. Facts related by other authorities and in particular by Ives, who was surgeon on board Admiral Watson's ship at the taking of Gheria, will be interpolated in Orme's narrative. ### [c7.s9.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.15) ⁸ Grant Duff, 288. ### [c7.s9.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.16) ⁹ History, I. 407-417. ### [c7.s9.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.17) "The piracies which Angria exercised upon ships of all nations indifferently, who did not purchase his passes, rendered him every day more and more powerful. The land and sea breezes on this coast, as well as on that of Coromandel, blow alternately in the twenty-four hours, and divide the day, so that vessels sailing along the coast are obliged to keep in sight of land, since the land winds do not reach more than forty miles out to sea. There was not a creek, bay, harbour, or mouth of a river along the coast of his dominions in which he had not erected fortifications and marine receptacles to serve both as a station of discovery and as a place of refuge to his vessels; hence it was as difficult to avoid the encounter of them as to take them. His fleet consisted of grabs and gallivats, vessels peculiar to the Malabar coast. The grabs have rarely more than two masts, although some have three; those of three are about 300 tons burthen, but the others are not more than 150. They are built to draw very little water, being very broad in proportion to their length, narrowing however from the middle to the end, where instead of bows they have a prow, projecting like that of a Mediterranean galley, and covered with a strong deck, level with the main deck of the vessel, from which however it is separated by a bulk-head which terminates the forecastle. As this construction subjects the grab to pitch violently when sailing against a head sea, the deck of the prow is not enclosed with sides as the rest of the vessel, but remains bare, that the water which dashes upon it may pass off without interruption. On the main deck under the forecastle are mounted two pieces of cannon of nine or twelve pounders, which point forwards through the portholes cut in the bulk-head, and fire over the prow; the cannon of the broadside are from six to nine pounders. The gallivats are large row-boats built like the grab but of smaller dimensions, the largest rarely exceeding seventy tons: they have two masts, of which the mizen is very slight; the main mast bears only one sail, which is triangular and very large, the peak of it when hoisted being much higher than the mast itself. In general the gallivats are covered with a spar deck, made for lightness of split bamboos, and these carry only petteraroes, which are fixed on swivels in the gunnel of the vessel: but those of the largest size have a fixed deck on which they mount six or eight pieces of cannon from two to four pounders. They have forty or fifty stout oars, and may be rowed four miles an hour. Eight or ten grabs, and forty or fifty gallivats, crowded with men, generally composed Angria's principal fleet destined to attack ships of force or burthen. The vessel no sooner came in sight of the port or bay where the fleet was lying, than they slipped their cables and put out to sea. If the wind blew, their construction enabled them to sail almost as fast as the wind; and if it was calm, the gallivats rowing towed the grabs. When within cannon shot of the chase they generally assembled in her stern, and the grabs attacked her at a distance with their prow guns, firing first only at the masts, and taking aim when the three masts of the vessel just opened all together to their view, by which means the shot would probably strike one or other of the three. As soon as the chase was dismasted, they came nearer and battered her on all sides until she struck; and if the defence was obstinate, they sent a number of gallivats with two or three hundred men in each, who boarded sword in hand from all quarters in the same instant. ### [c7.s9.18.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18.1) "The Maráthás who were in possession of the main land opposite to Bombay, had several times made proposals to the English Government in the island, to attack this common enemy with their united forces, but it was not before the beginning of 1755 that both parties happened to be ready at the same time to undertake such an expedition. The Presidency then made a treaty with Rámáji Pant, Báláji Peshwa’s general in these parts, and agreed to assist the Maráthás with their marine force in reducing Suvarndurg, Bánkot, and some others of Angria’s forts, which lie near to Chaul, a harbour and fortified city belonging to the Maráthás. Accordingly Commodore James, the commander-in-chief of the Company’s marine force in India, sailed on the 22nd of March in the \*Protector\* of forty-four guns, with a ketch of sixteen guns and two bomb vessels; but such was the exaggerated opinion of Angria’s strongholds, that the Presidency instructed him not to expose the Company’s vessels to any risk by attacking them, but only to blockade the harbours whilst the Marátha army carried on their operations by land. Three days after the Marátha fleet, consisting of seven grabs and sixty gallivats, came out of Chaul, having on board 10,000 land forces, and the fleets united proceeded to Comara-bay, where they anchored in order to permit the Maráthás to get their meal on shore, since they are prohibited by their religion from eating or washing at sea. ### [c7.s9.18.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18.2) Departing from hence they anchored again about fifteen miles to the north of Suvarndurg when Rámáji Pant with the troops disembarked in order to proceed the rest of the way by land. Commodore James now receiving intelligence that the enemy’s fleet lay at anchor in the harbour of Suvarndurg represented to the Admiral of the Marátha fleet, that by proceeding immediately thither they might come upon them in the night, and so effectually blockade them in the harbour that few or none would be able to escape. The Marátha seemed highly to approve the proposal, but had not authority enough over his officers to make any of them stir before the morning, when the enemy discovering them under sail, immediately slipped their cables and put to sea. The Commodore then flung out the signal for a general chase; but as little regard was paid to this as to his former intention; for although the vessels of the Maráthás had hitherto sailed better than the English, such was their terror of Angria’s fleet, that they all kept behind, and suffered the \*Protector\* to proceed alone almost out of their sight. The enemy on the other hand exerted themselves with uncommon industry, flinging overboard all their lumber to lighten their vessels, not only crowding all the sails they could bend; but also hanging up their garments, and even their turbans, to catch every breath of air. ### [c7.s9.18.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18.3) The \*Protector\*, however, came within gun-shot of some of the sternmost, but the evening approaching, Commodore James gave over the chase, and returned to Suvarndurg which he had passed several miles. Here he found Rámáji Pant with the army besieging, as they said, the three forts on the main land; but they were firing only from one gun, a four-pounder, at the distance of two miles, and even at this distance the troops did not think themselves safe without digging pits, in which they sheltered themselves covered up to the chin from the enemy's fire. The Commodore, judging from these operations that they would never take the forts, determined to exceed the instructions which he had received from the Presidency, rather than expose the English arms to the disgrace they would suffer, if an expedition in which they were believed by Angria to have taken so great a share, should miscarry. The next day, the 2nd of April, he began to cannonade and bombard the fort of Suvarndurg situated on the island;¹ but finding that the walls on the western side which he attacked, were mostly cut out of the solid rock, he changed his station to the north-east between the island and the main; where whilst one of his broadsides plied the north-east bastions of this fort the other fired on Fort Goa, the largest of those upon the main land. ### [c7.s9.18.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18.4) The bastions of Suvarndurg however, were so high, that the Protector could only point her upper tier at them, but being anchored within a hundred yards, the musketry in the round tops drove the enemy from their guns, and by noon the parapet of the north-east bastions was in ruins, when a shell from one of the bomb vessels set fire to a thatched house, which the garrison, dreading the Protector's musketry, were afraid to extinguish; the blaze spreading fiercely at this dry season of the year, all the buildings of the fort were soon in flames, and amongst them a magazine of powder blew up. On this disaster the inhabitants, men women and children with the greatest part of the garrison, in all near 1000 persons, ran out of the fort, and embarking in seven or eight large boats, attempted to make their escape to Fort Goa, where the enemy after suffering a severe cannonade, hung out a flag as a signal of surrender; but whilst the Maráthás were marching to take possession of it, the governor, perceiving that the Commodore had not yet taken possession of Suvarndurg, got into a boat with some of his most honest men, and crossed over to the island, hoping to be able to maintain the fort until he should receive assistance from Dábhol which is in sight of it. ### [c7.s9.18.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18.5) Upon this the Protector renewed her fire upon Suvarndurg, and the Commodore finding that the governor wanted to protract the defence until night, when it was not to be doubted that some boats from Dábhol would endeavour to throw succours into the place, he landed half his seamen under cover of the fire of the ships, who with great intrepidity ran up to the gate, and cutting down the sallyport with their axes, forced their way into it; on which the garrison surrendered: the other two forts on the main land had by this time hung out flags of truce, and the Maráthás took possession of them.¹ This was all the work of one day, in which the spirited resolution of Commodore James destroyed the timorous prejudices which had for twenty years been entertained of the impracticability of reducing any of Ángria’s fortified harbours. On the 8th of April the fleet and army proceeded to Bánkot which surrendered on the first summons, and the Maráthás consented that the Company should keep it. Rámáji Pant was so elated by these successes, that he offered Commodore James 2,00,000 rupees if he would immediately proceed to Dábhol and some other of the enemy’s forts a little to the southward of that place; and certainly this was the time to attack them, during the consternation into which the enemy were thrown by the losses they had just sustained. ### [c7.s9.18.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.18.6) But the monsoon was approaching, and the Commodore having already exceeded his orders, would not venture to comply with the Marátha’s request without permission from Bombay. But the Presidency, notwithstanding the unexpected successes of their arms, was so solicitous for the fate of one of their bomb ketches, a heavy flat-bottomed boat incapable of keeping the sea in tempestuous weather, that they ordered him to bring back the fleet into harbour without delay. Accordingly on the 11th he delivered the forts of Suvarndurg to the Maráthás, striking the English flag, which for the honour of their arms he had hitherto caused to be hoisted in them, and on the 15th sailed away with his ships to Bombay : the Marátha fleet at the same time returned to Chaul. ### [c7.s9.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.19) ¹ The fort of Suvarndurg had at this time fifty guns mounted on the ramparts, and the three forts on the shore eighty between them. Milburn, I. 295. ### [c7.s9.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.20) ¹ The land forts were of little value except as appendages to Suvarndurg. An examination of the fort at Harnai will prove that the present gateway on the land side is quite modern, the only original gateway having opened on to the rocks facing Suvarndurg. The walls on the land side are much stronger and higher than those towards the sea. ### [c7.s9.21.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.21.1) “ The Maráthás had in the meantime sent a force from Poona and taken some other forts in the Suvarndurg district and threatened Ratnágiri.² Bánkot was not given up till after the rains, when the name of the fort was changed from Himmatgad to Fort Victoria, and eventually the sovereignty of the river and ten villages on it were ceded. This was, excepting Bombay, the first territory the English possessed on the west side of India, and besides being valued for the bullocks that could be obtained there, it soon afterwards was found most useful as a recruiting³ ground for our native regiments. ### [c7.s9.21.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.21.2) It was probably also valued as a harbour, for the anchorage was then much better than it has since become, and the river was navigable for large vessels.⁴ A treaty regulating the trade of the river was concluded in the following year.⁵ After the rains the Maráthás under Rámáji Pant again commenced operations in the Konkan, and early in the year 1756 they took Anjanvel and Dábhol after a siege, and reported the prospect of the immediate capture of Govalkot.³ They then continued their operations, and before the expedition against Vijaydurg started had reduced all the coast forts north of that without any particular loss, except at Rájápur, where 300 men were killed by an accidental explosion of gunpowder.⁶ " After the rains it was determined to attack Gheria, but it was so long since any Englishman had seen this place, that trusting to the report of the natives, they believed it to be at least as strong as Gibraltar, and like Gibraltar situated on a mountain inaccessible from the sea. For this reason it was resolved to send vessels to reconnoitre it, which service Commodore James, in the \*Protector\* with two other ships, performed. ### [c7.s9.21.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.21.3) He found the enemy's fleet at anchor in the harbour, notwithstanding which he approached within cannon shot of the fort, and having attentively considered it, returned at the end of December to Bombay, and described the place such as it really was, very strong indeed, but far from being inaccessible or impregnable.¹ Upon his representation it was resolved to prosecute the expedition with vigour. The Marátha army under the command of Rámáji Pant marched from Chaul, and the twenty-gun ship, and the sloop of Mr. Watson's squadron, were sent forward to blockade the harbour where they were soon after joined by Commodore James in the \*Protector\* and another ship which was of 20 guns belonging to the Company. On the 11th of February the Admiral with the rest of the ships arrived. The whole united fleet now consisted of four ships of the line, of 70, 64, 60, and 50 guns, one of 44, three of 20, a grab of 12, and five bomb-ketches, fourteen vessels in all. Besides the seamen, they had on board a battalion of 800 Europeans with 1000 sepoys under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Clive. Ives says that the Marátha army consisted of 5000 or 6000 horse and as many foot. ### [c7.s9.21.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.21.4) Their fleet was three or four grabs and forty or fifty gallivats, and was lying in the Rájápur creek (about four miles north of Gheria), the small fort of which they had taken before the English fleet arrived.² On its appearance Angria was so terrified that he left his town to be defended by his brother and went and put himself into the hands of the Maráthás who having crossed the river at some distance from the sea, were already encamped to the eastward of the peta. Here he endeavoured to prevail on Rámáji Pant to accept of a ransom for his fort, offering a large sum of money if he would divert the storm that was ready to break upon him. But the Marátha availing himself of his fear, kept him a prisoner, and extorted from him an order directing his brother to deliver the fortress to the Maráthás, intending if he could get possession of it in this clandestine manner to exclude his allies the English from any share of the plunder. The Admiral receiving intelligence of these proceedings, sent a summons to the fort on the morning after his arrival, and receiving no answer, ordered the ships to weigh in the afternoon as soon as the sea wind set in. They proceeded in two divisions, parallel to each other, the larger covering the bomb-ketches and smaller vessels from the fire of the fort. ### [c7.s9.21.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.21.5) As soon as they had passed the point of the promontory, they stood into the river, and anchoring along the north side of the fortifications, began, at the distance of fifty yards, to batter them with 150 pieces of cannon; the bomb-ketches at the same time plied their mortars, and within ten minutes after the firing began, a shell fell into one of Angria’s grabs, which set her on fire; the rest being fastened together with her, soon shared the same fate, and in less than an hour this fleet, which had for fifty years been the terror of the Malabár coast, was utterly destroyed. In the meantime the cannonade and bombardment continued furiously, and silenced the enemy’s fire. But the governor did not surrender when the night set in. Intelligence being received from a deserter that he intended to give up the place the next day to the Maráthás, Colonel Clive landed with the troops; and in order to prevent the Maráthás from carrying their scheme into execution, took up his ground between them and the fort. ### [c7.s9.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.22) ² Grant Duff, 290. ### [c7.s9.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.23) ³ Bánkot Manuscript Diaries. ### [c7.s9.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.24) ⁴ Milburn, I. 294; Forbes, I. 103. ### [c7.s9.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.25) ⁵ Aitchison, VI. 4. ### [c7.s9.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.26) ⁶ Grant Duff, 291. ### [c7.s9.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.27) ¹ Ives wrote that there was a large town south of the fort crowded and populous and the houses covered with cadjans. Ives, 80. ### [c7.s9.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.28) ² Ives, 82. ### [c7.s9.29](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.29) Ives states with regard to the occurrences of this day that the Admiral summoned the fort to surrender on the day he arrived (the 11th) but received only a defiance. Next morning he sent another message, which was not replied to. The engagement began about two o’clock by the fort firing on the \*Kingfisher\*. The firing went on over half an hour before the \*Restoration\* grab, which had belonged to the East India Company and had been taken by Angria caught fire. From the grabs the fire was communicated to a large ship lying on the shore, and from that to the arsenal, storehouse, suburbs and city, and even to several parts of the fort, particularly a square tower, where it continued burning all night with such violence that the stone walls appeared like red-hot iron. About 6-30 the fire of the fort was entirely silenced, but the bomb vessels continued throwing in shells till daylight. Clive landed about 9 P.M.¹ ### [c7.s9.30](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.30) ¹ Ives, 82. ### [c7.s9.31](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.31) Early in the morning the Admiral summoned the place again, declaring that he would renew the attack and give no quarter if it was not delivered up to him in an hour: in answer to which the governor desired a cessation of hostilities until the next morning, alleging that he only waited for orders from Angria to comply with the summons. The cannonade was therefore renewed at four in the afternoon; and, in less than half an hour the garrison, unable to stand the shock any longer, called out to the advanced guard of the troops on shore that they were ready to surrender, upon which Lieutenant-Colonel Clive immediately marched up and took possession of the fort. It was found that notwithstanding the cannonade had destroyed most of the artificial works upon which they fired, the rock remained a natural and almost impregnable bulwark; so that if the enemy had been endowed with courage sufficient to have maintained the place to extremity, it could only have been taken by regular approaches on the land side. There were found in it 200 pieces of cannon, six brass mortars, and a great quantity of ammunition and military and naval stores of all kinds: the money and effects of other kinds amounted to 120,000 pounds sterling. All this booty was divided amongst the captors, without any reserve either for the nation or the Company. Besides the vessels which were set on fire during the attack, there were two ships, one of them of forty guns, upon the stocks, both of which the captors destroyed. ### [c7.s9.32](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.32) "Ives describes the cannonade on the second day as longer than Orme says. A magazine in the fort was blown up by it about 2 P.M. and the signal of surrender shown at 4. But the governor not being willing to admit the troops that night fire was again renewed, and full submission made at 5-15. Clive had been making his approaches all this time and had greatly annoyed the enemy with his cannon. The colonel and the whole army marched into the fort on the 14th at sunrise, and found in it ten English and three Dutch prisoners. Our loss in killed and wounded amounted to about twenty. ### [c7.s9.33](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.33) "Whilst the fleet were employed in taking on board the plunder, the Maráthás sent detachments to summon several other forts, which surrendered without making any resistance. Thus in less than a month they got possession of all the territories wrested from them by Angria's predecessors, and which they had for seventy years despaired of ever being able to recover. In the beginning of April the fleet returned to Bombay, where Mr. Watson repaired his squadron." ### [c7.s9.34](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.34) Orme in this says nothing of the charges of treachery and bad faith which have so often been made against the British leaders at Gheria.¹ It is not necessary here to go into the question, but the following seems a fair statement of the case: "The allies (Maráthás and English) seem to have been quite as desirous of outwitting each other as of overcoming the enemy. Both parties meditated an exclusive appropriation of the booty which was anticipated and both took much pains to attain their object. The English were successful. The place fell into their hands, and their Marátha friends were disappointed of the expected prize."² This capture of Vijaydurg is one of the few events that have taken place in the Konkan which is thought worthy of mention by all the historians of British India, and it may be mentioned that after Admiral Watson's death in the following year the East India Company erected a monument to him in Westminster Abbey, and that a pillar commemorative of the capture of Suvarndurg is still standing at Shooter's Hill near London. ### [c7.s9.35](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.35) ¹ Grant Duff, 291; Mill, III, 172 & note. ### [c7.s9.36](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.36) ² Thornton, I, 182. ### [c7.s9.37](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.37) Tuláji Angria's family were taken in the fort and he himself sent as a prisoner to a fort near Ráygad and kept in confinement till his death.³ The tombs of Tuláji and his six wives, one of whom became a sati, are shown outside the fort at Vijaydurg. His two sons escaped after twelve or fourteen years' captivity and were protected in Bombay. ### [c7.s9.38](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.38) ³ Grant Duff, 292. ### [c7.s9.39](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.39) The Bombay Government were now exceedingly anxious to keep Vijaydurg and give back Bánkot, but the Maráthás could not be induced to consent to this, as the possession of this fort had been the Peshwa’s chief object in making the treaty and the expedition with the English.¹ ### [c7.s9.40](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.40) ¹ Grant Duff, 292. ### [c7.s9.41](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.41) As the other branch of the Ángria family which retained the Kolába principality for nearly a hundred years longer never took any prominent part in the affairs of the coast, it is as well to mention here the little that need be said about them. Mánáji was in alliance with the Maráthás till his death in 1759, when he succeeded by his son Rághoji, who lived and reigned till 1793. He did not forget the piratical instincts of the family, but Forbes who passed through his territories in 1771 on his way from Dásgaon to Bombay heard from some Europeans who were in his service that he was generally beloved by his people and less oppressive than most Marátha princes. He resided in the island of Kolába (as his successors continued to do), where were the palace treasury and other public buildings, but the stables gardens and larger edifices for which the fort could afford no accommodation were at Alíbág.² Rághoji was succeeded by his son Mánáji, who was first rejected and then acknowledged by the Peshwa and finally deposed by Daulatráv Sindia in 1799 in favour of another member of the family. But the grandson of the last Mánáji eventually succeeded, and died just before the conquest of the Peshwa’s territories by the English.³ By this time the state had been reduced by gradual encroachments to a very small compass, and the whole revenue did not exceed three lákhs of rupees. The Rája was however considered independent but received investiture from the Peshwa.⁴ In 1840 on the death of the last of the Ángriás of the direct and legitimate line the state lapsed to the British Government. Since that the buildings in the fort of Kolába have gone to ruin. ### [c7.s9.42](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.42) ² Oriental Memoirs, I. 225. ### [c7.s9.43](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.43) ³ Grant Duff, 506, 531; Aitchison’s Treaties, VI. 181. ### [c7.s9.44](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.44) ⁴ Elphinstone in East India House Selections, IV. 153. ### [c7.s9.45](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.45) The fort of Ságargad, four miles from Alíbág, which is said to have been built by Kánoji Ángria, must have dominated the whole of the Alíbág sub-division, except so much as was protected by the Chaul forts. It is very extensive and might certainly have held a large number of troops, but the fortifications cannot be called strong, and the unsubstantial walls and gateways differ much from those of Shiváji’s fortresses. The appearance of the fort however from some points is remarkably fine. The outer walls surround the top of the hill, which in many places has a good natural scarp. At the south end the hill stretches out in a narrow tongue, and at the end of this is a tapering pinnacle of rock detached from the hill by a narrow chasm to a considerable depth. It may be assumed that there was no fort here in the sixteenth century as the hill is never mentioned by Portuguese writers. ### [c7.s9.46](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.46) SECTION IX. ### [c7.s9.47](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.47) THE MARATHÁS FROM THE FALL OF THE ÁNGRIÁS TO THE ACCESSION OF BÁJIRÁV. ### [c7.s9.48](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.48) 1756 TO 1796. ### [c7.s9.49](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.49) THE chief events in the history of the Konkan between 1739 and 1760 have been related in the last section as referring mostly to the Ángriás. A little more must be said to show the general condition of the country during that period, and then the regular course of its history subsequently to 1760 will be taken up. ### [c7.s9.50](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.50) From the time that the Maráthás by expelling the Portuguese became the paramount power in the North and a great part of the the South Konkan, a period of comparative peacefulness, and therefore of prosperity, began. The English Government at Bombay now first appear on the scene with sufficient influence to interfere with effect among the coast powers. The first treaty they entered into with the Maráthás was concluded at Bassein in 1739 immediately after the capture of that place. It was chiefly occupied with the commercial relations of the two governments, the admission of the Maráthás to the Máhim river (Bándra creek), and the granting of passes by each government to trading vessels. One stipulation shows in a strong light the insecurity of the seas outside Bombay, and the little command the Maráthás had over it, namely that their fishing boats carrying provisions or goods from Máhim to Vesáva should be protected by two fighting gallivats of the English. ### [c7.s9.51](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.51) The Maráthás however seem to have made as good arrangements as were practicable for the defence of their new possessions and the protection of their subjects. In 1760 the fort of Bassein was in good repair and the gate on the south-east had been closed. The fort at Dáhánu had just been repaired in order to protect the inhabitants against the pirates. The fort at Tárápur was also repaired and a new fort was being built at Kelva.¹ As to their treatment of their subjects other than Hindus mention has been already made of their tolerance towards the Christians of Sálsette and Bassein. Towards the Musalmáns of the North Konkan their conduct was equally praiseworthy. The Portuguese had allowed no kázis in their territory, but Báláji Bájiráv re-established the office, bestowing it apparently on Musalmáns who had done service to the Maráthás, and endowing it with ináms. He made the kázi of Trombay the head of all those in the North Konkan, the kázis of Kalyán Bhiwndi and other places being his náibs. Similarly, though probably dating from earlier times, the kázi of Thal was the head of those in the present Kolába district. The condition of Sálsette in 1760 is said to have been such that it was full of villages almost all Christian and returned to the cultivators of its soil more than twenty-four lákhs of rupees a year.¹ This must have been an exaggeration, but it is likely that the toleration in religion shown to the inhabitants of whatever creed made them endure without much complaining the additional taxes which the Maráthás imposed immediately after the conquest. ### [c7.s9.52](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.52) ¹ Aitchison's Treaties, III. 10. ### [c7.s9.53](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.53) ¹ Du Perron, I. 380, 385. ### [c7.s9.54](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.54) The state of the district between Bombay and Gheria may be gathered from the last section, and all that can be said about the district of Málvan is that it was, as ever, distracted by the strifes of the Ángriás, the Sávants, and the Kolhápur Maráthás, but until the downfall of the Ángriás their influence over it appears to have been the strongest. ### [c7.s9.55](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.55) In 1760 the Maráthás thought it time to recommence operations against Janjira, and Rámáji Pant Phadnavis, the Sar Subhedár of the Konkan, besieged the island assisted by a corps of Portuguese. The English took part with the Sidi and hoisted the British flag at Janjira² and thus the Maráthás had a good cause of quarrel with the Bombay Government. But the disastrous battle of Pánipat in 1761, the death of the Peshwa Báláji Bájiráv, and the succession of a minor, with the internal dissensions which followed, restrained for a time the aggressive spirit of the Maráthás. Raghunáthráv, during the youth of the Peshwa Mádhavráv, aspired to rule the Marátha state, and was anxious to keep on good terms with the English, who now desired to possess territory. As most convenient to Bombay their first designs were on Sálsette and Bassein,³ but Raghunáthráv was not yet prepared to yield places so valuable and so lately conquered, and therefore the articles of agreement now concluded with him contained no territorial concession except a very doubtful one of the island of Underi or Hennery.⁴ The whole tone of the agreement, however, shows that the English were now in a much stronger position than they had ever been before, and the independence of the Sidi was so far secured that the Maráthás undertook to restore his territories and not again molest them. By 1766 the Peshwa Mádhavráv had established his own power and so far retrieved the position of the state that the wish of the English to become possessed of Sálsette or even of the islands in Bombay harbour received no attention. Thus matters continued till 1771, when with the death of Mádhavráv began those misfortunes which ended in the destruction of the Marátha state in 1818. ### [c7.s9.56](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.56) ² Grant Duff, 324. ### [c7.s9.57](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.57) ³ Grant Duff, 324. ### [c7.s9.58](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.58) ⁴ Aitchison's Treaties, III. 22. ### [c7.s9.59](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.59) Grant Duff looks on Mádhavráv as superior in character and abilities to any of his predecessors, and though he was only twenty-seven when he died, "he is deservedly celebrated for his firm support of the weak against the oppressive, of the poor against the rich, and, as far as the constitution of society permitted, for his equity to all. He made no innovations; he improved the system established, endeavoured to amend defects without altering forms, and restricted a corruption which he could not eradicate.”¹ So also Elphinstone says of him that “he was the first who introduced order into the internal administration, and showed a sincere desire to protect his subjects from military violence, and to establish something like a regular dispensation of justice.”² It will be useful therefore here to consider the Maratha system of government as it existed at this time for the Konkan, for it is certain that in the troubles which henceforward more or less encompassed the state under such degenerate descendants of the first Peshwas as Raghunathrav and his son Bajirav, the limits of authority were but little attended and the good of the country was entirely neglected; yet while Nana Phadnavis’ power was untrammelled, the revenue management of some of the districts at least was regular and systematic.³ ### [c7.s9.60](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.60) ¹ Grant Duff, 326, 352. ### [c7.s9.61](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.61) ² East India House Selections, IV. 146. ### [c7.s9.62](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.62) ³ Chaplin’s Report (1824), 144. ### [c7.s9.63](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.63) There was from the first a Sar Subhedar of the Konkan, four or five other provinces being ruled by an officer of the same rank and title. His residence was at Bassein,⁴ the new town of which was after its occupation by the Marathas called Bajipur. Under the Sar Subhedar were the mamlatdars, whose districts were much larger than those of the present officers of the same name, and generally yielded about five lakhs of rupees. The amount of revenue expected was fixed by the government at the beginning of the year, and the mamlatdar was allowed to levy a moderate extra percentage for himself. He was encouraged in Madhavrav’s time, but apparently not obliged, to live in his districts.⁵ There was generally no one in authority between the mamlatdar and the patils of the villages; and as criminal and civil justice and police were also administered by the Sar Subhedar the mamlatdars and the patils, it is evident that the latter class must in many cases have had great power. Under this system a few powerful officials ruled large districts in which they were not necessarily resident, holding office only from year to year and with power to pay themselves by percentages: and although this may have worked well enough under the strict and intelligent supervision of Madhavrav, yet under such rulers as his immediate predecessors and successors it must have been oppressive in the highest degree. And judging by what we are told of the Maratha government of Salsette it was so,⁶ for it is not likely that the administration would be more severe on the people there than in the older possessions which were valued less highly. The ablest of the mhatras who have already been mentioned as village headmen under the Portuguese were made patils by Khandoji Mankar the first subhedar of Salsette,⁶ and this officer began by raising the assessment of all lands ten per cent above what it had been under the Portuguese, and by establishing a house-tax, a tobacco-tax, and a shop-tax or \*mohtarfa\*. Many additional taxes were afterwards imposed,¹ and wherever there seemed room for getting in a fresh one it was levied, even although it might apply only to two or three villages. Sálsette was divided into seven districts, each under a \*haváldár\* and \*kárkuns\*, and it would appear from this also that there were no regular civil officers between the \*subhedár\* and the \*pátils\*. The island, however, notwithstanding these heavy taxations is said to have been prosperous till the death of Báláji Bájiráv in 1761. Returns of the year 1768 show that the district of Kályán, which extended from the Pen river to the Vaitarna and from the Gháts about thirty miles towards the sea and contained 742 villages, besides the towns of Kályán and Bhiwndi, had a revenue of 4½ lákhs from the land and 2½ from customs.² This was undoubtedly a very large amount for such a district considering the circumstances of the times. On the other hand Forbes' description of the districts he passed through in 1771 between Álíbág and Dásgaon does not give one the idea of the country being much worse off as to cultivation and population than it is now.³ ### [c7.s9.64](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.64) ⁴ Grant Duff, 324. ### [c7.s9.65](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.65) ⁵ Grant Duff, 354. Thus Forbes states that in 1771 the governor of Mahad lived at Poona, while his divan cruelly oppressed the people. Oriental Memoirs, I. 194. ### [c7.s9.66](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.66) ⁶ Reg. I. of 1808. ### [c7.s9.67](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.67) ¹ Reg. I. of 1808. ### [c7.s9.68](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.68) ² Kályán Manuscript Diaries. ### [c7.s9.69](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.69) ³ Oriental Memoirs, I, 204. ### [c7.s9.70](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.70) The first event in the Konkan after the accession of Náráyanráv in 1771 was the reduction of Ráygad, the \*haváldár\* of which had been for some months in rebellion. About the same time a British envoy was sent to reside at Poona, with the chief object of obtaining the cession of Sálsette Bassein and the islands of Bombay harbour,⁴ which the Court of Directors had now for several years looked on as a matter of the highest importance, declaring in 1769⁵ that Sálsette Bassein and their dependencies and the Maráthás' proportion of the Surat provinces were all that they sought for on the west side of India. Sálsette was wanted because its produce almost supplied Bombay, and with Karanja and Bassein quite sufficed for the wants of the English. Bassein was necessary for the provision of timber for the Company's dockyard.⁶ Some of the inhabitants of the island are said to have treated with the Bombay Government for its delivery a little later than this.⁷ After the death of Náráyanráv the ambition and unpopularity of Raghunáthráv made the alliance of the English very necessary to him, notwithstanding which he at the end of 1774 positively refused to surrender the coveted territory. But just at this time it was rumoured that a Portuguese armament was on the way from Europe to recover Sálsette, and the Bombay Government being determined that no European nation should again settle themselves so close to Bombay resolved to take the island by force. Thána had just been reinforced by 500 Maráthás: but on December 12 a force of 600 European and 1200 Native troops were sent up the creek from Bombay. The batteries were opened on the twentieth; on the twenty-seventh an attempt was made to fill up the ditch, but was repulsed with the loss of 100 Europeans. On the following evening, however, the fort was carried by assault with trifling loss on our side and the greater part of the garrison was put to the sword. Commodore Watson who commanded the naval force had previously been mortally wounded.¹ More than a hundred cannon were found on the walls, but most of them had been damaged or dismounted during the siege.² ### [c7.s9.71](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.71) ⁴ Grant Duff, 359, 371. ### [c7.s9.72](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.72) ⁵ Mill, III, 603. ### [c7.s9.73](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.73) ⁶ Historical Account, 9. ### [c7.s9.74](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.74) ⁷ House of Commons Reports, VIII, 43. ### [c7.s9.75](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.75) ¹ Grant Duff, 373-74. ### [c7.s9.76](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.76) ² Forbes, I. 452. ### [c7.s9.77](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.77) In the meantime a small force under Colonel Keating had been sent against Vesáva, and two attempts at escalade were repulsed. But on the fourth day when our batteries opened the fort surrendered. Colonel Keating then took another detachment against Karanja, the fort on the top of which was small, badly constructed, and mounted only fourteen guns. This was soon evacuated, and Elephanta and Hog Island were then surrendered without resistance.³ Thus by New Year's Day of 1775 Sálsette and its dependencies, including Bássein, were in the possession of our Government, and as if to show that Sálsette was not to be given up, the fortifications of Thána were immediately improved by the construction of a glacis and esplanade.⁴ Three months later Raghunáthráv, now hard-pushed by what was called the ministerial party of the Marátha state, ceded Sálsette and other possessions to the English⁵ by a treaty signed at Surat, and from this arose what is known in history as the First Marátha War. Bassein was, however, restored to the Maráthás⁵ and Dásgaon and Kumla, two of the villages belonging to the English on the Bánkot river which had been taken by the Maráthás in February 1775, were retained by them till 1784, it may be presumed by arrangement.⁶ ### [c7.s9.78](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.78) ³ House of Commons Reports, VIII. 166. ### [c7.s9.79](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.79) ⁴ Grant Duff, 376; Aitchison's Treaties, III. 24. ### [c7.s9.80](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.80) ⁵ Mill, III. 608, 619. As nothing is said of the taking of Bassein by any of the authorities it must be assumed that it was effected by arrangement. ### [c7.s9.81](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.81) ⁶ Bánkot Manuscript Diaries. ### [c7.s9.82](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.82) No mention is made anywhere of a declaration of war against the Maráthás but in the same month (December 1774) in which Thána was taken there was a rather serious sea fight off Gheria. The \*Revenge\* of twenty-eight guns and the \*Bombay\* grab of twenty-four fell in there with the whole Marátha fleet consisting of the Admiral's ship of forty-four guns, three of twenty-four to thirty-two each, five ketches of twelve to fourteen each, and ten gallivats of six to ten each. The four largest bore down on the English ships, but after a warm engagement the Admiral's ship took fire and blew up, and the rest of the fleet fled and got under shelter of Gheria fort. The two English ships saved thirty-four men out of 420 on board the Admiral's ship and sent them into Gheria.⁷ ### [c7.s9.83](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.83) ⁷ Parsons, 217. Parsons sailed in the \*Revenge\* not long after this, so his account may be relied on. Grant Duff (page 386) seems to make the date a little later. ### [c7.s9.84](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.84) In 1776 the internal dissensions of the Marátha state enabled an impostor to obtain some power, and circumstances made him choose the Konkan as the field of his exploits. He was known as Sadáshiv Chimnáji professing to be the son of Chimnáji Appa and to have escaped from the field of Pánipat, and he had been for some time in confinement at Ratnágiri in charge of the Subhedár Rámchandra Paránjpe. This man released him and he soon got a large force together, and by the end of the rains had taken twenty of the Konkan forts and had a following of 20,000 men. He marched through the Konkan and soon had possession of most of it, and in October went up the Borghát. There however he was attacked, and being driven down again tried to get protection at Bombay, as the Government had to some extent countenanced him, but not getting admittance he went on to Kolába. Rághoji Angria there took him prisoner and sent him to Poona, where he was soon afterwards put to death. A force was then sent into the Konkan under Bháuráv Phanse and speedily reduced it to obedience. Raghunáthráv, now an exile, and ready to ally himself with any one, had left Surat with the ostensible purpose of joining the pretended Sadáshiv Bháu, but had been compelled to seek shelter at Tárápur, from whence he came in November to Bombay in one of the Company's vessels.¹ There was at this time owing to the treaty of Purandhar peace between the English and Maráthás, but in January 1777 it was reported from Goa that the Marátha fleet had left Gheria with the design of attacking the Revenge and the Bombay grab, so the two vessels sailed off to look for them. After searching in vain about Gheria the Marátha fleet was found on February 16 at the entrance of a port of theirs called Cole Arbour, three frigates, five ketches and ten gallivats. The two ships went within gunshot of them, but they declined action.² ### [c7.s9.85](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.85) ¹ Grant Duff, 395, 398. ### [c7.s9.86](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.86) ² Parsons, 243. ### [c7.s9.87](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.87) To the year 1777 also belongs the account of a curious intrigue carried on by an adventurer named St. Lubin in the name of the French Government. It is not clear how far he was authorised by that Government, but it appears certain that his enterprise was made with their knowledge. He arrived on the coast in a French merchant ship in March or April 1777, the port of landing being called "Collaby, a place at the entrance into the river of Chaul." The cargo consisting of artillery, firearms, copper, and cloth, was landed at Chaul, and an escort of twenty-five Arab sepoys, an elephant, twenty camels, and some horse was sent from Poona, with a palanquin, to conduct St. Lubin thither. On his arrival he was well received by Nána Phadnavis, and he presented credentials from the King of France, which the French authorities in India, as well as the English, declared to be forgeries. Nána Phadnavis, however, favoured him, probably with no other object than to annoy the English, whose jealousy of French influence in India was notorious. In January 1778 the Bombay Government were informed that an agreement had been signed at Poona between the ministers and St. Lubin by which Revdanda or Chaul was to be made over to the French, so as to serve them as a port for the disembarkation of troops, and this information is said to have strengthened our Government in their resolution to support Rághoba. But negotiations were still going on with the ministers, and St. Lubin was at last dismissed from Poona in July or August 1778, having before this unsuccessfully applied to the Portuguese authorities to allow French troops to march through their possessions. By this time it had apparently become plain to the Marátha government that they would gain nothing by further negotiations with him.¹ But the question of the cession of Chaul and Kevdauda to the French was again under discussion in 1786:² so that the French, who were at this time pressing us so hard in the south of India, would seem to have entertained the idea of opposing us near Bombay also. ### [c7.s9.88](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.88) ¹ Grant Duff, 399, 404; Historical Account, 115-170. ### [c7.s9.89](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.89) ² Grant Duff, 468. ### [c7.s9.90](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9.90) By the autumn of 1778 Raghunáthráv was again in the ascendant, and on the pretext that the ministerial party had not observed the treaty of Purandhar a new engagement was entered into by our Government with him under which he was to be recognised as Peshwa, and the province of Bassein and the island of Khánderi were to be ceded to Bombay.³ This led two years later to the only serious campaign in the Konkan in which our troops were ever engaged. The advanced party of the force intended to conduct Raghunáthráv to Poona, took possession of the Borghát, and the main body of the troops left Bombay on November 23, and after taking the fort at Belápur and leaving in it a garrison of sixty men disembarked at Panvel where they remained for several days. After a further unnecessary delay the force went up the Ghát on December 23.⁴ The unfortunate events that followed, including the disgraceful convention of Vadgaon do not belong to the history of the Konkan, but while the army was above the gháts all supplies had to be sent from below, and to keep the road open between Panvel and Khopavli (Campolee) a company of Europeans, three of sepoys, and two guns were sent out under the command of Colonel Egerton. Raghunáthráv had also a force at Kalva opposite to Thána, but the enemy had about the district five thousand horse which had come down the Kására Ghát. It appears on the whole that communications between Panvel and Khopavli were not generally kept open, and that the two parties in the Konkan were pretty equally matched.⁵ _First 101 of 294 passages. [Read on](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9)_ ## Linked texts (8) - [Raygad](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.raygad) - [Rasalgad](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.monument.rasalgad) - [Khed](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.khed) - [Nānāghāṭ](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.nanaghat) - [Mahuli](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.mahuli) - [Vasai](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.vasai) - [Tala](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.tala) - [Mahad](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.mahad) --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.fleet-1882.c7.s9) · Pramāṇa